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NOTE Rothbard on the Economics of Crime

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It's a great pleasure for me to deliver this talk for the 14th anniversary symposium

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in honor of Murray Rothbard's Man-Economy and State, Masterpiece in Austrian Economics,

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and I want to thank Guido for his invitation and Jesus University for his fabulous opportunity.

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The subject of this talk is not about Rothbard and Beerus, but about crime, a subject maybe

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Today we could find a point of connection with a presentation made by Professor Bodky

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because the socialist state represents one of the highest forms of collective criminal

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organization. Transition is already a transition from criminal organization to a society about

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freedom. The question of crime is important because it permits, among other things, to

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To distinguish the characteristics of market on which a free society is built to separate clearly the society of cooperation and violent behaviors.

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Economies of crime as a specific application of instruments of economists can be analyzed for different topics.

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But we choose deliberately to reduce the focus of this paper.

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This talk does not deal with the mechanism of anarcho-capitalist society,

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subject on which some contributions were made by Murray Rothbard in his book

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Libertarian Manifesto or by Professor Hoppe in the Journal of Libertarian Studies.

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Nor will it constitute a study on the private protection of security.

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It will also not be about the problem of restitution of a debate on the proportionality of punishments.

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Our sole objective is to highlight the different and divergent contributions made by Murray Rothbard

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as the mainstream economist on the question of crime.

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To understand this difference, we follow three important perspectives,

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the conception of law, the enforcement of law and the role of the state.

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For the neoclassical school, law is what is defined by the state. In Barnett's words,

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whatever the state says is law, is law. Whatever the state makes a crime, is a crime. Consequently,

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law is the outcome of a special state process which defines the titers of property and rights.

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There are rights because there is a law, and not there is a law because there are rights.

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Bastiat in his essay The Law has already stressed this different logic.

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We can note three consequences.

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First, some actions are forbidden although they do not constitute violation of property rights.

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News from France, for example, the recent project of the French government on security

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This takes several of the activities of prostitution, although it constitutes for the most part of prostitutes and customers a valuable commercial activity.

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Moreover, other actions are legalized, although they represent clearly violation of property rights.

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Indeed, a farmer who refuses to sell his property to a government agency can see this one sized by force to build an highway.

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The third consequence of this approach is the place given to the economist.

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The economist is a social engineer who helps the political decision to assign different rights.

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So the crucial position is attributed to him.

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For the neoclassical economist, law is the result of rational calculus between cost and gains.

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The cost of defining and assigning the different rights on one hand and the gains obtained by the added edges of an adapted definition of rights on the other hand.

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Law is a means to internalize the burden of externalities and to minimize the social cost.

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In this framework, the rights depend on the result of a specific calculus, that is to say, they depend on the importance of gains and costs.

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The rights are not absolute, but they are relative to specific and historical conditions.

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The purpose calculus is based on an objective value, that is, it implies the possibility of interpersonal comparison.

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The rights are conditional words.

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In fact, the mainstream economist does not think in terms of crime and peaceful exchange, but in terms of voluntary or involuntary transfer.

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An inventory transfer is not bad in itself if it permits to increase the total available wealth for a society.

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The allocation of rights is the first step.

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The second one is the enforcement of rights previously defined.

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This process of enforcement is also the outcome of calculus.

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The objective is also the same to minimize the social losses or to maximize the highest possible wealth for a society.

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To this level of minimized social losses is associated an optimal number of crimes or rapes or murders,

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and the optimal element for the probability of detection and severity of punishment.

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The notion of optimal crime is considered as a curious and meaningless thing for a libertarian or for an Austrian economist, but it is the price that must be paid for acceptance of the mainstream framework if we accept it.

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To sum up this first point, the neoclassical approach of law considers that the rights are conditional and depends on historical dispositions.

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Murray Rothbard shows clearly that this framework is characterized by an absence of theory of justice.

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It's only the outcome of a social and political competition and compromise subject to variation and to policy choices.

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In the Rothbardian framework, it's possible to understand what is a crime when a just

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title of property is correctly defined. Indeed, a crime is a valuation of just right which

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rests upon a theory of property. More accurately, if we follow Rothbard, a crime can be defined

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and properly analyzed as a violent aggression against the just property of an individual.

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Crime constitutes an invasion against the property of somebody, against tangible goods

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on which he has just property, or against his body.

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So what is a just title of property?

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A just title of property can be deduced from three criteria.

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The first one is the criterion of self-ownership, the ownership of an individual as on his own body.

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The criterion of stealing is the second one, the individual has just property rights by mixing his labor with clay of land or raw material, for example.

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The third one is R, the principles of exchange of just held property and production with just held goods.

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It results from this analysis the clear separation between crimes and legitimate acts.

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The analysis of Rothbard represents also a tremendous calling to question of the actual practice and of some laws too.

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It constitutes a proposition of new arrangement of rights by stressing the existence of prison force rights,

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which are in fact variation of crimes and by offering a consistent defense or some

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activities which are unjustly and erroneously judged and legalled.

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Walter Block's book, Defense of Indefendable, is clearly an application of this analysis.

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But to have a just right does not mean to have an absolute right or use of this right.

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Rothbard suggests what could be called a just exercise of his right.

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Indeed, a just exercise of the right implies that the use of the just-held property does not violate the just-held property of another person.

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That is to say that the property of another person is not invited by the exercise of his just right.

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For Rothbard, it exists an absolute basis driven property right based on theory of property, but not an absolute use of this property.

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Another point raised by Rothbard is the question of morality.

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I'm not a specialist of this question, but Rothbard distinguished clearly law from morality.

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Law is relative to a legitimate use of resources, whereas morality is relative to a judgment on the means or the ends of an action.

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For Rothbard, an owner can use this property in the way he wants, provided not just rights is deprived.

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You can drink alcohol, inject grass in your blood, drive at very high speed, though it can harm your own body.

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You can watch specific movies, hear rock'n'roll songs or Eminem songs, or share extreme and special religious opinions,

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Although you can love the conviction of the people.

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But because not just right is deprived by exercising such activities,

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which could be judged or perceived as immoral by others,

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the legitimate owner cannot be prevented from acting.

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In the Rothbardian framework, morality concerns only the means to attain ends and not ends themselves.

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To give the full sense to morality, the individual must have the opportunity to be moral and

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immoral, to make moral actions and immoral ones.

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In fact, by preventing or prohibiting the realization of some activities, the uterus

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as actions uses force to impose his own ideas and reverse his immoral position by violating

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the just right of another person.

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Or rather, Rothbard distinguished three origins for the law, the custom of a community or

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a tribe, the positive law as the outcome of a state endurance, and the natural law.

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Rothbard travels clearly the natural law, discovered by reason.

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Natural law permits to define a rule which is universally applied, independently of the

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When the criterion of universality is not respected, the law constitutes a means to establish a superiority of some men and other men.

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Then the Robertian framework allows to consist two radically different orders.

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The first one can be called economic order.

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It is based on peaceful cooperation, mutual benefits, harmony,

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voluntary agreements and the respect of property rights.

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The other one is the hegemonic or political order based on invasion, aggression,

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expectation, size, predatory behavior, violation of property rights and power of men on other men.

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Consequently, the approaches presented by the mainstream economist or mainstream school and Rothbard are irreconcilable

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because funded on two different conceptions of liberty.

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The second rupture between the two frameworks concerns enforcement of law.

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For the mainstream economics, law can be summarized as a process of engineering, a search for efficiency.

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For Rothbard, law deals with justice.

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We show that the process of enforcement depends on the calculus.

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More accurately, the enforcement justifies first if it exists a net damage,

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that is to say if the value of damage borne by the victim is higher than the gains obtained by the criminal.

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Secondly, it depends also on the cost of enforcement. If the costs of enforcement are higher than the damage done, then the right is not enforced.

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Again, the property rights are conditional ones. When the authorities decide to enforce a law, they must define the format of their intervention.

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What must be the level of detection? What must be the severity of punishment?

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Again, its choice depends on the results of deterrence for each tool, each instrument and the associated cost.

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The authority is to search the highest level of deterrence or budget or to minimize the cost of enforcement for a specific level of deterrence.

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But with such a presentation, there are many shortcomings.

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Indeed, it supports the possibility of fine-tuning policy.

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It's possible to make some trade-offs on marginal elements.

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For example, for highway surveillance, it's possible to use 10.5 police cars or, during the next period, another period, 10.51 police cars.

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The policy of deterrence is supposedly totally flexible.

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It is also presented as being reversible, perfectly reversible.

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It's possible, for example, to use a gel of 500% optionishment and to modify five days after the first policy to use only five,

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independently of the existence and the cost of the previous investment.

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These two hypotheses are clearly not conformed to the economic reality.

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More crucial is the hypothesis made concerning the information.

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Not only does the process of deterrence is reversible and flexible,

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but all the need information concerning the different combination is available for the authorities

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and the information relative to the cost of a different combination too.

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Another point forgotten by the neoclassical economists concerns the possibility of a situation of irresolution

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in which the authorities can be placed. Indeed, the available contributions made by the mainstream

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economists are numerous, integrating different hypotheses concerning behaviour towards risk,

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different levels of wealth among populations or the limited information.

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The problem is that the proper solution for public policy can be opposite,

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because the hypotheses are different. So, what is the solution?

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The last critic we made concerned the conception of law as being a search for social efficiency.

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The mainstream economy supports a relationship of proportionality between the arm turn and

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the potential punishment defined as the probability of detection times the severity of punishment.

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The determination of the respective level for punishment and detection depends on the relative cost and the relative effects in terms of deterrence.

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Consequently, as Rothbard stressed previously, some strange situations can occur where more serious crimes can be punished less severely than minor ones.

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In the mainstream framework, it is the potential punishment which is taken into account and not the actual punishment.

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We show that Rothbard proposes a definition of crime which represents the notion of just property.

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It must be used in a just manner.

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Another consequence of the Rothballion analysis is that the owner of just-held property owns

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although just right to define it by violence against violent invasion.

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The owner can ensure himself this activity, or renting the service of specialized agencies

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for the production of security.

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It may deduce from this proposition that the only legitimate use of violence is not the

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is a monopoly of state, but the individual monopoly of the owner on his own property.

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Consequently, from the theory of property rights, Rothbard is able to deduce a principle

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for a free society or an anarcho-capitalist society, but also a right to self-defense.

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But the just right to defend his property against invasion is limited by the rule of

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proportionality.

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By this criminal act, the perpetrator loses his own right to the same extent he violated previously the right of another person.

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No more, no less. The damage done constitutes the European limit for the punishment.

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Contrary to the mainstream, for Rothbard the punishment cannot be modulated.

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The distinction between a potential punishment and an actual one is meaningless and useless.

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The punishment must be a just punishment and rightfully imposed. If the punishment is higher

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than the damage done, the rule of proportionality is violated, and the situation indicates clearly

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a violation of criminal right. The perpetrator of this harmful act must be prosecuted the

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same way.

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Rothbard defined also the idea that the damage done is not composed by the loss, only composed

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by the loss of some rights, but also the trouble in which the victim is placed against his

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will.

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The victim must be restored in his right for his tangible competence, a broken window,

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a broken arm, a broken car, but also for an unchangeable path, fear or nervous disorder.

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Consequently, Rothbard proposed to double or more the punishment to take into account all the components of the damage.

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The criminal loses right to the same extent and must be restored a victim.

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Then Rothbard gives a logical answer to an old rule, you took one tooth, you give back two teeth.

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Consequently, for Rothbard, the God of Justice is not an objective of deterrence,

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Restitution is a gift to attain justice, an imperfect gift because of the problem of valuation, but only one available for man.

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However, nobody can deny that a fine could produce an effect of deterrence, so I would reconcile the effect of deterrence and the Rothbardian position.

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We think that Rothbard does not deny the existence of this effect but denies to consider it must be the sole objective of justice.

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Deterrence must be understood as being a secondary effect or an indirect positive effect.

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The third crucial difference between the approach of Rothbard and the mainstream economist is relative to the conception of state presented as being an aggressor or a protector.

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For the mainstream economist, the state has an important role to play because it is a central actor to regulate and to eliminate crime.

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Only a central authority is able to determine the optimal amount of deterrents and provide these services.

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It is also denoted to ignore the potentialities of a private sector, but they consider the most important component is the public forum.

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For mainstream economists, the market mechanisms are inefficient in some situations and are unable to protect against crime.

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The solution is the integration of state, which is presented as a protector.

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Rothbard's position on the state is radically different.

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Rothbard sees the apparatus of state as a tremendous concentration of power.

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It has a legacy to its left-wingers, compulsory monopolies.

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Its size of property, it can do it on a large scale as in Russia.

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For Rothbard, the state constitutes a real threat and liberties.

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Who can protect the people against the intrusion of state?

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In the Rothbardian framework, the state appears clearly as a collective criminal organization.

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Use its power and political or violent means to extract illegally resources to survive.

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Then we are in a contradiction with the existence of state.

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To protect people, it has to violate some property rights of people.

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To ensure the creation of wealth, it has to destroy wealth.

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To provide public protection, it has to extract money by taxation.

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To finish with this conception, I want to stress another point, is the intervention of

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state is made easier by the efforts of an intelligentsia, by the strong apparatus of

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individuals who are prepared to produce ideology, doctrines and theories to justify his intervention.

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The mainstream economist can be put in this category.

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To conclude, we saw a radical diversion between the mainstream approach and Rothbard's ones

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concerning the conception of law, the role of punishment, the place of estate.

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For the classical economist, the definition and the enforcement of law are reduced to

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calculus of costs and benefits, a problem of allocation of resources, a technical problem

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of social engineering, the search for efficiency.

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For Rothbard, property rights are absolute and cannot be the object of trade-off. They are absolute, but their use is limited by the respect of just property rights of other persons.

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The goal of justice is to restore the victim in his right by a proportional and rightfully imposed punishment.

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Rothbard's approach is very stimulating because it offers new paths for further research.

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What are the foundations for a private system of protection?

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What are the implications if a victim is placed at the centre of a judicial process?

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His theory of liberty appears clearly very useful to understand the international relationship and, in this time, particularly the question of war.

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and more. Numerous changes on which the Austrian economist's point of view is necessary and

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for which the insight of Robert Rothbard are simply essential.
