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NOTE 9. The War of 1812 and Its Aftermath

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The War of 1812 and its Aftermath

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War has generally had grave and fateful consequences for the American monetary and financial system.

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We have seen that the Revolutionary War occasioned a mass of depreciated fiat paper, worthless continentals, a huge public debt, and the beginnings of central banking in the Bank of North America.

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The Hamiltonian financial system, and even the Constitution itself, was in large part shaped by the Federalist desire to fund the federal and state public debt via federal taxation, and a major reason for the establishment of the First Bank of the United States was to contribute to the funding of the newly assumed federal debt.

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The constitutional prohibition against state paper money and the implicit rebuff to all fiat paper were certainly influenced by the Revolutionary War experience.

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The war of 1812 to 1815 had momentous consequences for the monetary system.

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An enormous expansion in the number of banks and in bank notes and deposits was spurred by the dictates of war finance.

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New England banks were more conservative than in other regions, and the region was strongly opposed to the war with England,

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so little public debt was purchased in New England.

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Yet imported goods, textile manufacturers, and munitions had to be purchased in that region by the federal government.

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The government therefore encouraged the formation of new and recklessly inflationary banks in

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the mid-Atlantic, southern and western states, which printed huge quantities of new notes

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to purchase government bonds.

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The federal government thereupon used these notes to purchase manufactured goods in New

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England.

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Thus, from 1811 to 1815, the number of banks in the country increased from 117 to 212.

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In addition, there had sprung up 35 private unincorporated banks, which were illegal in

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most states but were allowed to function under war conditions.

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Specie in the 30 reporting banks, 26% of the total number of banks of 1811, amounted to

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$2.57 million in 1811.

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This figure had risen to $5.4 million in the 98 reporting banks in 1815, or 40% of the

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total.

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Notes and deposits, on the other hand, were $10.95 million in 1811 and had increased to

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$31.6 million in 1815 among the reporting banks.

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If we make the heroic assumption that we can estimate the money supply for the country

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by multiplying by the proportion of unreported banks and we then add in the Bank of the United

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States totals for 1811, Specie in all banks would total $14.9 million in 1811 and $13.5

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If we factor in the Bank of the United States then, the bank pyramid ratio was 3.7 to 1

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and the reserve ratio 0.27 in 1811, while the pyramid ratio 4 years later was 5.85 to

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1 and the reserve ratio 0.17.

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But the aggregates scarcely tell the whole story since, as we have seen, the expansion

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took place solely outside of New England, while New England banks continued on their

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relatively sound basis and did not inflate their credit.

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The record expansion of the number of banks was in Pennsylvania, which incorporated no

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No less than 41 new banks in the month of March 1814, contrasting to only 4 banks which

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had existed in that state, all in Philadelphia, until that date.

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It is instructive to compare the pyramid ratios of banks in various reporting states in 1815

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to only 1.96 to 1 in Massachusetts, 2.7 to 1 in New Hampshire, and 2.42 to 1 in Rhode

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This monetary situation meant that the United States government was paying for New England

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manufactured goods with a mass of inflated bank paper outside the region.

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Soon, as the New England banks called upon the other banks to redeem their notes in specie,

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The mass of inflating banks faced imminent insolvency.

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It was at this point that a fateful decision was made by the U.S. government and concurred

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in by the governments of the states outside New England.

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As the banks all faced failure, the governments, in August 1814, permitted all of them to suspend

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specie payments, that is, to stop all redemption of notes and deposits in gold or silver, and

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yet to continue in operation.

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In short, in one of the most flagrant violations of property rights in American history, the

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banks were permitted to waive their contractual obligations to pay in specie while they themselves

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could expand their loans and operations and force their own debtors to repay their loans

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as usual.

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Indeed, the number of banks and bank credit expanded rapidly during 1815 as a result of

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this governmental carte blanche.

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It was precisely during 1815 when virtually all the private banks sprang up, the number

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The number of banks increasing in one year from 208 to 246.

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Reporting banks increased their pyramid ratios from 3.17 to 1 in 1814 to 5.85 to 1 the following

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year.

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A drop of reserve ratios from 0.32 to 0.17.

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Thus, if we measure bank expansion by pyramiding and reserve ratios, we see that a major inflationary

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The very impetus during the War of 1812 came during the year 1815 after specie payments

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had been suspended throughout the country by government action.

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Historians dedicated to the notion that central banks restrained state or private bank inflation

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have placed the blame for the multiplicity of banks and bank credit inflation during

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the War of 1812 on the absence of a central bank.

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But as we have seen, both the number of banks and bank credit grew apace during the period

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of the first bank of the United States, pyramiding on top of the latter's expansion, and would

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continue to do so under the second bank, and, for that matter, the Federal Reserve system

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in later years.

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In the federal government, not the state banks themselves is largely to blame for encouraging

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new inflated banks to monetize the war debt.

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Then, in particular, it allowed them to suspend specie payment in August 1814 and to continue

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Another neglected responsibility of the U.S. government for the wartime inflation was its

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massive issue of Treasury notes to help finance the war effort.

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While this Treasury paper was interest-bearing and was redeemable in specie in one year,

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The cumulative amount outstanding functioned as money, as it was used in transactions among

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the public and was also employed as reserves or quote, high-powered money by the expanding

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banks.

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The fact that the government received the treasury notes for all debts and taxes gave

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the notes a quasi-legal tender status.

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Most of the treasury notes were issued in 1814 and 1815, when their outstanding total

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reached $10.65 million and $15.46 million respectively.

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Not only did the treasury notes fuel the bank inflation, but their quasi-legal tender status

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brought Gresham's Law into operation and specie flowed out of the banks and public circulation

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outside of New England and into New England and out of the country.

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The expansion of bank money and treasury notes during the war drove up prices in the United

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States.

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Wholesale price increases from 1811 to 1815 averaged 35%, with different cities experiencing

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Expansion and Demands for Redemption in Specie, State and Federal Governments looked the other

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way and permitted general suspension of specie payments while bank operations continued to

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flourish.

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It thus became clear to the banks that in a general crisis they would not be required

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to meet the ordinary obligations of contract law or of respect for property rights, so

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their inflationary expansion was permanently encouragedivid this massive failure of government

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to fulfill its obligation to enforce contracts and defend the rights of property.

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Suspensions of species payments informally or officially permeated the economy outside

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of New England during the Panic of 1819, occurred everywhere outside of New England in 1837

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and in all states south and west of New Jersey in 1839.

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A general suspension of species payments occurred throughout the country once again in the Panic

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of 1857.

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It is important to realize then, in evaluating the American banking system before the Civil

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War, that even in the later years, when there was no central bank, the system was not quote

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free in any proper economic sense.

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Free banking can only refer to a system in which banks are treated as any other business

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and that therefore failure to obey contractual obligations, in this case prompt redemption

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of notes and deposits in specie, must incur immediate insolvency and liquidation.

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Burdened by the tradition of allowing general suspensions that arose in the United States

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in 1814, the pre-Civil War banking system, despite strong elements of competition when

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not saddled with a central bank, must rather be termed in the phrase of one economist as

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quote, decentralization without freedom.

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From the 1814 to 1817 experience on, the notes of state banks circulated at varying rates

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of depreciation, depending on public expectations of how long they would be able to keep redeeming

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In that era of poor communications and high transportation costs, the tendency for a banknote

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was to depreciate in proportion to its distance from the home office.

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One effective, if time-consuming, method of enforcing redemption on nominally-specie-paying

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Banking, was the emergence of a class of professional, quote, money brokers.

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These brokers would buy up a mass of depreciated notes of nominally specie-paying banks and

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then travel to the home office of the bank to demand redemption in specie.

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Merchants, money brokers, bankers and the general public were aided in evaluating the

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various state bank notes by the development of monthly journals known as quote, bank note

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detectors.

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These detectors were published by money brokers and periodically evaluated the market rate

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of Various Banknotes in Relation to Specie.

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Quote, Wildcat banks were so named because in that age of poor transportation, banks hoping

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to inflate and not worry about redemption attempted to locate in a wildcat country where

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money brokers would find it difficult to travel.

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It should be noted that if it were not for periodic suspension, there would have been

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no room for Wildcat banks or for varying degrees of lack of confidence in the genuineness of

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Specie redemption at any given time.

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It can be imagined that the advent of the money broker was not precisely welcomed in

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the town of an errant bank, and it was easy for the townspeople to blame the resulting

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collapse of bank credit on the sinister stranger rather than on the friendly neighborhood banker.

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During the Panic of 1819, when banks collapsed after an inflationary boom lasting until 1817,

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obstacles and intimidation were often the lot of those who attempted to press the banks

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to fulfill their contractual obligation to pay in specie.

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Thus, Maryland and Pennsylvania during the Panic of 1819 engaged in almost bizarre inconsistency

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in this area.

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Maryland on February 15, 1819 enacted a law, quote, to compel banks to pay specie for their

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notes or forfeit their charters.

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Yet two days after this seemingly tough action, it passed another law relieving banks of any

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obligation to redeem notes held by money brokers, quote, the major force ensuring the people

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Pennsylvania followed suit a month later.

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In this way, these states could claim to maintain the virtue of enforcing contract and property

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rights while moving to prevent the most effective method of ensuring such enforcement.

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During the 1814-1817 general suspension, noteholders who sued for specie payments seldom gained

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satisfaction in the courts.

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Thus, Isaac Bronson, a prominent Connecticut banker in a specie-paying region, sued various

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New York banks for payment of notes in specie.

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He failed to get satisfaction, and for his pains, received only abuse in the New York

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press as an agent of quote, misery and ruin.

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The banks south of Virginia largely went off specie payment during the panic of 1819, and

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in Georgia, at least general suspension continued almost continuously to the 1830s.

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One customer complained during 1819 that in order to collect in specie from the largely

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state-owned Bank of Darien, Georgia, he was forced to swear before a justice of the piece

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in the bank that each and every note he presented to the bank was his own and that he was not

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a money broker or an agent for anyone else.

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He was forced to swear to the oath in the presence of at least five bank directors and

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the bank's cashier, and he was forced to pay a fee of $1.36 on each note in order to

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acquire specie on demand.

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Two years later, when a note holder demanded $30,000 in specie at the Planters Bank of

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Georgia, he was told he would be paid in pennies only, while another customer was forced to

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accept pennies handed out to him at a rate of $60 a day.

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During the panic, North Carolina and Maryland in particular moved against the money brokers

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in a vain attempt to prop up the depreciated notes of their state's banks.

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In North Carolina, banks were not penalized by the legislature for suspending specie payments

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Backed by government, the three leading banks of the state met and agreed in June 1819 not

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to pay specie to brokers or their agents.

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Their notes immediately fell to a 15% discount outside the state.

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However, the banks continued to require, ignoring the inconsistency that their own debtors pay

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them at par in specie.

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Maryland, during the same year, moved to require a license of $500 per year for money brokers

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in addition to an enormous $20,000 bond to establish the business.

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Maryland tried to bolster the defense of banks and the attack on brokers by passing a compulsory

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par law in 1819 prohibiting the exchange of specie from Maryland banknotes at less than

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par.

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The law was readily evaded, however, with the penalty merely adding to the discount

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as compensation for the added risk.

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Specie furthermore was driven out of the state by the operation of Gresham's law.

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In Kentucky, Tennessee and Missouri, stay laws were passed requiring creditors to accept

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depreciated and inconvertible bank paper in payment of debts, else suffer a stay of execution

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of the debt.

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In this way, quasi-legal tender status was conferred on the paper.

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Many states permitted banks to suspend specie payment and four western states, Tennessee,

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Kentucky, Missouri and Illinois, established state-owned banks to try to overcome the

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The Depression by issuing large issues of inconvertible paper money.

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In all states trying to prop up inconvertible bank paper, a quasi-legal status was also

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conferred on the paper by agreeing to receive the notes in taxes or debts due to the state.

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The result of all the inconvertible paper schemes was rapid and massive depreciation.

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Disappearance of specie succeeded by speedy liquidation of the new state-owned banks.

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An amusing footnote on the problem of banks being protected against their contractual

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obligations to pay in specie occurred in the course of correspondence between one of the

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earliest economists of America, the young Philadelphia State Senator, Condi Rigaud,

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and the eminent English economist, David Ricardo.

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Ricardo had evidently been bewildered by Rigaud's statement that banks technically required

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to pay in specie often were not called upon to do so.

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On April 18, 1821, Rigaud replied, explaining the power of banks in the United States,

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Quote, You state in your letter that you find it

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difficult to comprehend why persons who had a right to demand coin from the banks in payment

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of their notes so long for boar to exercise it.

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This no doubt appears paradoxical to one who resides in a country where an act of parliament

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was necessary to protect the bank, but the difficulty is easily solved.

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The whole of our population are either stockholders of banks or in debt to them.

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It is not the interest of the first to press the banks, and the rest are afraid.

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This is the whole secret.

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An independent man, who is neither a stockholder or debtor, who would have ventured to compel

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Tell the Banks to Do Justice would have been persecuted as an enemy of society.
