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NOTE 57. The Gold-Exchange Standard in Operation: 1926-1929

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The Gold Exchange Standard in Operation, 1926-1929

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By the end of 1925, Montague Norman and the British establishment were seemingly monarch

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of all they surveyed.

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Backed by Strong and the Morgans, the British had had everything their way.

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They had saddled the world with a new form of pseudo-gold standard, with other nations

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was pyramiding money and credits on top of British sterling, while the United States,

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though still on a gold coin standard, was ready to help Britain avoid suffering the

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consequences of abandoning the discipline of the classical gold standard.

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But it took little time for things to go very wrong.

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The crucial British export industries chronically whipsawed between an overvalued pound and

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The rigidly high wage rates kept up by strong, militant unions and widespread unemployment

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insurance kept slumping during an era when worldwide trade and exports were prospering.

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Unemployment remained chronically high.

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The unemployment rate had hovered around 3% from 1851 to 1914.

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From 1921 through 1926, it had averaged 12% and unemployment did little better after the

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The Return to Gold In April 1925, when Britain returned to gold,

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the unemployment rate stood at 10.9%.

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After the return, it fluctuated sharply, but always at historically very high levels.

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Thus, in the year after return, unemployment climbed above 12%, fell back to 9% and jumped

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to over 14% during most of 1926.

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Unemployment fell back to 9% by the summer of 1927, but hovered around 10-11% for the

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next two years.

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In other words, unemployment in Britain during the entire 1920s lingered around severe recession

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levels.

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The unemployment was concentrated in the older, previously dominant and heavily unionized

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industries in the north of England.

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The pattern of the slump in British exports may be seen by some comparative data.

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If 1924 is set equal to 100, world exports had risen to 132 by 1929, while Western European

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exports had similarly risen to 134.

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United States exports had also risen to 130.

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Yet, amid this worldwide prosperity, Great Britain lagged far behind, exports rising

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only to 109.

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On the other hand, British imports rose to 113 in the same period.

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After the 1929 crash until 1931, all exports fell considerably, world exports to 113, Western

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European to 107, and the United States, which had taken the brunt of the 1929 crash to 91.

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And yet, while British imports rose slightly from 1929 to 1931 to 114, its exports drastically

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fell to 68.

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In this way, the overvalued pounds combined with rigid downward wage rates to work their

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dire effects in both boom and recession.

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Overall, whereas in 1931, Western European and world exports were considerably higher

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Within categories of British exports, there was a sharp and illuminating separation between

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two sets of industries, the old unionized export staples in the north of England and

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the newer, relatively non-union, lower wage industries in the south.

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These newer industries were able to flourish and provide plentiful employment because they

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Some of these industries, such as public utilities, flourished because they were not dependent on exports.

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But even the exports from these new, relatively non-unionized industries did very well during this period.

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Thus, from 1924 to 1928-29, the volume of automobile exports rose by 95%.

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During the 1929 to 1931 recession, exports of these new industries did relatively better

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than the old, machinery and electrical exports falling to 28% and 22% respectively below

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In 1931, at fully 26% above 1924, the traditional mainstays of British prosperity fared very

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badly in both these periods of boom and recession.

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The non-ferrous metal industry rose only slightly by 14% by 1928–29 and then fell to 55%

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of 1924 in the next two years.

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In even worse shape were the once mighty cotton and woolen textile industries, the bellwethers

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of the Industrial Revolution in England.

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From 1924 to 1929, cotton exports fell by 10% and woolens by 20% and then, in the two

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years to 1931, they plummeted phenomenally, cottons to 50% of 1924 and woolens to 46%.

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Remarkably, cotton and woolen exports were at this point their lowest in volume since

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the 1870s.

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Perhaps the worst problem was in the traditionally prominent exports, coal.

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Coal exports had declined to 69% of 1924 volume in 1931, but perhaps more ominously they had

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fallen to 88% in 1928-29, slumping, like textiles, in the midst of worldwide prosperity.

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So high were British price levels compared to other countries in both of these periods

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that Britain's imports, remarkably, rose in every category during boom and recession.

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Thus, imports of manufactured goods into Britain rose by 32.5% from 1924 to 1928-29 and then

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rose another 5% until 1931.

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So costly, too, was the once proud British iron and steel industry that, after 1925,

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The British, for the first time in their history, became net importers of iron and steel.

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The relative rigidity of wage costs in Britain may be seen by comparing their unit wage costs

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with the US, setting 1925 in each country equal to 100.

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In the United States, as prices fell about 10% in response to increased productivity

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Wage rates also declined, falling to 93 in 1928 and to 90 in 1929.

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Swedish wages were even more flexible in those years, enabling Sweden to surmount without

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export depression and return to gold at the pre-war par.

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Swedish wage rates fell to 88 in 1928, 80 in 1929, and 70 in 1931.

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In Great Britain, on the other hand, wage rates remain stubbornly high in the face of

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of Fallen Prices, being 97 in 1928, 95 the following year, and down to only $1.5 million.
