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NOTE 32. Unhappiness with the National Banking System

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Unhappiness with the National Banking System

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The previous big push for statism in America had occurred during the Civil War, when the

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virtual One-Party Congress, after secession of the South, emboldened the Republicans to

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enact their cherished status program under the cover of war.

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The alliance of big business and big government with the Republican Party drove through an

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and income tax, heavy excise taxes on such sinful products as tobacco and alcohol, high

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protective tariffs, and huge land grants and other subsidies to transcontinental railroads.

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The overbuilding of railroads led directly to Morgan's failed attempts at railroad

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pools and finally to the creation, promoted by Morgan and Morgan Controlled Railroads,

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of the Interstate Commerce Commission in 1887.

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The result of that was the long, secular decline of the railroads beginning before 1900.

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The income tax was annulled by Supreme Court action but was reinstated during the progressive

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period.

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The most interventionary of the Civil War actions was in the vital field of money and

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banking.

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The approach toward hard money and free banking that had been achieved during the 1840s and

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in the 1850s was swept away by two pernicious inflationary measures of the wartime Republican

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administration.

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One was fiat money greenbacks, which depreciated by half by the middle of the Civil War and

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were finally replaced by the gold standard after urgent pressure by hard-money Democrats,

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but not until 1879, some 14 full years after the end of the war.

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A second and more lasting intervention was the National Banking Acts of 1863, 1864 and

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1865, which destroyed the issue of banknotes by state chartered or quote, state banks by

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a prohibitory tax and then monopolized the issue of banknotes in the hands of a few large

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federally chartered quote, national banks, mainly centered on Wall Street.

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In a typical cartelization, national banks were compelled by law to accept each other's

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notes and demand deposits at par, negating the process by which the free market had previously

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been discounting the notes and deposits of shaky and inflationary banks.

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In this way, the Wall Street federal government establishment was able to control the banking

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system and inflate the supply of notes and deposits in a coordinated manner.

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But there were still problems.

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The national banking system provided only a halfway house between free banking and government

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central banking, and by the end of the 19th century, the Wall Street banks were becoming

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increasingly unhappy with the status quo.

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The centralization was only limited, and, above all, there was no governmental central

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bank to coordinate inflation and to act as a lender of last resort, bailing out banks

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in trouble.

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No sooner had bank credit generated booms when they got into trouble and bank-created

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booms turned into recessions, with banks forced to contract their loans and assets and to

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deflate in order to save themselves.

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Not only that, but after the initial shock of the National Banking Acts, state banks

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had grown rapidly by pyramiding their loans and demand deposits on top of national banknotes.

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These state banks, free of the high legal capital requirements that kept entry restricted

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in national banking, flourished during the 1880s and 1890s and provided stiff competition

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for the national banks themselves.

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Furthermore, St. Louis and Chicago, after the 1880s, provided increasingly severe competition

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to Wall Street.

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Thus, St. Louis and Chicago bank deposits, which had been only 16% of the St. Louis,

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Chicago and New York City total in 1880, rose to 33% of that total by 1912.

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All in all, bank clearings outside of New York City, which were 24% of the national

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total in 1882, had risen to 43% by 1913.

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The complaints of the big banks were summed up in one word, inelasticity.

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The national banking system they charged did not provide for the proper elasticity of the

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money supply.

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That is, the banks were not able to expand money and credit as much as they wished, particularly

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in times of recession.

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In short, the national banking system did not provide sufficient room for inflationary

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Expansions of Credit by the Nation's Banks By the turn of the century, the political

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economy of the United States was dominated by two generally clashing financial aggregations.

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The previously dominant Morgan Group, which had begun in investment banking and expanded

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into commercial banking, railroads and mergers of manufacturing firms, and the Rockefeller

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Forces, which began in oil refining and then moved into commercial banking, finally forming

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an alliance with the Kuhn-Lebb Company in investment banking and the Harriman Interests

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in railroads.

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Although these two financial blocks usually clashed with each other, they were as one

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on the need for a central bank.

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Even though the eventual major role in forming and dominating the Federal Reserve system

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was taken by the Morgans, the Rockefeller and Kuhn-Lebb forces were equally enthusiastic

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in pushing and collaborating on what they all considered to be an essential monetary

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reform.
