WEBVTT

NOTE Hyperinflation, Money Demand and the Crack-up Boom: Revisiting the Weimer Republic Experience

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Ladies and gentlemen, dear Mr. Chairman, thank you very much for the invitation. It's a great pleasure to be here. It's always a great experience to be at the Mises Institute.

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The other day I came across a remark made by Henry Ford, the American auto tycoon.

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He once said, the people of the nation do not understand our money and banking system.

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For if they did, I believe, there would be a revolution before tomorrow morning.

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I just wondered what Henry Ford might have in mind as far as the role of democracy is

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concerned when he made these statements.

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The paper I am going to talk about has the title Weimar Republic Hyperinflation, an a priori

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theory viewpoint. In the next 20 minutes I would like to go through the paper and would

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like to outline the basic thoughts of illustrating the causes of the German hyperinflation from

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The Austrian Historical Method

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The German hyperinflation of 1923 can be for a number of reasons termed as a perfect hyperinflation.

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It not only led to a drastic debasement of the currency, it led to the total destruction

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of the currency.

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The German hyperinflation occurred in times of peace, around about five years after World

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War I ended.

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It led to unprecedented economic and political disaster in Germany and it certainly paved

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the way towards totalitarianism under the National Socialist rule and led to World War

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II.

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Recently, German hyperinflation occurred in an economically advanced society.

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It was not a banana republic.

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And that hyperinflation needs to be addressed these days is obvious.

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This note carries $100 trillion with it. Yes, Mr. Chairman, $100 trillion, but don't worry,

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it's Zimbabwe dollar, it's not US dollar. The German hyperinflation is not a tragic

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historical episode from an a priori social theory as represented by the Austrian historical

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method it can be shown that the German hyperinflation illustrates the inevitable or I should say

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logical consequence of public ownership of government of which democracy republicanism

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is the most prominent model.

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What I'm going to show is that a priori theory shows that it is impossible to limit the expansion

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of government.

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It leads to a relentless increase into an aggression against private property and the

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final drama is the complete destruction of the currency.

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That's basically the result of the paper and if you turn to page two you could in the paragraph

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below see how the paper has been structured.

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What I'm going to do is I'm just talking briefly about the Austrian historical method.

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Against this backdrop we are going to look at the theoretical relation between the social

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Financial Order, Property Rights, and Time Preference.

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And then I move on and we will briefly look at the major developments in the course of

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the German hyperinflation period.

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And finally the paper concludes basically with outlining the relation between public

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ownership of government and money production.

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I should say that the paper draws heavily, very heavily on the work which has been done

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by Ludwig von Mises, Murray Rothbard and Professor Hoppe.

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If we turn to page number three, you would see a paragraph titled History and Apriori

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Theory. It's fair to say that Ludwig von Mises, right from his start as an academic, dealt

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in depth with the relationship between economics and history. Human action carries a lot of

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for Insightful Explanation, and the culmination of all this work is certainly his book, History

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and Theory, which he published in 1953.

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History, Mises notices the record of human action, and Mises' historical method basically

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rests on the indisputable insight that ideas ultimately cause human action, and I quote,

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History establishes the fact that men, inspired by definite ideas, made definite judgments

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of value, chose definite ends and resorted to definite means in order to attain the ends

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chosen and it deals furthermore with the outcome of the action, the state of affairs the actions

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brought about.

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And a fantastic introduction to the historical method of the Austrian School of Economics

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of the Misesian Approach can be found in a wonderful introduction by Professor Salerno

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to Rothbard's history of money and banking in the United States of America.

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The point I would like to make here is that for making sense of historical data, a priori

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theory is required and that means a theory which establishes truth without taking recourse

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to Experience.

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Economics as a branch of praxeology offers such irrefutably true propositions anterior

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to experience.

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And these irrefutable true propositions can be illustrated then by historical events.

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Historical events, I should stress this important finding, cannot confirm or refute the truth

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of a priori theoretical interpretations.

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And to set the ball rolling, I would like to quote Hans Zenholz, who in his book Age

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of Inflation in 1979 wrote, I quote, in view of the German hyperinflation, who would inflict

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on a great nation such evil which had ominous economic, social and political ramifications

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not only for Germany but for the whole world and his sobering answer was quote

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every mark was printed by Germans and issued by a central bank that was

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governed by Germans under a government that was purely German. It was German

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political parties such as the Socialist, the Catholic Central Party and the

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Democrat forming various coalition governments that were solely

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are solely responsible for the policies they conducted. Of course, admission of responsibility for any calamity cannot be expected from any political party.

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And in the same vein, Mises had written back in 1923 in a paper which he basically finalized in January 1923.

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If a government is not in a position to negotiate loans and does not dare levy additional taxation

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for fear that the financial and general economic effects will be revealed too clearly too soon

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so that it will lose support for its program, it always considers it necessary to undertake

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Inflationary Measures. Thus, inflation becomes one of the most important psychological aids

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to an economic policy which tries to camouflage its effects. It permits a system of government

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to continue which would have no hope of receiving any approval of the people if conditions were

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frankly explained to them. So we can see in both the writings of Zenholz and Ludwig von

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At that time, there was a clear insight of the underlying causes of hyperinflation.

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In the third paragraph of my paper, I just wanted to take an analytical starting point

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and you see a figure which relates the social order, property rights and time preference

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or put them into a proper perspective.

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When you talk about the organization of society, we can, on the one hand, look at the libertarian

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Government-Societal Order, which is characterized by the absence of violation of individual

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property rights.

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The other extreme is Government-Societal Order, which is characterized by aggression against

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property rights, by definition.

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Now if we take a closer look at Government-Societal Order, we can make a distinction between a

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a government which is characterized by a low time preference

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and a government which is characterized by high

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time preference

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and those of you who have read Mansa Olsen, his Power and Prosperity book

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he used two terms, he talked about a roving bandit

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and a stationary bandit

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the roving bandit has a high time preference

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The roving bandit comes and his thievery reaches 100 percent because he has a narrow interest

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in the welfare of his victims.

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He takes and vanishes, moves on.

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The stationary bandit, he settles down and he has an encompassing interest in the productive

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forces of society.

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He feeds on his victims on an ongoing basis, so his expropriation and exploitation is less

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than 100%.

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So we could say the stationary bandit has a lower time preference compared to the roving

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bandit.

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Now if we look at the stationary bandit, we can refer to monarchy, for instance, or feudalism,

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which is characterized by private ownership of government. Private ownership of government,

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that's the representative model of the stationary bandit. So where is public ownership of government

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or what's the model? I already referred to that model, that's democracy and republicanism.

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Which has a higher, by definition, a higher time preference compared to the stationary

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Stationary Bandit or the Model of Monarchy.

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So we could say that the stationary bandit has a relatively lower time preference.

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So his theory is less than the theory caused by the roving bandit.

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And of course, the lower the time preference, the more conducive is government for supporting

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the process of civilization.

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Now in this paper I also refer to an important insight, Olson is basically making the point

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that an autocratic government so has a higher time preference compared to the majority rule

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and it's fair to say that this can be dismissed but at this juncture I just wanted to make

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economic three points against the backdrop of the finding in paragraph three.

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Namely the first, the transition from private to public ownership of government leads to

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rise in a social time preference and is thereby causing negative effects on the process to

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civilization.

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Second, public ownership of government provides economic incentives for growing aggression

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against private property over time.

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And third, public ownership of government has little economic incentives to correct

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the consequences of bad policies if the benefits of this correction will materialize in the

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future rather than in the short term.

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And against this backdrop, I think it's fair now to take a view on the developments in

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in Germany between 1919 and 1923.

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And that starts on page number nine.

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And you can see that, for instance, the outlays related to World War I were predominantly

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financed by the German Reich, by the German Empire, by the issuing of a government debt.

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Because the idea was once the Allies were defeated, you know, the Kaiserreich would

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have taken the gold reserves and other property titles to make, to repay basically this debt.

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And for instance, the table shows you that in 1914, the total debt outstanding in Germany,

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Ludwig, debt was 5.2 billion gold marks and it reached 5.2 million gold marks and it reached

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105.3 million at the end of the First World War. That's around about 200% of GDP. GDP

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measured in terms of its level in 1914.

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There was also an increase in the money supply.

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Money supply rose by 440% in that period.

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So there was, of course, an inflationary effect because the gold, the Reichsmarkt was suspended

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from its convertibility into gold, but it was not yet a hyperinflationary development.

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Then in April 1917, during the World War I, the United States of America under President

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Woodrow Wilson entered war activities, taking sides with the Allies and, of course, making

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the Allies the militarily dominant powers.

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The Germans and the Austrian-Angarians were encouraged by Wilson's 14 Points Plan from

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from the early 1980s to sign an armistice, and basically the peace was settled in the

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Treaty of Versailles, which to the surprise of the Germans resulted in Germany was basically

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made solely responsible for the causes of the war.

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The treaty required the German Reich to disarm, make substantial territorial concessions and

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pay reparations to the Allies.

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And that was of course done because of the strong American backing of France and Britain

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who then could push through the political program.

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But be that as it may, be that as it may until round about the end of 1922, the German public

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finances did not get out of control, did not get out of control and you can take a look

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on page number 11, you can see there the percentage ratio of taxes to total revenues were between

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around about 50 and 70 percent in that period and towards the end of 1922 this ratio started

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collapsing and the fatal event that basically led to the fatal hyperinflation came in late

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1922.

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The reparation commission declared Germany to be in default of reparations and French

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and Belgian troops started occupying

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the German industrial heartland,

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causing the collapse, basically, of the German economy.

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And the German government under Chancellor Wilhelm Kuno,

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now Germany had a democratically elected government

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with various coalition, was unable to resist militarily

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and called for passive resistance, passive resistance.

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And the passive resistance was basically an idea

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to pay people from, you know,

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paying reparations, basically paid strike action.

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And this passive resistance was made possible only because

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The Reichsregierung had promised to pay firms for output losses and provide financial assistance

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to the unemployed and expelled civil servants. And that was paid by printing money. And as

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you can see from figure four on page number 12, around about June 1923, things started

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to get out of control. There were ever greater amounts of government debt getting monetized

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by the Reichsbank, and that led to this disastrous hyperinflation period.

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And just to give you an idea, before World War I started, you had to pay 4.2 gold marks

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for one U.S. dollar.

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And in the middle of November 1918, you had to pay 4.5 trillion Reichsmark basically,

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The point I would like to make here is that it was a deliberate decision made on the part

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of government to increase the money supply. Printing ever greater amounts of money was

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seen as the policy of the least evil. It was deliberately done by the German government,

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a democratically elected government.

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And so the quotes I just gave you by Zenholz and Mises,

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I think from an a priori theory viewpoint

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can be fully supported.

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Can be fully supported namely that this hyperinflation

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was basically caused, deliberately caused

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by a public ownership of government.

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In view of my time frame, I would like to conclude here. What I tried to do was to illustrate

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the Weimar Republic hyperinflation from the viewpoint of a priori theory and to show that

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We can, by taking recourse to this theoretical framework, we can really make the conclusion

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that the German hyperinflation was not just a tragic or historical episode, but a direct

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or logical consequence of public ownership of government.

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Thank you very much.
