The Gold Standard Act of 1900 and after
Any reform legislation had to wait until after the elections of 1898, for the gold forces were not yet in control of Congress.
In the autumn, the Executive Committee of the Indianapolis Monetary Convention mobilized its forces,
calling on no less than 97,000 correspondents throughout the country through whom it had distributed the preliminary report.
The Executive Committee urged its constituency to elect a gold standard Congress.
When the gold forces routed the civil rights in November, the results of the election were
hailed by Hanna as eminently satisfactory.
The decks were now cleared for the McKinley administration to submit its bill, and the
Congress that met in December 1899 quickly passed the measure.
Reformers then passed the conference report of the gold standard act in March 1900.
The currency reformers had gotten their way.
It is well known that the gold standard act provided for a single gold standard with no
retention of silver money except as tokens.
Less well known are the clauses that began the march toward a more, quote, elastic currency.
As Lyman Gage had suggested in 1897, national banks, previously confined to large cities,
were now made possible with a small amount of capital in small towns and rural areas.
And it was made far easier for national banks to issue notes.
The object of these clauses, as one historian put it, was to satisfy a quote, increased
demand for money at crop moving time, and to meet popular cries for more money by encouraging
the organization of national banks in comparatively undeveloped regions."
The reformers exalted over the passage of the gold standard act, but took the line that
this was only the first step on the much needed path to fundamental banking reform.
Thus, Professor Frank W. Tosig of Harvard praised the act and greeted the emergence
of a new social and ideological alignment caused by quote, strong pressure from the
business community, end quote, through the Indianapolis Monetary Convention.
He particularly welcomed the fact that the gold standard act quote, treats the national
banks not as grasping and dangerous corporations, but as useful institutions deserving the
and the Fostering Care of the Legislature.
But such tender legislative care was not enough.
Fundamental banking reform was needed, for, Tosig declared,
The changes in banking legislation are not such as to make possible any considerable
expansion of the national system or to enable it to render the community the full service
of which it is capable.
In short, the change is allowed for more and greater expansion of bank credits and the
supply of money.
Therefore, Tosik concluded, quote, It is well nigh certain that eventually Congress will
have to consider once more the further remodeling of the national bank system, end quote.
In fact, the gold standard act of 1900 was only the opening gun of the banking reform
movement.
Three friends and financial journalists, two from Chicago, were to play a large role in
the development of that movement.
Massachusetts-born Charles A. Conant, 1861-1915, a leading historian of banking, wrote A History
of Modern Banks of Issue in 1896, while still a Washington correspondent for the New York
Journal of Commerce and an editor of Bankers Magazine.
After his stint of public relations work and lobbying for the Indianapolis convention, Conant
moved to New York in 1902 to become treasurer of the Morgan-oriented Morton Trust Company.
The two Chicagoans, both friends of Lyman Gage, were, along with Gage, in the Rockefeller
ambit.
Frank A. Vanderlip was picked by Gage as his assistant secretary of the treasury, and when
When Gage left office, Vanderlip came to New York as a top executive at the flagship commercial
bank of the Rockefeller interests, the National City Bank of New York.
Meanwhile, Vanderlip's close friend and mentor at the Chicago Tribune, Joseph French
Johnson, had also moved east to become professor of finance at the Wharton School of the University
of Pennsylvania.
No sooner had the gold standard act been passed when Joseph Johnson sounded the Trump by calling
for more fundamental reform.
Professor Johnson stated flatly that the existing banknote system was weak in not, quote, responding
to the needs of the money market, end quote, that is, not supplying a sufficient amount
of money.
Since the national banking system was incapable of supplying those needs, Johnson opined,
There was no reason to continue it.
Johnson deplored the U.S. banking system as the worst in the world and pointed to the
glorious central banking system as existed in Britain and France.
But no centralized banking system yet existed in the United States.
Quote, In the United States, however, there is no single business institution and no group
group of large institutions, in which self-interest, responsibility, and power naturally unite
and conspire for the protection of the monetary system against twists and strains."
In short, there was far too much freedom and decentralization in the system.
In consequence, our massive deposit credit system, quote, trembles whenever the foundations
are Disturbed."
That is, whenever the chickens of inflationary credit expansion come home to roost in demands
for cash or gold.
The result of the inelasticity of money and of the impossibility of interbank cooperation,
Johnson opined, was that we were in danger of losing gold abroad just at the time when
gold was needed to sustain confidence in the nation's banking system.
After 1900, the banking community was split on the question of reform.
The small and rural bankers preferring the status quo, but the large bankers, headed
by A. Barden Hepburn of Morgan's Chase National Bank, grew up a bill as head of a commission
of the American Bankers Association and presented it in late 1901 to Representative Charles
N. Fowler of New Jersey, chairman of the House Banking and Currency Committee, who had introduced
The Hepburn proposal was reported out of committee in April 1902 as the Fowler Bill.
The Fowler Bill contained three basic clauses.
One allowed the further expansion of national bank notes based on broader assets than government
bonds.
The second, a favorite of the big banks, was to allow national banks to establish branches
at Home and Abroad, a step illegal under the existing system due to fierce opposition by
the small country bankers.
While branch banking is consonant with a free market and provides a sound and efficient
system for calling on other banks for redemption, the big banks had little interest in branch
banking unless accompanied by centralization of the banking system.
Thus, the Fowler Bill proposed to create a three-member Board of Control within the Treasury
Department to supervise the creation of the new bank notes and to establish clearinghouse
associations under its aegis.
This provision was designed to be the first step toward the establishment of a full-fledged
central bank.
Although they could not control the American Bankers Association, the multitude of country
bankers up in arms against the proposed competition of big banks in the form of branch banking
put fierce pressure upon Congress and managed to kill the Fowler Bill in the House during
1902, despite the agitation of the executive committee and staff of the Indianapolis Monetary
Convention.
With the defeat of the Fowler Bill, the big bankers decided to settle for more modest
goals for the time being.
Senator Nelson W. Aldrich of Rhode Island, perennial Republican leader of the U.S. Senate
and Rockefeller's Man in Congress submitted the Aldrich bill the following year, allowing
the large national banks in New York to issue, quote, emergency currency based on municipal
and railroad bonds.
But even this bill was defeated.
Meeting setbacks in Congress, the big bankers decided to regroup and turn temporarily to
the executive branch.
foreshadowing a later, more elaborate collaboration, two powerful representatives, each from the
Morgan and Rockefeller banking interests, met with the Comptroller of the Currency,
William B. Ridgely, in January 1903, to try to persuade him, by administrative fiat, to
restrict the volume of loans made by the country banks in the New York money market.
The two Morgan men at the meeting were J.P. Morgan and George F. Baker, Morgan's closest
The Close Rockefeller-Stillman Alliance was cemented by the marriage of the two daughters of Stillman to the two sons of William Rockefeller, brother of John D. Rockefeller Sr. and longtime board member of the National City Bank.
The meeting with the Comptroller did not bear fruit, but the lead instead was taken by the Secretary of the Treasury himself, Leslie Shaw, formerly presiding officer at the second Indianapolis Monetary Convention, whom President Roosevelt appointed to replace Lyman Gage.
The unexpected and sudden shift from McKinley to Roosevelt in the presidency meant more
than just a turnover of personnel.
It meant a fundamental shift from a Rockefeller-dominated to a Morgan-dominated administration.
In the same way, the shift from Gage to Shaw was one of the many Rockefeller to Morgan
displacements.
On monetary and banking matters, however, the Rockefeller and Morgan camps were as one.
Secretary Shaw attempted to continue and expand Gage's experiments in trying to make the
Treasury function like a central bank, particularly in making open market purchases in recessions
and in using Treasury deposits to bolster the banks and expand the money supply.
Shaw violated the statutory institution of the independent Treasury, which had tried
to confine government revenues and expenditures to its own coffers.
Instead, he expanded the practice of depositing treasury funds in favored big national banks.
Indeed, even banking reformers denounced the deposit of treasury funds to pet banks as
artificially lowering interest rates and leading to artificial expansion of credit.
Furthermore, any government deficit would obviously throw a system dependent on a flow
of new government revenues into chaos.
All in all, the reformers agreed increasingly with the verdict of economist Alexander Porves
that quote, the uncertainty as to the secretary's power to control the banks by arbitrary decisions
and orders and the fact that at some future time the country may be unfortunate in its
chief treasury official has led many to doubt the wisdom, end quote, of using the treasury
as a form of central bank.
In his last annual report of 1906, Secretary Shaw urged that he be given total power to
regulate all the nation's banks, but the game was up and by then it was clear to the
reformers that Shaw's, as well as Gage's, proto-central bank manipulations had failed.
It was time to undertake a struggle for a fundamental, legislative overhaul of the American
banking system, to bring it under central banking control.