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NOTE Rothbard vs. Leo Strauss and Hayek

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Why are we discussing Rothbard's criticism of Leo Strauss and Hayek?

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Well, when Rothbard wrote on these topics in his papers for the Volcker Fund,

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other movements different from libertarianism were prominent.

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On one side there were the Strossians, and the Strossians were very popular among American conservatives.

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In this case, Rothbard defended the libertarian idea of natural rights against a conservative interpretation of natural rights.

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On the other side, there were Hayek and the Hayekians.

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And in this case, Rothbard was defending the Misesian Rothbardian paradigm against the Fallibilist evolutionist paradigm.

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So, the main points of my discussions will be the discussion of Strossian concept of modern natural law,

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The Criticism of Hayekian Evolutionist Theory of Institutions

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and The Criticism of Hayekian Phalibidism.

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So, let's see the criticism of Leo Strauss.

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According to Rothbard, Strauss' work has a great virtue and a great effect.

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The Great Virtue is the searching for a rational basis for ethic and absolute ethical values.

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The great fact is that Strauss, while favoring what he considers to be the classical and Christian concepts of natural law,

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is bitterly opposed to the 17th and 18th century conceptions of luck and the rationalists,

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particularly to their absolute deductive championing of the natural rights of the individual, liberty, property and so on.

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Strauss, in fact, has been the leading champion, along with Russell Kirk and the Catholic scholars in America,

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of a recent trend in lock historiography to standard completely the bad individualistic natural rights type of natural law

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of the 17th and 18th centuries from the good, classical Christian type.

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Good, presumably, because it was so vague and so prudential that it offered very little chance to defend individual liberty against the state.

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In this reading, Hobbes and Locke are the great villain in the alleged perversion of natural law.

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To my mind, this perversion was a healthy sharpening and development of the concept.

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This memo of 1960 is where the Rothbard criticism of Leo Strauss first appeared.

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According to Strauss, modern natural rights are a degeneration of the classical ancient natural law tradition

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that was an expression of civic virtue and public good.

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The modern theory of natural rights plays with its individualism, plays the individual at the centre of the universe,

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which consequences such as the solution of the political problem through economic means, which throws, of course, disapproved.

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The main ends of politics with the natural right doctrine, with modern natural rights,

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the main ends of politics ceased to be wisdom, virtue and public good

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and became the defense of the property right of the individual.

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Rothbard questioned the thesis that identified the break with the past in the modern theory of natural rights.

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Rothbard underlined the scholastic Thomist and Christian roots of the Lockean doctrine of natural rights,

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but within this continuity he found in the individualism of modern natural rights a development and an enrichment.

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The beginning of a new way of understanding the human being and the ends of politics.

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While Rothbard appreciated the Strossian idea of natural law as a battle against the prevailing relativism of values,

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on the other hand, he was unable to accept it at the point where Stross invited his readers to reclaim the classic natural right doctrine

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in its original form that, if fully developed, is identical with the doctrine of the best regime.

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Rothbard said that while Aristotle's vision of man led to the state being seen as the place of the good and virtuous action,

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it was in contrast the Levellers and John Locke in 17th century England who transformed classical natural law

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law into a theory grounded on methodological and hence political individualism.

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So in some way for Rothbard, everything began with the English levelers.

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Let's see the criticism of Hayek.

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To explain the reasons for liberty, Hayek starts from evolutionary and fallibilist positions

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that are clearly at odds with Rothbard's rationalism.

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The starting point in Hayek's thought is the false dichotomy between natural and artificial.

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and the latter term identifying the product of an intended project.

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There is an intermediate category of phenomena resulting from human action but not from human planning.

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Following the reasoning of the late scholastic, Hayekian teaching explains that in this sense

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our traditional, spontaneously evolved morals are perfectly natural rather than artificial

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and it would seem fitting to call such traditional rules natural laws.

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So, according to Hayek, something is natural if it had evolved spontaneously over time.

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It is important to go beyond this false dichotomy between natural and artificial

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Because this dichotomy leads us to social constructivism, according to Hayek.

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So according to a correct understanding of the evolution of political and social institutions,

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these are the result of a spontaneous order that makes use of the knowledge scattered among different individuals

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and in which no single mind had a planning or coordinating role.

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But the truly irreconcilable points between the evolutionary theory of Hayek and Rothbard's theory of natural law are rationalism and fallibilism.

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This is why one of Rothbard's criticisms is Hayek's continuous and all-pervasive attack on reason.

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The faith in the rational capacities of man to discover and correctly to interpret the laws of nature and absolute ethical values

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is not really compatible with the evolutionist and fallibilist position.

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The foundations of liberty are completely different for Hayek and Rothbard.

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Hayek bases the reasons for liberty on human ignorance.

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The necessary starting point of his theory of liberal society

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is fallibility, partiality and the scattering of knowledge

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about particular situations in time and place

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Among Millions and Millions of People, given these, liberty becomes a necessary condition to use at best the human knowledge spread among millions and millions of people.

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So, the value of individual liberty, according to Hayek, rests chiefly on the recognition of the ignorance of all of us.

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But, of course, for Rothbard, human ignorance is too uncertain a basis for liberty.

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According to the authentic rationalist theory, we should be able to know what is best for man

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and to found absolute values on human nature. This is Rothbard's position.

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This is why Rothbard dismissed the Hayekian premises as an attack on man's reason.

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The attempt to establish what is absolutely good for man by appealing to human nature,

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which to Hayek is a cultural idea, demonstrated the great distance between Rothbard and Hayek's evolutionary argument.

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In this sense, Rothbard's criticism of Hayek is paradigmatic of the split we find today

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within the Austrian School between those libertarians who refer back to the Lockean idea,

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the Lockean version of the idea of a right reason and the heirs of the theory of a limited,

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and fallible evolutionary kind of knowledge.

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This contrast was made explicit by Rothbard in 1992

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in the present state of the Austrian School,

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from which the profound differences

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between the Hayekian and the Misesian paradigms emerged.

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In this paper, once again, Rothbard took his distance from Hayek's entire work, in that it was devoted to a denigration of human reason.

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In this work, Rothbard criticized the Hayekian theory of a spontaneous order, since, from his point of view, it implied a lack of awareness on the part of the human being.

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And moreover, accepting such a theory would lead to a conservative and to an uncritical attitude towards customs and institutions, state included.

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Of course, according to Rothbard, it would be a mistake to accept all social institutions just because they had evolved spontaneously over time.

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Joe Salerno, on his side, already in 1990 contrasted Mises' rationalism with Hayek's irrational emphasis on spontaneous order.

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Salerno's idea is that to achieve social change we could not rely on spontaneous and unintended consequences.

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So, to conclude, I would like to say that I think that this analysis,

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Rothbard's analysis of these philosophers has a great value,

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has a great value because what Rothbard is suggesting to us is that in spite of the totalitarian outcomes

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of the abuse of reason and of social constructivism,

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We can't deny, to human reason, the right to change, to modify unjust social institutions.
