WEBVTT

NOTE The Best Arguments for Trade Protection — and Why They Are Wrong

1
00:00:00.000 --> 00:00:05.800
My paper is about the best arguments for protection, and by protection I'm talking about

2
00:00:05.800 --> 00:00:12.240
protecting ourselves, protecting domestic industries from foreign competition with some type of trade restrictions.

3
00:00:12.240 --> 00:00:22.800
And there's an awful lot of arguments in favor of protection, and I don't want to have time to talk about all of them, but in the next few minutes I'd like to

4
00:00:22.800 --> 00:00:34.060
say that a useful way to think about these arguments is to put them into two categories. There are some naive arguments in favor of protection and then there are the best arguments in favor of protection.

5
00:00:34.060 --> 00:00:43.960
And then I'll have some comments about whether or not we should accept the best arguments.

6
00:00:43.960 --> 00:00:49.560
The case for free trade starts with the law of comparative advantage, but it doesn't end there.

7
00:00:49.560 --> 00:00:51.560
And I assume we're familiar with this law.

8
00:00:51.560 --> 00:01:07.560
Ricardo's law of comparative advantage says that if we specialize in producing the products where we have a comparative advantage and export those products and import the products where the other country has a comparative advantage, then this will increase social product.

9
00:01:07.560 --> 00:01:12.560
And this is an airtight argument, but it only holds under certain conditions.

10
00:01:12.560 --> 00:01:15.560
Within the conditions, it's an airtight argument.

11
00:01:15.560 --> 00:01:23.560
So the explicit premise of that argument is that capital is immobile across political borders.

12
00:01:23.560 --> 00:01:30.560
It's mobile within the political borders, but capital and other resources do not flow between countries.

13
00:01:30.560 --> 00:01:38.560
There are other sort of, they're not really premises to the law of comparative advantage, but they're sort of conditions.

14
00:01:38.560 --> 00:01:56.560
And Ricardo and everyone who has espoused this argument in the last two centuries recognize that they're not talking about situations where there's externalities or monopoly power, and that the law doesn't necessarily hold in those cases, and maybe in some other cases.

15
00:01:56.560 --> 00:02:07.560
So the naive arguments, which by the way are oftentimes the powerful arguments and they tend to hold the most weight in public opinion,

16
00:02:07.560 --> 00:02:11.560
the naive arguments are the ones that contradict the law of comparative advantage.

17
00:02:11.560 --> 00:02:17.560
So there are arguments out there that say we should protect ourselves from inexpensive imports,

18
00:02:17.560 --> 00:02:23.560
we should protect ourselves from trade with countries that have cheap foreign labor,

19
00:02:23.560 --> 00:02:27.560
We should protect ourselves from labor or we should protect ourselves from dumping.

20
00:02:27.560 --> 00:02:38.560
We should protect ourselves from allowing foreign firms selling their products, importing their products to us at prices that are relatively low in order to gain market share.

21
00:02:38.560 --> 00:02:46.560
There are also arguments about we should protect ourselves in order to increase jobs, increase production or increase employment.

22
00:02:46.560 --> 00:02:52.560
And there are arguments that say we should protect ourselves in order to foster infant industries.

23
00:02:52.560 --> 00:03:01.560
And all of these arguments by themselves are wrong because they contradict the law of comparative advantage.

24
00:03:01.560 --> 00:03:09.560
The proponents of these arguments see the benefits of the protection, but they don't see what Bastiat says.

25
00:03:09.560 --> 00:03:11.560
They don't see what is unseen.

26
00:03:11.560 --> 00:03:19.560
And we can dispose of these arguments relatively quickly, but there are popular arguments out there.

27
00:03:19.560 --> 00:03:26.560
Let me say one thing. Let me add one thing to that, though. A lot of the infant industries arguments,

28
00:03:26.560 --> 00:03:32.560
the infant industries arguments is that we need to protect industries so that they will mature and become competitive industries

29
00:03:32.560 --> 00:03:35.560
and the type of industries we want to have in the long run.

30
00:03:35.560 --> 00:03:40.560
Some of those infant industries arguments are mixed in with more complicated arguments

31
00:03:40.560 --> 00:03:52.560
that include conditions that don't hold under Ricardo's law of comparative advantage.

32
00:03:52.560 --> 00:03:55.560
So there are more sophisticated infant industries arguments out there.

33
00:03:55.560 --> 00:04:01.560
I don't have a lot of time to dispose of these naive arguments.

34
00:04:01.560 --> 00:04:09.560
I trust that you see that the proponents of these arguments are simply not seeing the whole picture here.

35
00:04:09.560 --> 00:04:21.560
Okay, what I'm calling the best arguments for protection are the arguments where the conditions under which the law of comparative advantage hold are no longer the case.

36
00:04:21.560 --> 00:04:31.600
So, there's a series of arguments out there in the trade literature about protecting ourselves

37
00:04:31.600 --> 00:04:37.720
or protecting industries that generate positive externalities, or maybe diminishing industries

38
00:04:37.720 --> 00:04:41.780
that have negative externalities. But generally they're talking about maybe we should protect

39
00:04:41.780 --> 00:04:46.540
industries that would generate positive externalities for the domestic country. And most of this

40
00:04:46.540 --> 00:04:51.940
This literature focuses on research and development. So the idea is if an industry is going to

41
00:04:51.940 --> 00:04:56.300
be good at research and development, we want it here, we should protect ourselves so that

42
00:04:56.300 --> 00:05:00.220
that industry generates positive externalities for the rest of the country. So even though

43
00:05:00.220 --> 00:05:04.820
that particular industry doesn't capture the gains, other industries in the country will

44
00:05:04.820 --> 00:05:11.820
capture those gains. One problem with that, I was going to go through this whole list,

45
00:05:11.820 --> 00:05:15.520
I was going to go through this whole list, but one problem with that is that these types

46
00:05:15.520 --> 00:05:18.200
of externalities tend to cross political borders.

47
00:05:18.200 --> 00:05:23.740
So in the neoclassical modeling of these arguments, they tend to say positive externalities stop

48
00:05:23.740 --> 00:05:26.100
at the political borders.

49
00:05:26.100 --> 00:05:31.860
But in today's world, you would think that if a firm in Asia developed a new technology,

50
00:05:31.860 --> 00:05:37.020
that firms in the US would be quick to embrace those new technologies.

51
00:05:37.020 --> 00:05:39.940
Regarding research and development, let me mention Gottfried Habler's.

52
00:05:39.940 --> 00:05:47.940
If you were going to read a book on international trade theory, I recommend Gottfried Hobbler's

53
00:05:47.940 --> 00:05:54.220
Theory of International Trade. It's a 1936 book, at least the first English edition is

54
00:05:54.220 --> 00:06:02.620
in 1936. But Hobbler argues that in cases of research and development, he talks about

55
00:06:02.620 --> 00:06:13.020
and Educative Effect. He argues that we should allow the country that has a comparative advantage

56
00:06:13.020 --> 00:06:18.980
in research and development to do that research and development and develop the new technologies

57
00:06:18.980 --> 00:06:22.940
and then we should have free trade and then free trade will generate a lot of competition

58
00:06:22.940 --> 00:06:28.840
here and that competition will force us to embrace the new technologies. So Hobbler turns

59
00:06:28.840 --> 00:06:38.840
In the case of research and development, the argument should be that we should adopt free trade instead of protection.

60
00:06:38.840 --> 00:06:50.840
Possibly better arguments for protection are the arguments where there's imperfect competition in markets, where there's monopoly rents.

61
00:06:50.840 --> 00:07:08.840
And so there's all of these models out there where they say it's a second best world, there are monopolies present, and then in a second best world you can develop a model that draws about any conclusion you want.

62
00:07:08.840 --> 00:07:18.840
So, for instance, some of the conclusions are that the optimal policy is what they call a negative tariff, so that you should subsidize other countries to send you stuff.

63
00:07:18.840 --> 00:07:26.840
You should take tax dollars in the face of imperfect competition and give it to other countries so that they'll send you products, which doesn't...

64
00:07:26.840 --> 00:07:30.840
But under the right modeling conditions, that's the right option.

65
00:07:30.840 --> 00:07:40.840
But regarding monopoly rents, many of the papers fall into two categories. Many of the arguments fall into two categories.

66
00:07:40.840 --> 00:07:48.840
And one is, if there's going to be a firm that generates monopoly rents, we should protect that firm so that it will locate in this country.

67
00:07:48.840 --> 00:07:56.840
And then the firm will sell products overseas, foreign consumers will pay the monopoly rents, and this country will capture the monopoly rents.

68
00:07:56.840 --> 00:08:09.840
The reverse argument is that if the foreign monopolist is going to be overseas and going to export into this country, we should enact a tariff so that our government captures the monopoly rents.

69
00:08:09.840 --> 00:08:19.840
That foreign monopolist pays the rents in the form of tariff revenue to our government. So we extract, they call it extracting the rents from the foreign monopolist.

70
00:08:19.840 --> 00:08:29.760
Let me mention one more argument and then I'll say why I think all of these best arguments

71
00:08:29.760 --> 00:08:36.360
are why we should be suspicious of these arguments.

72
00:08:36.360 --> 00:08:43.520
The third best argument, it's not the third best, the third argument in this category

73
00:08:43.520 --> 00:08:49.800
is the argument where capital is flowing across political borders, capital is mobile.

74
00:08:49.800 --> 00:08:57.600
And I think this is the main argument today. I think this is the argument we hear if you

75
00:08:57.600 --> 00:09:02.960
listen closely. I think this is the argument, a few years ago at the Austrian Scholars Conference,

76
00:09:02.960 --> 00:09:07.760
Paul Crete Roberts gave a talk, and I think this was his point, is that capital flows

77
00:09:07.760 --> 00:09:12.280
out of the country under certain conditions. I think this is the point, I read one of Lew

78
00:09:12.280 --> 00:09:17.640
Dobbs' book, you kind of have to tease this out of the book, but I think that's his point,

79
00:09:17.640 --> 00:09:47.640
is that capital flows out of the country. And I think that's the, some people are making this outsourcing argument that we need to protect ourselves so we're not outsourcing. I think that's at least some of the more sophisticated arguments about outsourcing. I think that's their point. So I think this is the important argument. So the idea here is maybe we could construct protectionist policies that generate capital inflows. And then we would have a country that has more capital

80
00:09:47.640 --> 00:09:54.640
The idea is, if we had the capital inflows, we would have the benefits of the increased capital, there would be less trade, so we would give up some of the efficiencies of trade, but maybe there is a net benefit overall.

81
00:09:54.640 --> 00:10:02.640
So you can think of a world where, the idea is, would you rather have a country with lots of capital and not much trade, or not much capital and free trade.

82
00:10:02.640 --> 00:10:12.640
So maybe it would be better, as far as the amount of goods and services we have, maybe it would be better to have more capital, at least that is the argument.

83
00:10:12.640 --> 00:10:41.640
One of the problems here is that almost everybody who talks about this, they see the increased capital flows, but they only think of it as, they only see a partial equilibrium in the economy, they only see the protected industries and the capital inflows there, but they don't see that if we're going to import less, then we tend to export less.

84
00:10:41.640 --> 00:10:46.640
So they don't see the diminished exporting industries and they tend to not see the capital outflows in those industries.

85
00:10:46.640 --> 00:10:53.640
So they tend to not see the whole picture. That's not really a crushing argument against it, but they tend to not see the whole picture.

86
00:10:53.640 --> 00:11:00.640
A lot of these arguments, a lot of these papers were written in the last 30 years.

87
00:11:00.640 --> 00:11:11.440
But Hobbler in the 1930s spends a lot of time on this issue, and he starts this section

88
00:11:11.440 --> 00:11:18.200
about capital flows by saying, can protection generate these net increased benefits due

89
00:11:18.200 --> 00:11:22.800
to increased capital inflows? And he says, this is an exact quote, he says, definitely

90
00:11:22.800 --> 00:11:29.040
not. And then he spends several pages explaining it, and he ends up concluding that tariffs

91
00:11:29.040 --> 00:11:33.720
are unlikely to increase the income of the home population by attracting factors from

92
00:11:33.720 --> 00:11:40.720
abroad. So he seems to admit it's possible. And the two quotes are just six pages apart.

93
00:11:46.000 --> 00:11:53.000
So why are these arguments wrong here? Am I out of time, Tom? Do I have that much time?

94
00:11:59.040 --> 00:12:08.920
Then, let me say one more thing here. A second book, if you were going to read two books

95
00:12:08.920 --> 00:12:12.680
on international trade theory, I would recommend Gottfried Haveler's book. And then the second

96
00:12:12.680 --> 00:12:19.520
book is by Leland Yeager and David Turk. And it's a 1976 book called Foreign Trade and

97
00:12:19.520 --> 00:12:29.680
and U.S. Policy, The Case for Free International Trade.

98
00:12:29.680 --> 00:12:35.920
This book was, Jaeger and Turk was published in 1976, and starting in the 1980s, there

99
00:12:35.920 --> 00:12:46.600
was a whole series of papers written on optimal protectionist policies. And every time I read

100
00:12:46.600 --> 00:12:51.280
And I think I'll bet Jaeger and Turk rebutted it before any of these papers were written.

101
00:12:51.280 --> 00:12:56.440
And I can always go back to the 1976 book and say, well, there's the answer why the

102
00:12:56.440 --> 00:13:02.920
1987 paper was wrong. So it's rather an amazing, I think if you're interested in this issue,

103
00:13:02.920 --> 00:13:09.920
I think it's a must read. But Jaeger and Turk argued that if you want capital inflows, that

104
00:13:09.920 --> 00:13:15.320
free trade is the right policy because free trade is, countries that have free trade generally

105
00:13:15.320 --> 00:13:21.320
are not interventionists in general, and those are the kind of countries investors want to invest in.

106
00:13:21.320 --> 00:13:35.320
So they argue, they turn the argument around and say capital inflows are good, but protectionist policies tend to be a sign of intervention in general, and investors tend to flee those countries.

107
00:13:35.320 --> 00:13:42.320
So they argue that capital flows are due to mainly other issues other than tariffs.

108
00:13:42.320 --> 00:14:04.320
The best arguments for protection are the ones that cannot be dealt with using the law of comparative advantage, or at least that's my phrase for them.

109
00:14:04.320 --> 00:14:10.320
The reason they're wrong, or the reason I think they're wrong, is that a lot of these...

110
00:14:10.320 --> 00:14:14.400
Well, first of all, the models overlook the real world complications.

111
00:14:14.400 --> 00:14:22.840
So most of these arguments are just neoclassical model building and they start with a series

112
00:14:22.840 --> 00:14:26.180
of assumptions and then they're able to derive anything.

113
00:14:26.180 --> 00:14:32.160
So they tend to assume away the negative aspects of the protection and emphasize them.

114
00:14:32.160 --> 00:14:37.340
You can emphasize the positive aspects by saying there are certain conditions about

115
00:14:37.340 --> 00:14:43.180
about factor prices, or about price elasticities of demand for imports and exports, or you

116
00:14:43.180 --> 00:14:47.400
can claim that you know that a particular firm is a Stackelberg leader, or that the

117
00:14:47.400 --> 00:14:52.900
Cournot condition holds, or sometimes they assume that the foreign nations will never

118
00:14:52.900 --> 00:14:55.300
retaliate against your policies.

119
00:14:55.300 --> 00:14:59.300
Sometimes they assume they will retaliate, but it's in a predictable manner.

120
00:14:59.300 --> 00:15:03.700
So you know what to do about it, because you know how they're going to react.

121
00:15:03.700 --> 00:15:05.860
And a lot of times they'll assume there's just one monopolist.

122
00:15:05.860 --> 00:15:11.700
There is a monopolist, but there is only one. Because if there is more than one, then that

123
00:15:11.700 --> 00:15:16.200
throws the model off. So they are able to build models doing this, but the models tend

124
00:15:16.200 --> 00:15:23.920
to assume away the real-world complexities of the situation. However you could imagine

125
00:15:23.920 --> 00:15:30.420
a world without the modeling, you could imagine a world where the protectionism increases

126
00:15:30.420 --> 00:15:32.420
Social Product

127
00:15:32.420 --> 00:15:35.220
You can imagine it.

128
00:15:35.220 --> 00:15:38.220
You could think about a world where there's a tariff

129
00:15:38.220 --> 00:15:40.740
that attracts a large amount of capital inflows

130
00:15:40.740 --> 00:15:43.860
for industries that generate positive externalities

131
00:15:43.860 --> 00:15:47.320
and gain a large amount of monopoly rents.

132
00:15:47.320 --> 00:15:50.980
But it diminishes other industries, but those industries

133
00:15:50.980 --> 00:15:54.100
result in a small amount of capital outflows

134
00:15:54.100 --> 00:15:56.820
and those industries generate negative externalities,

135
00:15:56.820 --> 00:15:58.940
which you want them diminished anyway,

136
00:15:58.940 --> 00:16:01.860
and there's no loss of monopoly rents.

137
00:16:01.860 --> 00:16:04.820
You can at least imagine that world.

138
00:16:04.820 --> 00:16:10.380
So in that world, why can't we,

139
00:16:10.380 --> 00:16:14.900
why is free trade the right

140
00:16:14.900 --> 00:16:17.940
policy?

141
00:16:17.940 --> 00:16:18.900
Well, I think there's,

142
00:16:18.900 --> 00:16:22.940
largely speaking, there's two reasons. One is that

143
00:16:22.940 --> 00:16:26.700
in order to have an optimal tarot policy, the policy makers need to be

144
00:16:26.700 --> 00:16:35.540
be trying to implement an optimal tariff policy. And we should be suspicious of this. We should

145
00:16:35.540 --> 00:16:40.540
suspect that policy makers will tend to protect industries based on political considerations,

146
00:16:40.540 --> 00:16:47.500
not welfare issues. But to me, the main argument against it is that the policy makers in the

147
00:16:47.500 --> 00:16:53.420
real world are not able to gain the knowledge and do the calculation necessary to implement

148
00:16:53.420 --> 00:16:57.300
these policies. And a lot of these papers recognize this. A lot of these protectionist

149
00:16:57.300 --> 00:17:04.100
papers, they build a model and then they say, the conclusion of the model is that the tariff

150
00:17:04.100 --> 00:17:07.460
is the right policy under certain conditions and then they say, but you can't apply this

151
00:17:07.460 --> 00:17:12.460
model in the real world. Time after time these papers say, we just simply don't have enough

152
00:17:12.460 --> 00:17:19.820
knowledge to do it. Paul Krugman says it, and he's the leading writer, he was the leading

153
00:17:19.820 --> 00:17:34.820
This is an obvious point. None of them cite Mises or Hayek. They don't cite Mises' calculation paper or Hayek's work on knowledge, but implicitly that's sort of the argument they're making.

154
00:17:34.820 --> 00:17:52.820
But it's impossible to implement these policies in the real world, because policymakers simply, even if they were angelic beings trying to do the right thing, they simply don't have the knowledge, nor are they able to do the calculations necessary to devise an optimal tariff.

155
00:17:52.820 --> 00:17:57.820
So, Mises and Hayek's work, I think, rebut the best arguments for protection.
