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NOTE A Nietzschean Critique of the State

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Nietzsche and critique of the state? It's hopeless. Thank you very much. So it's pretty clear that Nietzsche did not have a real systematic political philosophy, but he did have quite a few things to say about the state, much of it highly critical.

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So, this paper is me trying to make a little more sense of some of the scattered remarks

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that I found about the state.

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Particularly, I was inspired by one section from thus spoke Zarathustra, the section called

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On the New Idol, The New Idol is the State, and it reminded me of something that Murray

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Rothbard wrote in For a New Liberty.

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He says, the libertarian therefore considers one of his prime educational tasks is to

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spread the demystification and desanctification of the state among its hapless subjects. His

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task is to demonstrate repeatedly and in-depth that not only the emperor but even the democratic

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state has no clothes.

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Okay so now that I've made the connection to Murray Rothbard and got your attention,

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I can move on with my findings. What I found was that it seems that Nietzsche's critique

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of the state parallels his critique of morality and I found two components to each. The first

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one I call demystification. The second one I will call the Nietzschean evaluation. I'm

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going to discuss these and I hope I have time to make some comments about the relationship

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between Nietzsche's critique and classical liberal thought in the end.

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So what do I mean by demystification?

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So X is demystified when, first of all, X is an entity that has a mystique, which means

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that it tends to have a special kind of status in the minds of many, and that it is believed

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to have a mysterious, supernatural, extra-pure or otherwise higher nature, or to have properties

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So, Nietzsche's demystification of morality, what his aim is to reveal the harsh, ugly,

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unpleasant, unchristian immoral truth about modern moral values.

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By modern moral values, we mean the values such as altruism, humility, pacifism, and

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so forth. That's the target of his attack, roughly. And there's two aspects of it. One

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I call his naturalism, where he tries to show that on the micro level, the adoption and

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The promotion of these moral values is a result of, he sees a weaker type of human being,

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and it is a result of their psychological resentment against the higher classes. It's

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their way of calling them evil because they're the opposite of these modern moral values.

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It's also prudent for them to promote these values because it's in their best interest

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to live in a society in which these values are promoted.

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Okay, so the second aspect is in the first essay of his Genealogy of Morality, he kind

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of shows how throughout history these values have become prominent as a result of a kind

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of class warfare.

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So basically, I'm not going to get into it, but he shows by showing that these moral values

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Morality isn't really what we thought it was. It wasn't handed down from on high. So in doing so, he demystifies it.

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So is demystification of the state? So I argue that Nietzsche demystifies the state in a similar fashion as he does with morality.

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While the state perhaps does not have the same sort of mystique as morality, is nonetheless

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an entity that has a very special status in the minds of many. This is evident in the

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fact that states, or those acting in its name, often perform with impunity many actions that

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would hardly be considered justified if performed by a private individual. Yet very few of us

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question this asymmetry in moral standards. Not us, but everyone else. Further evidence

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Further evidence of the state's mystique is that it is often believed to be the special

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product of a voluntary agreement reached by the people in order to carry out their collective

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will, and thus those constituting the state are said to have a special mandate.

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So Nietzsche saw that the state had this mystique. We can see it in the skating treatment of

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the state found in the section I just talked about, and thus spoke Zarathustra called On

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on the New Idol.

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As the section title suggests, Nietzsche's Zarathustra, Zarathustra is a character in

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the book, sort of a mouthpiece for him, I'm not going to get into that, but I'll either

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say Nietzsche says or his Zarathustra the character.

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So Nietzsche's Zarathustra observes that the state has assumed a god-like status and seems

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to have replaced the Judeo-Christian god in whom Europeans were banning belief at the

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time.

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Beniche is aware that the state's divine status, its mystique, is based on deception.

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He says, whatever it tells you, it lies.

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This lie crawls out of its mouth.

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I, the state, am the people.

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I think Obama said something like that recently.

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It also declares, on earth, there is nothing greater than I, the ordaining finger of God

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am I.

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And it legitimizes these claims by surrounding itself with a facade of heroes and honorable

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In the second treatise of Nietzsche's genealogy, he articulates a very important truth about

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the state and describing its origin. He says, The oldest state, accordingly made its appearance

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as a terrible tyranny, as a crushing and ruthless machinery. I use the word state. It goes without

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saying who was meant by this, a race of conquerors and lords, which, organized in a warlike manner

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and with the power to organize, unhesitatingly lays its terrible paws on a population. It

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is in this manner then that the state begins on earth. So the state thus understood is

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no creation of the people and as he also says further, it is not the product of any sort

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of contract either. So just as he does with morality, Nietzsche is demystifying the state

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What is the role and significance of Nietzsche's demystification?

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Some might think that he's committing the genetic fallacy or arguing ad hominem.

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You might think, oh, even if modern moral values, they are the product of these terrible

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historical processes and these resentments and hatreds, that doesn't necessarily mean

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that the values themselves are bad.

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They might actually be the correct or right or good moral values nonetheless.

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The same thing one might say about the state, yeah, it has terrible origins.

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There's a lot of creepy people that work for it, but maybe it's a necessary and just

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Invest Institution, anyways.

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But one interpretation is that these things that he's saying, his demystification, is

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actually not meant to be his argument at all.

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It's rhetoric, and he's making all these comments to kind of prime his readers for the real

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aspect of his critique, which I'll move on to.

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So what he wants to do is, his readers, to get them to look at the state or to look at

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morality with a more skeptical or realistic eye before moving on to these other aspects.

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But one implication of this is that, I guess, in pointing out the deceptive and violent nature

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of the State, then if that's not really central to his critique, and he doesn't quite have

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anything, any problems with that in itself, then we should be careful before we start

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interpreting Nietzsche's critique as something akin to a classical liberal critique. And

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I'll, hopefully I can return to this at the end.

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Okay, so on to the second part of the critique, Nietzschean evaluation. Okay, and the preface

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To the genealogy, he explains that the whole point of his book is to discover the value

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of morality.

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And it seems that for Nietzsche, this question of the value of morality can be translated

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into the following more specific questions.

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And he says, I quote, have modern moral values inhibited or furthered human flourishing up

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until now?

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Are they a sign of distress, of impoverishment, of the degeneration of life?

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Or conversely, do they betray the fullness, the power, the will of life, its courage,

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It's confidence, it's future.

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His main concern is whether the moral values and their prominence in society, is it conducive

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or not to human flourishing.

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But he's not worried about human flourishing of everyone.

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He says later, some comments he makes later suggested he's only concerned with the higher

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types of human being, which is a very small minority of elite human beings, and that is

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This is his main concern about morality.

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If my interpretation of this is correct, it seems that Nietzsche is a sort of utilitarian.

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This Nietzschean brand of utilitarianism seems to be committed to the following principles.

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First, the development and flourishing of higher types of human beings is the highest value.

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Secondly, the value of X is determined by its conduciveness to the development and flourishing

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of higher types of human beings. And I think that X can range over codes of values, such

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as morality or institutions, such as the state, and perhaps even individual actions and persons,

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but we'll be talking about the state mostly today.

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So Nietzsche's evaluation of morality real quick. Basically, in the genealogy, what he

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What he tries to show is that as moral values become prevalent in society, they become dangerously enticing to the potential higher types,

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and the result is that they end up devoting their energies and abilities to more compassionate and altruistic endeavors.

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They lose focus on the self-discipline and individualism and creativity that are essential to fully developed higher types as he envisions them.

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So, my suggestion is that if Nietzsche bases his negative evaluation of modern moral values

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on the fact that they inhibit the development and flourishing of higher types as described

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above, then he's also committed to making a similar negative evaluation of the state.

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And on the New Idol, Zarathustra describes the state as a great enticer of those with

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the potential to flourish as higher men. He says, Oh, even to you, you great souls, it

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whispers its dark lies. Unfortunately it detects the rich hearts who gladly squander themselves.

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It wants to gather heroes and honorable men around itself, this new idol. Gladly it suns

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itself in the sunshine of your good consciences, the cold monster." So it's trying to suck

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in these higher types to use for its own good, similarly as we saw morality did.

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So what the state does is, I quote, steal the works of the inventors and the treasurers

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of the Wise. It needs them and their energies as suggested earlier for its own legitimacy

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and perhaps also in order to survive and function. The state redirects these great souls and

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heroes from their own individualistic creative pursuits and recruits them for its own stately

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collectivist endeavors, which might be nationalistic, totalitarian or egalitarian in nature. A more

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specific danger the state needs to suggest is that it can turn great men into politicians.

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I quote, watch them scramble, these swift monkeys, they scramble all over each other

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and thus drag one another down into the mud and depths.

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They all want to get to the throne, it is their madness.

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As if happiness sat on the throne, often mud sits on the throne, and often too the throne

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on mud.

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So the state and the politics associated with it provide great men with an arena for competition,

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But unlike other types of competition in which competitors push each other to new excellences,

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political competition is a race to the bottom. It is a dirty business and so sitting in a

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political office is akin to sitting in mud, or in other words, politics is monkey business,

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a degrading, less than human activity. In addition to sucking the higher types and their energies

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and abilities into its own service, the state also undermines the development of those who

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You do not become part of its apparatus. It does this by imposing values from above, which

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is directly in contradiction to what Nietzsche thinks is one of the most important activities

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for human beings. He thinks it's almost essential. In Zarathustra, it says, no greater marketplace

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Based on Earth, did Zarathustra find, then good and evil? No people could live that did

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not first esteem, and esteem is a kind of value creation. Humans first place value into

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things in order to preserve themselves, that is why they call themselves human, that is

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esteemer. Esteeming is creating, he's kind of equating this with, it's in our nature

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to create values, and he sees this happening in individuals, we create our own values,

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and Communities as well. And he sees the state as imposing values from above and kind of undermining

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this very important human activity. And so he sees this as a danger. For one, the state

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relieves them of their need to create their own values and thus enables them to evade

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this important activity. As a philosopher Lester Hunt describes it, the state provides us with

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are the very attractive opportunity to commit this fatal evasion.

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In doing so, the state becomes a source of self-alienation, of estrangement from our

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true nature.

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Secondly, the state is very unlikely to promote such values which are conducive to the flourishing

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of higher types.

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Rather, it's more likely to promote values that are democratic, egalitarian in nature,

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or socialist, or nationalist collectivist.

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So the types meant to redirect these, so these values are meant to redirect the energies

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of great men to the goals of the collective and reduce them to the level of the herd.

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And so basically the concluding words of this section, Nietzsche says, my brothers do you

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want to choke in the reek of their snouts and cravings, smash the windows and leap out

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into the open, get out of the way of the bad smell, there where the state ends, only there

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begins the human being who is not superfluous, there where the state ends, the rainbow and

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bridges of the overman, and the overman is kind of ideal, which we're not going to discuss

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here.

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So basically, when we hold the state to Nietzsche's standard of value, namely his brand of consequentialism

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that I described a bit ago, we see that the state is a great danger, much like morality,

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of the State is a danger in that it entices potential higher types of men, puts them into

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the service of its own ideals, and thus undermines their flourishing and their pursuit of higher,

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more creative endeavors.

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So in conclusion, in presenting this Nietzschean critique of the state, I hope to have achieved

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a few modest goals.

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First, I hope to have shed a little light on an area of Nietzsche's work that gets

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less attention than, say, his critique of morality.

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I hope to have made a bit more sense of the relatively small amount that Nietzsche did

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say about the state by considering it in light of the method he uses in his critique of morality.

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In doing so, I have perhaps shown that Nietzsche's critical attitude toward the state actually

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does fit coherently with another important aspect of his thought, namely his critique

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of morality.

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I'm about to get the shaft, so I hope in Q&A someone can ask me about the connection between

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and Nietzsche's critique and classical liberal values. So thank you very much and if you'd

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like a draft or want to send me some comments or praise, that's my email address. Thank

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you very much.
