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NOTE 8. The First Bank of the United States, 1791-1811

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The First Bank of the United States, 1791-1811

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A lynchpin of the Hamiltonian financial program was a central bank, the first bank of the United States, replacing the abortive Bank of North America experiment.

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Hamilton's report on a national bank of December 1790 urged such a bank to be owned privately with the government owning one-fifth of the shares.

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The bank notes were to be legally redeemable in specie on demand and its notes were to

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be kept at par with specie by the federal government's accepting its notes in taxes,

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giving it a quasi-legal tender status.

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Also, the federal government would confer upon the bank the prestige of being the depository for its public funds.

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In accordance with Hamilton's wishes, Congress quickly established the first bank of the United States in February 1791.

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The charter of the bank was for 20 years, and it was assured a monopoly of the privilege of having a national charter during that period.

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In a significant gesture of continuity with the Bank of North America, the latter's longtime Bank of North America president

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and former partner of Robert Morris, Thomas Willing of Philadelphia, was made President

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of the New Bank of the United States.

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The Bank of the United States promptly fulfilled its inflationary potential by issuing millions

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of dollars in paper money and demand deposits, pyramiding on top of $2 million in specie.

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The Bank of the United States invested heavily in loans to the United States government.

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In addition to $2 million invested in the assumption of pre-existing long-term debt

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Assumed by the New Federal Government, the Bank of the United States engaged in massive

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temporary lending to the government, which reached $6.2 million in 1796.

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The result of the outpouring of credit and paper money by the New Bank of the United

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States was an inflationary rise in prices.

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Thus, wholesale prices rose from an index of 85 in 1791 to a peak of 146 in 1796, an

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increase of 72%.

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In addition, speculation boomed in government securities and real estate values were driven upward.

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Pyramiding on top of the Bank of the United States expansion and aggravating the paper

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money expansion and the inflation was a flood of newly created commercial banks.

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Whereas there were only three commercial banks before the founding of the United States and

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only four by the establishment of the Bank of the United States, eight new banks were

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were founded shortly thereafter, in 1791 and 1792, and ten more by 1796.

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Thus, the Bank of the United States and its monetary expansion spurred the creation of

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eighteen new banks in five years.

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The establishment of the Bank of the United States precipitated a grave constitutional

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argument, the Jeffersonians arguing that the Constitution gave the federal government no

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power to establish a bank.

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Hamilton, in turn, paved the way for virtually unlimited expansion of federal power by maintaining

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that the Constitution, quote, implied a grant of power for carrying out vague national goals.

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The Hamiltonian interpretation won out officially in the decision of Supreme Court Justice John

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Marshall in McCullough v. Maryland in 1819.

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Despite the Jeffersonian hostility to commercial and central banks, the democratic Republicans

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under the control of quasi-Federalist moderates rather than militant old Republicans made

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no move to repeal the Charter of the Bank of the United States before its expiration

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in 1811 and happily multiplied the number of state banks and bank credit in the next

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two decades.

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Thus, in 1800 there were 28 state banks.

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By 1811 the number had escalated to 117, a four-fold increase.

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In 1804, there were 64 state banks, of which we have data on 13 or 20% of the banks.

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These reported banks had $0.98 million in specie as against notes and demand deposits

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outstanding of $2.82 million, a reserve ratio of 0.35, or a notes plus deposits pyramiding

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on top of specie of 2.88 to 1.

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By 1811, 26% of the 117 banks reported a total of $2.57 million, but the two-and-a-half fold

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increase in specie was more than matched by an emission of $10.95 million of notes and

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deposits, a nearly four-fold increase.

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This constituted a pyramid of 4.26 to 1 on top of specie, or a reserve ratio of these

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banks of 0.23.

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As for the Bank of the United States, which acted in conjunction with the federal government

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and with the state banks, in January 1811 it had specie assets of $5.01 million and

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notes and deposits outstanding of $12.87 million, a pyramid ratio of 2.57 to 1 or a reserve

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ratio of 0.39.

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Finally, when the time for rechartering the Bank of the United States came in 1811, the

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Recharter Bill was defeated by one vote each in the House and Senate.

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Recharter was fought for by the Madison administration, aided by nearly all the Federalists in Congress,

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but was narrowly defeated by the bulk of the Democratic Republicans, including the hard-money

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old Republican forces.

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In view of the widely held misconception among historians that central banks serve and are

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looked upon as restraints upon state or private bank inflation, it is instructive to note

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found that the major forces in favor of re-charter were merchants, chambers of commerce, and

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most of the state banks.

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Merchants found that the bank had expended credit at cheap rates and had eased the external

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complaint about a quote, scarcity of money.

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Even more suggestive is the support of the state banks, which hailed the bank as quote

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advantageous and worried about the contraction of credit if the bank were forced to liquidate.

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The Bank of New York, which had been founded by Alexander Hamilton, in fact lauded the

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Bank of the United States, because it had been able, quote, in case of any sudden pressure

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upon the merchants to step forward to their aid in a degree which the state institutions

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were unable to do.
