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NOTE 49. Epilogue: Return of the Morgans

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Epilogue Return of the Morgans

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It is well not to cry for the Morgans.

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Though permanently dethroned by the New Deal, they were able to make a comeback by the late

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1930s.

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The great thrust for economic nationalism had subsided and the Morgans were able to

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begin to work again for stabilization of exchange rates.

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In the fall of 1936, the United States entered into a tripartite agreement with Great Britain

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and France, the three countries agreeing not exactly on fixed exchange rates, but on maneuvering

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to support each other's exchanges at least within any given 24-hour period.

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Soon, the agreement, which was to last until World War II, was expanded to include Belgium,

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Holland and Switzerland.

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As the nations moved toward World War II, the Morgans, who had long been closely connected

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with Britain and France, rose in importance in American foreign policy, while the Rockefellers,

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who had little connection with Britain and France and had patent agreements with IG Farben

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in Germany, fell in relative strength.

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Secretary of State Cordell Hall, a close, longtime friend of FDR's roving ambassador

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and Morgan man Norman H. Davis took the lead in exerting pressure against Germany for its bilateral rather than multilateral trade agreements, and for its exchange controls, all put in place to defend a chronically overvalued mark.

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As the United States prepared to enter World War II, it made its economic war aims brutally simple.

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The Ending of the Economic and Monetary Nationalism of the 1930s and their replacement by a new

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international economic order based upon the dollar instead of the pound.

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In the trade area, this meant vigorous U.S. promotion of exports and the reduction of

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tariffs and quotas against American products, the so-called, quote, open door for American

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in Commerce and Investments, and in the monetary sphere, it meant the breakup of national currency

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blocks and the restoration of multilateral exchanges with fixed parities based upon the

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dollar.

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Even as the United States prepared to enter the war to save Britain, its continuing conflict

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with the British proclivity for exchange controls and an imperial preference block remained unsolved.

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The resolution of the problem came after lengthy negotiations throughout World War II, culminating

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in the Bretton Woods Agreement in July 1944.

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Basically, the agreement was a compromise in which the United States won the main point,

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a new, multilateral world of fixed exchange rates of currencies based on the dollar, while

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the Americans accepted the British Keynesian insistence on jointly promoting permanent

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Inflationary Policies to Ensure Full Employment The United States had achieved the objective

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expressed by Secretary Morgenthau, to move the financial center of the world from London

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to the United States Treasury.

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It is no wonder that, in January 1945, Lamar Fleming Jr., President of Anderson, Clayton

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and Company, the world's largest cotton export brokers, could write to his longtime colleague

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and boss William L. Clayton that the, quote, British Empire and British international influence

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is a myth already, end quote.

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The United States would soon become the protector of Britain against the emerging Russian landmass,

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prophesies Fleming, and this would mean, quote, the absorption into the American Empire

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of the Parts of the British Empire, which we will be willing to accept."

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The dominant role in the critical wartime negotiations leading up to Brenton Woods was played not

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by the State Department, but secretly by the Council of Foreign Relations, or CFR, a highly

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influential organization of businessmen and experts set up by the Morgans after World

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War I to promote an internationalist foreign political and economic policy.

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Private study groups set up by the CFR intermeshed and virtually dictated to parallel study groups

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established by the sometimes reluctant Department of State.

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President of the CFR from 1936 until 1944 and director of this effort was none other

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than Norman Davis, long-time Morgan affiliate and disciple of Morgan partner Henry P. Davison.

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The Morgans, indeed, were back.

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During the war, many Morgan-oriented men who had strongly opposed the economic nationalism

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of the early New Deal happily came back to help run the World War II and post-war version

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of the New Era.

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Lewis W. Douglas, Dean Acheson, who had left the New Deal because of its radical monetary

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measures, was back as Assistant Secretary of State for Monetary Affairs.

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Acheson's mentor, Henry L. Stimson, was Secretary of War, and Stimson's other disciple, John

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J. McCloy, in effect ran the war effort as his Deputy Secretary.

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And when the Aileen Cordell Hull retired in late 1944, he was replaced as Secretary of

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State by Edward Stettinius, son of a Morgan partner and himself former President of Morgan-dominated

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United States Steel.

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After World War II, the Morgans were content to slide into a new role as junior partner

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to the Rockefellers.

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The new prominence of oil made the Rockefellers the dominant force in the political and financial

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Eastern establishment.

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The Rockefellers assumed control of the Council of Foreign Relations, the entire shift being

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neatly symbolized by the new post-war role of John J. McCloy, who was to serve as chairman

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of the Council of Foreign Relations, of the Rockefeller Foundation, and of the Rockefeller

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flagship bank, the Chase National Bank.

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The old verities and financial group conflicts of the pre-World War II era had disappeared

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and had been transformed into a new world.