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NOTE Necessary and Sufficient Causes of the Industrial Revolution: Some Critical Remarks on Mises and His Explanation

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Okay, just first a few words about the theory.

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For economic theory, the question of how to increase wealth and get rich has a straightforward answer.

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It has three components. You get richer, A, through capital accumulation, that is,

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the construction of intermediate producer or capital goods that can produce more consumer goods per unit of time

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that can be produced without them or goods that cannot be produced at all with just land and labor

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and capital accumulation again has something to do with low time preference

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and B, the second part of the theory is you increase wealth through participation and integration in the division of labor

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and C, through population control that is by maintaining the optimal population size

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Now, I shall not comment further on the first two answer components, assuming that they

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are largely familiar. However, some comments on the third component are needed in this context.

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That wealth depends on the population size follows from the law of returns and the Malthusian

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law of population, which Ludwig von Mises has classified as indisputable laws and ranked

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among the truly great achievements of thought.

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Now the law of return states that for any combination of two or more production factors

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an optimum combination exists such that any deviation from this optimum combination involves

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material waste or efficiency losses.

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Applied to the two original factors of production that is land and labor, land being nature

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The law implies that if one were to increase the quantity of labor, that is, the population

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size, while the quantity of land and the available technology remain fixed, eventually a point

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will be reached where the physical output per labor input is maximized.

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This point marks the optimal population size.

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If there is no additional land available and technology is fixed at a given level, then

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any population increase beyond the optimal size will lead to a progressive decline in

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per capita incomes.

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Now I want to say a few things about economic history.

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I want to take a look at what appears to be the most fundamental datum of human economic

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History, and I will do this with the help of two charts. The first one, the upper one,

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is taken from Gregory Clarke, Farewell to Arms, which shows that for most of human history

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until sometime around 1800, real income per capita did not rise. This is indicated there.

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is indicated there. In short, this is the thesis that average living standards in 18th

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century England, for instance, were not higher than those in ancient Babylon. The second

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chart is taken from Colin McEverde and Richard Jones and the Atlas of World Population History

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And this chart complements the first and shows human population growth from about 12,000

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before Christ, as is not all the way indicated on this, until the present of year 2000. It

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likewise shows a significant break occurring during the late 18th or 19th century. Until

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Until then, until this point, the population size grew only slowly, and since then population

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growth has increased very sharply.

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In combination, both charts capture the world historic significance of the so-called Industrial

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Revolution, which occurred some 200 years ago, as well as the significance, and in particular

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the length of the previous so-called Malthusian stage of human development. During the Malthusian

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age, the population size continuously pressed against the means of subsistence. To be sure,

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the population size could grow mostly because more land was taken into possession and partly

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also because of better technology incorporated in better producer goods and an extended and

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Intensified Division of Labor.

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But all such economic gains were always eaten up quickly by a growing population that again

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encroached upon the available means of subsistence and led to overpopulation and the emergence

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of what Mises called supernumerary specimens for whom there was no place in the division

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of Labor and who consequently had to be weeded out due to a lack of substance, sustenance.

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Today in modern western societies no such supernumerary specimens exist, but for most

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of human history this was indeed the case and it is still the case in many parts of

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the so-called third world. There were ups and downs in real incomes during the Malthusian

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Age, owing to various external events and pronounced individual and regional income differences

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existed, but nowhere was there a continuous upward trend in real incomes per person, which

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we have come to take for granted since then. Throughout the entire age, the iron law of

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wages held sway. Income and wages were held down near subsistence level owing to the existence

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and the existence of a substantial number of supernumerary specimens.

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Now I come to the explanation.

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Now what is the cause of the lengthy Malthusian Age and of the only recent Industrial Revolution?

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The standard answer among economists and in particular among libertarian economists is

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there must have been institutional impediments, in particular an insufficient protection of private property rights

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that prevented a quicker development and these impediments were removed only recently, that is until about 1800.

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This essentially is also Mises' explanation, also Rothbard's by the way.

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And I want to argue that this explanation is mistaken and present at least the outlines of an alternative explanation.

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Most obviously the standard explanation is faulty because, put bluntly,

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Finally, there simply was no revolutionary institutional change concerning the security

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of private property that preceded or accompanied the Industrial Revolution. Property rights

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had been well protected at many places and many times among hunter-gatherers as well

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as in settled societies. And from all we know, for instance, property rights in 1200 England

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and in much of feudal Europe were better protected than they are today in contemporary England

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and Contemporary Europe. That is, every institutional incentive favorable to capital accumulation

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and the division of labor was long in place and yet nowhere until about 1800 did mankind

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succeed to extricate itself from the Malthusian trap. Today, we take it for granted that it

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is solely our unwillingness to consume less and to save more that imposes limits on economic

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and Growth. Yet this phenomenon is actually quite new. For most of human history, savings

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were held back by a lack of ideas of how to productively invest them. That is, of how

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to convert plain savings or storing of goods into productive savings, namely the production

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of producer goods. For Crusoe, for instance, it was not sufficient to have a low time preference

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into save. Rather, Crusoe also had to conceive the idea of a net, for instance, and must

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Property Rights have known how to build it from scratch. If no one is capable to do this

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or to imitate what someone else has invented before, even the safest of property rights

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will simply make no difference. Every incentive needs a receptor to work. And if a receptor

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is lacking or insufficiently sensitive, different incentive structures do not matter. Hence,

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the institution of property protection can be regarded as only a necessary but not also

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and also as a sufficient condition of economic growth, that is of rising per capita incomes.

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So some other empirical factor which does not figure in pure economic theory must explain

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the lengths of the Malthusian age and how we got out of it.

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And this missing factor is the historical variable of human intelligence.

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Man is physically weak and ill-equipped to deal with brute nature.

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It was advantageous for him to develop his intelligence, that is, his knowledge of cause

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and effect relations, and to be successful as hunter and gatherers and even more so as

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agriculturalists, and keep in mind until about 1,890% of the population worked in agriculture.

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This required some intelligence.

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Not every person was equally intelligent, however, and higher intelligence translated

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then into greater economic success and greater economic success in turn translated into greater

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reproductive success that is led to producing a larger number of surviving descendants.

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For the existence of both of these relationships, that is intelligence leads to success and

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greater success leads to reproductive success, there exists a massive amount of empirical

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Now, further, this tendency of selecting for higher intelligence would be particularly

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pronounced under harsh external conditions. If the human environment is unchangingly constant

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and mild, as in the seasonless tropics, for instance, where one day is like another year

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in and year out, high or exceptional intelligence offers a lesser advantage than in an inhospitable

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environment with widely fluctuating seasonal variations. The more challenging the environment,

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the higher the premium placed on intelligence as a requirement of economic and consequently

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of reproductive success. Hence, the growth of human intelligence would be most pronounced

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in harsher and that is historically of course in more northern regions of human habitation.

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Now, this theoretical explanation fits the historical data. The theory explains why it

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took so long to get out of the Malthusian trap and how such a feat was possible at all

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and we did not remain under Malthusian conditions forever. Mankind was simply not intelligent

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enough to achieve productivity increases that could continuously outstrip population growth.

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A certain threshold of average and exceptional intelligence had to be reached first for this

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is to become possible, and it took time, until about 1800, to breed such level of intelligence.

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In addition, the theory explains why the Industrial Revolution originated and then took hold immediately

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in some, generally northern regions, but not in others, and why there had always existed

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persistent regional income differences, and why these differences could have increased

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rather than decreased since the time of the Industrial Revolution.

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Now several implications follow from this.

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First, the theory that I sketched here entails a fundamental criticism of the egalitarianism

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that is rampant within the social sciences generally, but also among many libertarians.

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True, economists allow for instance for human differences in the form of different labor

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Productivities, but these differences are generally interpreted as a result of different

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external conditions, that is, of different endowments or different training. Only rarely

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are internal biologically anchored characteristics admitted as possible sources of human differences.

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And even if economists admit the obvious, that is, that human differences have internal

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biological sources as well, as Mises certainly does, they typically still ignore that these

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These differences are themselves in turn the outcome of a lengthy process of natural selection

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in favor of human characteristics and dispositions, physical and mental, that are determinant

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of economic success and more or less highly positively correlated with economic success

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of reproductive success.

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That is, it is still largely overlooked that we, the modern men, are a very different breed

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from our predecessors hundreds or even thousands of years ago.

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Second, once it is realized that the Industrial Revolution was first and foremost the outcome

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of the evolutionary growth of human intelligence rather than the mere removal of institutional

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barriers to growth, the role of the state can be recognized as fundamentally different

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under Malthusian versus post-Malthusian conditions.

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Under Malthusian conditions, the state doesn't matter much, at least as far as macro effects

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are concerned.

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A more exploitative state will simply lead to a lower population number, much like a

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pest would do, but it does not affect per capita income.

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In fact, in lowering the population density, income per capita may even rise, as it did,

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for instance, after the great pestilence in the mid-14th century.

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And in reverse a good less exploitative state will allow for a growing number of people

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but per capita incomes will not rise or may even fall because land per capita is reduced.

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Now all this changes with the industrial revolution for if productivity gains continuously outstripped

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population increases and allow for a steady increase in per capita incomes then an exploitative

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institutions such as the state can continuously grow without lowering the per capita income

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and reducing the population number.

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The state then becomes a permanent drag on the economy and per capita incomes.

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And the third implication that I want to mention is, whereas under Malthusian conditions positive

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eugenic effects reign, that is, the economically successful produce more offspring and the

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The population's stock is thus gradually bettered, so to speak. Under post-Malthusian conditions,

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the existence and the growth of the state produces a two-fold dysgenic effect, especially

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under democratic welfare conditions. For one, the economically challenged, so to speak,

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as the principal clients of the welfare state produce more offspring and the economically

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successful produce less. And secondly, the steady growth of a parasitic state made possible

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by a growing underlying economy systematically affects the requirements of success.

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Economic success becomes increasingly dependent on politics and political talent, that is

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the talent of using the state to enrich oneself at others' expense.

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And in any case, the population stock becomes increasingly worse as far as prosperity and

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economic growth is concerned rather than better as used to be the case under Malthusian conditions.

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Thank you very much.
