WEBVTT

NOTE African-American Railroad Workers, 1900-1960: A Critical Reinterpretation

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I'm from the University of Massachusetts. I was born and raised there, so it was good to hear from Devin that, you know, not only are the Yankees evil, but they're also rent-seeking tax leachers as well.

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So, my paper, it's different from any Austrian paper I've ever seen. Austrians aren't big on labor history. They're not big on race and ethnic studies, so I thought this is sort of filling that gap that no one else has really done.

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A lot of people criticize Austrians for being pure theory, they don't look at any history or anything like that,

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but Mises wrote a book called Theory and History, and I don't think anyone ever buys it,

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there's about ten used copies out there on sale for five bucks, I bought one a couple of years ago,

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but Mises has a really good quote in it, he says,

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History deals with human action, that is, the actions performed by individuals and groups of individuals.

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It prescribes the conditions under which people lived and the way they reacted to these conditions.

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The subjects are human judgments of value, in the ends men aimed at, guided by these

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judgments, the means men resorted to in order to attain the end sought, and the outcomes

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of their actions.

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History deals with man's conscious reaction to the state of his environment, both the

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natural environment and the social environment as determined by the actions of preceding

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Generations, as well as by those of his contemporaries.

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Every individual is born into a definite social and natural miloo.

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An individual is not simply a man in general whom history can regard as an abstract.

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An individual is at any instance of his life the product of all the experiences to which

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his ancestors were exposed, plus to those which he himself so far has been exposed.

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And that really sounds more like a sociologist than anything else to me.

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And I'm trying to sort of build the Austrian School of Sociology.

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But what I look at is black railroad workers in the United States from about 1890 to 1950.

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And I found that no one's really looked at them.

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It's sort of been the realm of moxists.

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So I thought, you know, this is some low-hanging fruit, this should be pretty easy.

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So what I use is basically three main theorists.

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You have Gary Becker, who had The Economics of Discrimination, the idea that racism in

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a market economy is penalized.

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If you're not going for the best worker, you're going for the worker who just happens to be

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white, you're going to lose out to competitors.

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And there's also public choice theory that has definitely been ignored by sociology.

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And what you find in the history of railroad workers is the idea that employers use this

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divide and conquer strategy with their workers.

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They would foster racism in order to keep black workers and white workers apart to prevent

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some sort of class solidarity.

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What you find is, there's very few instances where this actually happened. In my case,

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we found that black workers, I mean, excuse me, we found that white workers were racist

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themselves. The racism was endogenous to the workers. This is for several reasons. There's

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the idea of, you'll see in cultural studies, that racism allowed them to think of themselves

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as Working Class and Have Some Pride.

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This falls under the economics of discrimination because as Mises pointed out, it's a psychic

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profit.

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They got kicks from saying, well, at least I'm not black, and they got a profit out of

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that.

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Also, you'll find that in a craft union such as the ones I study in this paper, you actually,

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what a union basically is, is a monopoly.

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You want to cut the supply to bring wages up.

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How do you cut the supply and decide who gets the job and who doesn't?

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Well, one easy criteria is, well, we'll give it to all the white workers

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and forget about the black workers.

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So there's another theory in sociology. It's called the split labor market theory.

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No one's really thought about it. It's always been

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pushed aside for the Marxist theory.

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But it says that a split labor market where you'll have the dominant group that gets paid a lot

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in a minority group that gets paid some sort of differential less will lead to ethnic antagonism.

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These lead to what Anna Bonacich calls caste and exclusion movements, one of which would

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be a labor union. So what I found is if we combine Bonacich's split labor market theory

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with the economics of discrimination and public choice theory, it suddenly makes a lot of

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I wish I had done a 2x2 matrix because I had a good one but I can't put it up so I'll just tell you a little bit about it.

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There's four different ways that you can get the collective action you want of excluding black workers and raising wages.

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I do this through individual versus collective and coercive and non-coercive.

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First one is to pair private goods and public goods. This is individual and non-coercive.

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What you'll see that the brotherhoods, that's what the railroad unions were called, they were very dangerous at first.

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So they would pair insurance with union membership. So that's how they got people to join their unions.

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The second way it's individual and coercive is to use violence. If black workers try to work the railroads,

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You shoot at them, you beat them, you tell them if you ever come back here, your family's dead.

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There's also the collective non-coercive way.

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There's the use of social pressure and moral pressure.

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You'll see a lot of these brotherhoods were also fraternal brotherhoods.

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And that's where you get a lot of the social capital that allowed them to organize initially.

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And then there's nowadays, which is their favorite, this collective coercive government labor regulations

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which tell you who can work, whether they have to be in a union, under what conditions they can work.

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There's also Jennifer Obeck, she's really underappreciated, she did a lot of work in the 1980s on racism and rent seeking.

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And she says that racism is actually a form of rent seeking because racial exclusion is a public good,

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and as a public good, privately it tends to be under provided.

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She writes, preferences may matter in the collective in a way that they do not matter individually.

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Thus, at the very least, racism can emerge from the rent-seeking process.

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At worst, however, the rent-seeking process can actually intensify the already existing preferences.

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In effect, people can make themselves better off by drawing rings around themselves, by defining themselves in their groups more shabbily.

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These gains can arise strictly from preferences. However, it is certainly possible to increase economic well-being of one group by effectively enforcing an economic cartel arrangement among its members.

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So when we look at a history, we find that options 1 and 3, pairing public goods and using social pressure, they allowed unions to organize, but they couldn't let them exclude blacks.

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And what you'll also find, using violence was pretty ineffective.

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Only through the use of the state were they able to exclude black workers.

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I'll go through a little bit of the history just real quick.

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Railroads started to come about in the 1880s.

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And they were loosely organized, but it wasn't until 1898 that we had the Erdman Act, which is the first national labor law you'll have in the United States.

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They figured it was under interstate commerce. This is an open and shut case. We can regulate this.

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The Erdman Act outlawed blacklisting, yellow dog contracts, firing of union organizers and it allowed for a voluntarily enforceable arbitration.

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Mind you, this was all happening while blacks were disenfranchised in the South.

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So blacks have no vote through all these legislative laws that come into effect.

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Before the Erdman Act, the union is really ineffective.

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1877, you have the Southern Pacific strike. Blacks had worked there since the Civil War.

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Whites strike in protests. Management shrugs them off. They go back to work.

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1898, Louisville and Nashville. Blacks are introduced and whites go on strike in protests.

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Again, management shrugs. They go back to work.

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Whites strike a couple years later for nonracial reasons and they're replaced by black workers.

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1894 you have the Pullman strike. Blacks actually form the anti-strikers union.

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A lot of the literature says blacks are pawns of capital.

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It's just not true. Blacks knew exactly what they were doing. They were excluded by these

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white unions

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so they knew it was in their best interest to be strikebreakers.

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All this starts to change after the Erden Act in 1898.

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You have the famous 1909 Georgia race strike.

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um... blacks replaced some white workers, there was a strike and a lot of violence

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the strike fails to remove black workers

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but federal arbitrators equalized wages

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um... even Robert Higgs, who we all know as a great libertarian

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argued that this was due to

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that when they equalized the wages, this proved

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that there was racism on part of the employers

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because blacks were still employed after the wages were equalized

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I don't believe that's true. They weren't paid less because they were black. They were

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paid less because they weren't in the unions. So again, this shows that employers weren't

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the bad guys here. It was the unions. We have the 1911 Queen and Crescent Strike. The same

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deal, there's a lot more violence. This time, at least 10 black workers were murdered and

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and All Fright is halted across the United States.

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This led to arbitration because the halting of trade all across America and actually led

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to a contract limiting black employment.

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It would say something like black breakmen and firemen will make up no more than 50%

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of runs on this line.

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This basically became standard for the next few years among white unions.

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Also in this area, you'll see they tried to use state labor legislation in order to get

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their way. You'll have licensing boards, which will obviously be made up of, you know, white

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workers to decide who will be able to do this job. You have literacy requirements. The same

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way that blacks were excluded from voting, they're going to try to exclude them from

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working. And you also have, this was a big one, full crew laws, that said you have had

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had a certain class of each worker, but there were certain classes that were synonymous

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with black workers, certain classes that were synonymous with white workers. So what they

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would do is, it looked racially neutral, but its effect would be to limit the number of

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black workers on certain runs. World War I came around. It helped blacks because it was

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a tight labor market, but it also empowered organized labor, which we'll see hurts them

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The 1920s and the 1930s, a decade of that violence that we talked about, the instances

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where dozens of blacks were shot at, stabbed, murdered, in order to prevent them from going

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on these runs. A lot of them were killed, but it didn't have any discernible effect

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on the number of black workers in the industry. What we really see is the downfall comes with

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The Railroad Labor Act of 1926 and its amendment in 1934.

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The 1926 act says that collective bargaining is now the only form of work management bargaining.

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Mind you that these are all white unions, blacks and most of them are actually excluded

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by constitutional means.

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It's not even a custom.

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So you'll see that now white unions are in charge of bargaining for not just themselves,

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but all workers in that class.

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Basically, the government gave racist white unions the power to bargain for the black

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workers that they had been trying for decades to remove from this industry.

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And what it did, it devastated black workers.

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I wish I'd brought the graphs, but you'll see that black representation in this industry,

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It was stable for decades, and as soon as these acts came into fruition, it dropped.

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You'll see they still didn't get that time, they made a fair employment practice commission.

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What they did was they blamed management again.

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They said, oh, you need to hire more blacks, and it just didn't get through their heads.

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But we found that some employers did try to hire more blacks.

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What happened was the unions attacked them viciously, said, oh, this isn't in the contract,

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you're breaking the contract, and they had to back off.

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Because additionally, the 1934 amendment, not only was there civil penalties, was there

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injunctions, but there was also criminal penalties for breaking some of these fair labor laws.

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By this time, the 1950s, you see the railroad industry go into a decline. They tried to

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pass some laws. The Steele case said they have to bargain fairly on behalf of all workers.

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Had no discernible effect. And you'll see, as the industry declined, black workers had

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There's no chance of ever coming back and it's just a really sad story and I encourage

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anyone who's into Austrian economics to really start looking at race and ethnic studies

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and labor studies because it's a really important area where we can make a lot of inroads but

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for some reason people have not done so I just gave you one example if anyone wants

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Take a look at the paper after, have any suggestions, come talk to me after. Thank you.
