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NOTE 'America’s Great Depression' 50th Anniversary

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Well, the title of my talk is Combating the Critics and Advancing the Theory.

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I actually have several hard copies of it that I'm going to leave up here for people to pick up.

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Just a handful of copies, but if you're interested, pick them up after the session.

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I'll also have it posted to the Mises site probably by the end of the day.

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Sure enough, I first read America's Great Depression when it was only six years old,

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and still in its first edition.

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We learned that from Bill Bustos already, and he pointed out that it was four years

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earlier that he bought the book.

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We don't know when he read it.

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But I've had numerous occasions to refer to Murray's book and read it in its entirety

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again in 2000 in preparations to review the fifth edition of the book, and still again

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I read much of it in preparation for this session.

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Now we all know that the primary contribution that Rothbard made was his insightful application

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of the Austrian Theory to America's Great Depression.

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But several of us, including myself, have chosen to focus on the theory chapters.

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And I'm focusing specifically on chapter one, which he calls a positive theory.

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And you could describe that theory as simply drawing from Mises and responding to critics.

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And as I've read this book different times, it's occurred to me of the strategic value

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of responding to critics, especially when it's Rothbard doing the responding. He has

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a knack for it and is just in his element when it comes to setting a critic straight.

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The approach is gleefully, let's say, sort of as a Rothbardian adjective.

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Responding to critics has a lot of payoffs.

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It gives you a better understanding of the theory that you're defending, helps you state

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it more clearly, causes you to see new directions in which the theory can be developed.

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Development.

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Well, sure, it does all those things, but who could object, who could deny that responding

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to critics is a worthwhile undertaking?

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And you don't have to look any further than one of our own Austrians, Louis Spadaro, who

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comes into play here as the chair of a conference in 1976, just two years after the South Royalton

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Conference, and he was chair of that session. It was a wonderful session. It was held at

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Windsor Castle, which is recommended as a place to have a conference. And Rothbard was

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there, as was Hayek and Kirzner and Lachmann, and then quite a few upstart Austrians, youngsters,

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I like to be able to refer to myself as a youngster every once in a while, and there

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I was in 1976 at Windsor Castle, soaking up some Austrian theory.

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Well, Spadaro, chair of the session, he did his PhD under Mises and undeniably an Austrian,

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But he spent about a quarter of his paper lamenting people responding to critics.

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I'm going to cut this short and I'm going to read one of his claims.

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He actually had a number of suggestions on how we might advance the theory, but when

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it came to responding, let me just paraphrase, that he says it's a shame that we spend so

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much time responding to critics, and we should use time more productively by developing our

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own theory.

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And so what we see is that he saw those as just strictly alternative ways of using your

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time.

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It's not, of course, it has a payoff in developing the theory as well.

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Now what I've chosen to do today is not to rehash some of the responses to critics that

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Rothbard portrayed.

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In fact, we've had some of that from Bill Butos and from John Cochran.

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But I want to respond in a Rothbardian style to critics that we've dealt with since 1963.

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And I have in mind here something called Cambridge Capital Theory, which calls into question

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the whole root of the Austrian theory.

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It's capital theory and therefore it's a business cycle theory.

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It's a kind of criticism that just lives a number of lives.

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It keeps coming back no matter what the criticism.

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It hadn't caught the wind in 1963, and so Rothbard would not have been inclined to deal

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with it, although it had its roots back in the 1920s.

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Now, I can tell just by looking at this audience that you're not already primed in Cambridge

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Capital Theory, so I'm going to have to tell you a little bit about what it is.

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And it strikes at the roots of the Austrian idea of roundabout production, of the production

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time in economics.

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And so I might start with just mentioning those contributions by a number of Austrians.

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Menger talked about orders of goods, Boehm-Bawerk talked about maturity classes, Hayek talked

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about a structure of production and drew a triangle.

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All of these were just efforts to put time into our theorizing, put time into the notion

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of roundaboutness.

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Boehm-Bawerk, unfortunately, attempted to quantify the roundaboutness, and it turns

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out that just won't work.

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There's no metric by which you can measure roundaboutness.

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One of the reasons is that capital has no natural unit of its own, unlike labor, which

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we talk about in terms of worker hours or land, acre years, each of those things, those

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are heterogeneous labor and land, but at least we have a unit that we can measure it in.

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With capital, there is no such unit, and that makes it impossible to quantify.

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Now, ironically enough, Cambridge Capital theorists create a unit in order to criticize

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Boehm-Bawerk and the Austrians.

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And this is true actually of neoclassical theory too, but I became attuned to this early

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on where the kinds of capital measure that people had in mind were what I call universal

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Universal Non-Units, they write about hunks of capital, or chunks of it, or doses, which

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are red flags that say that there's no more appropriate unit than that, they're universal

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non-units.

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Sometimes they just use the term unit of capital, not recognizing that unit is not a unit.

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And only by doing that can they make their case about the fallacy of, the so-called fallacy

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in Boehm-Bawerkian Capital Theory.

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Now the theory itself comes in the form of a re-switching model, capital re-switching.

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See if I can get through this in three minutes or whatever we've got here.

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They imagine that the whole economy is characterized by a sequence of input. They call it capital.

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But in these examples, capital takes the form of dated labor. Well, once again, they've

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gone to a unit, namely labor, to measure capital. Ludwig Lachmann referred to this kind of theorizing

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as capital theory without capital. And so, just on that basis, we could dismiss the criticism.

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So they imagine that we have these two different techniques, each of which could describe the

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entire economy, and they amount to dated labor being applied at different sequences to yield

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an output.

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And then they show using present value calculations, I don't know how you do present value of dated

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labor, you have to measure it in wage units like Keynes would, okay?

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But they demonstrate that if an economy is using technique A, they call it, it has one

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particular sequence, and could use technique B, which is another particular sequence, they

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might find that over a period of time when interest rates are descending, and their descending

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sort of waif-like, in other words, it's exogenous and they're floating down, say, from 9% down

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The Theory of Money and Credit

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is, and the other one is in violation of that relationship, and therefore so much for Austrian

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capital theory, so much for the business cycle theory, and we're all through with it, okay?

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I'm not quite through with it yet, but I say I got one minute. That's fine. Now, it turns

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out that they're theorizing, as they admit, and I've emphasized this in my articles and

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Leland Yeager has emphasized it in some of his, that what they're really talking about,

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especially to justify this waif-like descent of the interest rate, they're really not talking

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about a process through time, they're talking about maybe three separate islands where technique

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A is used here and technique B there and technique C over there, and of course if that's what

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they're talking about, then it has nothing whatever to do with the Austrian theory because

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as Austrian theory is about changing the structure over time in a given economy. However, ever

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since Sam Wilson wrote his summing up article claiming that re-switching gives a headache

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to the Austrians, then economists of all persuasions have been beating the Austrians over the head

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with Technique A and Technique B. And it's time to stop, okay? Because the theory doesn't

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work. It is a static theory. It's based on an exogenous interest rate. It uses a phony

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measure of capital and then inadmissibly takes present values of that phony measure. So it

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What needs to be rejected wholesale, as I'm sure Rothbard would agree, and I'll make one

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more point, and that is that even if, even if it could be restructured so as to cause

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things to happen over time and cause the economy to shift from technique A into technique B

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And then back to A, it would be no more damaging to Austrian capital theory and Austrian business

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cycle theory is than the Giffen good, if you know what that is, is to the law of demand.

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It's a quirky exception to the law of demand that has no force behind it at all, either

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empirically or otherwise.

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No one has ever pointed to an instance of re-switching that's going on out there.

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And so I think we can dismiss it once and for all, Rothbardian style.
