WEBVTT

NOTE Spontaneous Order: Commentary

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The greatest achievement for me of Roderick and Charles' papers is their demonstration,

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not just in theory but in practice, of the usefulness of spontaneous order explanations.

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They I think show how things become clear when you use this mechanism of explanation.

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But I have two challenges for both Roderick and Charles.

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I'll begin with Charles' discussion of the disagreement between Brownmiller and her critics.

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I'm not familiar with the literature he discusses, but I believe that he might be missing the

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depth of the disagreement between Brownmiller and her critics, namely on whether there is

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such a social order as Brownmiller describes in the first place.

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Not the reality of male dominance, that's a given, but the connection she makes between

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In that and what in the paper he quotes, the discovery that gentilia could serve as weapons.

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The reason I think there might be such a disagreement is that when I read about Brown Miller's views

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for the first time, my first reaction was an embarrassed giggle.

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The world Brown Miller describes just seemed to me like a caricature of the world I know.

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My first challenge concerns that giggle.

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There is then a distance and misunderstanding between Brown-Miller and her critics. There

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is also a distance between adherence and non-adherence of invisible hand explanations and I think

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it's instructive to take them together. Take the second distance between adherence and

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non-adherence of invisible hand explanations. Johnson, Charles takes Brown-Miller's critics

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to assume erroneously that the social order she describes has to be the product of some

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Some Planning.

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They do so, perhaps as Roderick says, because order is one of the cues whereby we recognize

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the presence of intention.

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More generally though, there is here in the background an idea about what it is to explain

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social orders, the phenomena of social order in principle.

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And this idea of Brownmiller's critics about social order as something planned is competing

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with Roderick's and Charles' ideas.

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Social order can be the result of spontaneous developments.

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So let me briefly overview this competition.

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Social order is a weird thing.

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It is a category between, I think, the mechanical and the intentional.

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Let me explain.

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When I do something intentional, for example, raise my hand, you can ask me why.

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But if my hand simply jerks, goes up as a result of some electrical imbalance in my

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muscles, this sort of why question doesn't apply.

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It would be like complaining to me that I'm still digesting lunch. It's nonsense. Now,

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when it comes to social order, we have, I think, conflicting intuitions. Sometimes we

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think about social orders as mechanical, for it has no mastermind, or no obvious mastermind

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at least, possibly none at all, and sometimes we think about it as intentional, for it is

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is more than an anthill. This is the competition and I believe that we are genuinely conflicted.

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We are tempted to amalgamate the two languages. But when we start doing that, things get murky

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and talking about different degrees of intentionality, for example, or of subconscious mechanisms

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is often no more than wavering and equivocating. We have to decide which language we want to

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This is why I think the very idea of invisible hand explanations is so important.

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It gives us a non-conflicted language.

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To give invisible hand explanations of social phenomena, then, is both unlike explaining

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how machines work and unlike justifying intentional actions.

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To explain social phenomena on the invisible hand model is rather to identify patterns

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of intentions.

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I'll explain. In large groups, different people have different intentions and ways of thinking and act in different ways, but there is no chaos.

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We can identify patterns among those groups, resemblances and differences, strands and currents of thoughts and actions.

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According to the invisible hand theories, then these patterns are what we call social order.

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Now, if this is true, adherents of invisible hand explanations, adherents of that language are faced with a complicated problem, how to convince people to learn and use this language.

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But, and here I criticize Roderick and Charles, it seems that they do not recognize, or not enough at least, the task, that task that they are facing.

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They seem to think that we can just offer invisible hand explanations and that merely

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upon hearing them, these explanations would instantly make sense to everyone.

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In his paper, Roderick writes and italicizes, nothing essential is hidden, he insists, amazed

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at how blind people can be.

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But even if this is true, and I take it to be true, it doesn't mean that people know

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know how to see it, or that they have to see the same thing, the same patterns that Roderick

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does. There is, I think, reason to be more cautious with one's expectations. A similar

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argument applies to Charles' paper. There is reason to suspect, that is, not only that

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Brown-Miller's critics disagree with her, but that in a sense they do not have even

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understand her. If my first reaction to her claims, my giggle, is any indication, it may

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It may be possible that the problem these critics have with Brown Miller's argument is that

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they do not know how to connect what she says about the reality they take themselves to

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be familiar with or to connect what she says to this reality.

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It seems very plausible that for them she is offering a caricature, not a theory, that

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she is describing something perfectly familiar and ordinary in a very bizarre and extraordinary

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way.

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So imagine a discussion between Brown Miller and a critic, imagine her saying all those

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things about genitalia weapons and imagine the critic listening and being astounded.

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He wants to laugh, that's his first reaction, but then he looks at her and notices she's

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not joking.

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What should he do now and what should Brown Miller do to help him see what she's after?

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Possibly the best thing that could be done in such cases is to tempt people, tempt the

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is a critic in this case to somehow see things in a certain light, to identify certain patterns.

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But tempting people to see things in a different light, attempting people for example to see

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things from the perspective of a rape victim is not an easy task.

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For to begin with there is nothing tempting about that pain and humiliation.

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It is much easier to be blind to it.

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Like in the case of Franz Kafka, another Austrian hunger artist, the tragedy is that

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what is really a cry of pain can sound to the unfamiliar crowd like a joke.

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And there may not be any calm, reasoned, organized way of convincing them otherwise.

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It is not impossible to convince people to start using different language and identify

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new patterns, but it takes some sort of temptation work.

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takes creating the motivation in them to try and see things in a new light, but it doesn't

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seem that Roderick and Charles are willing to do all the work that's needed.

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So this is my first challenge to them.

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How do they expect their arguments to convince their opponents if in the sense I explained

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their opponents do not even speak the language necessary, if they see other patterns, if

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the patterns that Brown Miller is presenting, for example, strike them as funny?

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My second challenge is more of a request for clarification. Both Long and Johnson support

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in principle spontaneous social orders, but they make claims that make me worried about

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such orders in general and anarchy in particular. If Roderic is right, the anarchy seems to

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have no reason to be an adherent of spontaneous order for, as he claims, it may lead to the

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and the creation of the state, spontaneous order namely.

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If Charles is right, the anarchist seems to have no reason to reject the state for Charles'

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claims.

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The evils we are concerned with are not necessarily the evils of the state.

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I suggested above that invisible hand explanations supply us with the conceptual scheme we need

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in the social sciences.

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If this is indeed so, then it should not be altogether surprising that as Charles and

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Roderick claim, the male dominant society and the state, which are after all kinds of

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social orders, will also have to be explained in those terms.

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Any social order has to be explained in those terms.

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But now, what is anarchy and what is the rape free society supposed to be beyond the fact

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that like any other social order, they are spontaneous orders?

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The source of my un-clarity I think is this. Do Roderick and Charles take spontaneous order

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to be a program for implementation or do they take it to be a scheme for explanation? I

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suggested it was the latter. Invisible hand explanations give us a language in which to

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investigate social orders in general and this is why they are important. The question about

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the good of social order, discussions in politics in general, cannot even get off the ground

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without it, for to discuss something, one at least needs to have a language for discussion.

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If I may take the two papers presented today as representative, it seems to me that this

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is not how libertarian anarchists, like Roderick and Charles had taken them to be, understand

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things.

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They do indeed use the spontaneous order explanation as such a fundamental conceptual scheme, but

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At the same time, they put it forward as an agenda, a suggested platform for social improvement.

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In other words, they advocate spontaneity within limits, but at the same time take any social reality complicated enough to be spontaneous anyway.

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So this is my second challenge to them. What is the point in fighting for what necessarily exists, namely spontaneous order?

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and what's the point of fighting against what cannot exist, namely non-spontaneous order.
