WEBVTT

NOTE When Did India De-Socialize?

1
00:00:00.000 --> 00:00:06.880
Mises identified two types of socialism, so he called one the Soviet Union post-office

2
00:00:06.880 --> 00:00:13.920
style of socialism where all enterprises are, you know, bureau-nationalized and bureaucratized.

3
00:00:13.920 --> 00:00:17.460
The other second version or second type of socialism he called the Nazi or the German

4
00:00:17.460 --> 00:00:21.200
command economy style of socialism.

5
00:00:21.200 --> 00:00:27.420
So to quote Mises, in this second type of socialism, nominally and seemingly, this type

6
00:00:27.420 --> 00:00:32.180
Episocialism nominally and seemingly preserves private ownership of the means of production

7
00:00:32.180 --> 00:00:37.100
and keeps the appearance of ordinary markets, prices, wages and interest rates.

8
00:00:37.100 --> 00:00:42.660
There are however no longer entrepreneurs but only shop managers.

9
00:00:42.660 --> 00:00:47.180
These shop managers are seemingly instrumental in the conduct of the enterprises entrusted

10
00:00:47.180 --> 00:00:48.180
to them.

11
00:00:48.180 --> 00:00:52.420
They buy and sell, hire and discharge workers and remunerate their services, etc.

12
00:00:52.420 --> 00:00:56.420
But in all their activities they are bound to obey unconditionally the orders issued

13
00:00:56.420 --> 00:01:00.420
by the government's supreme office of production management.

14
00:01:00.420 --> 00:01:03.460
And Mises also went on to say that in this kind of system, and he's referring to the

15
00:01:03.460 --> 00:01:11.580
second Nazi or German command economy style, market exchange, though it seemingly appears

16
00:01:11.580 --> 00:01:15.020
as this kind of exchange, is a sham.

17
00:01:15.020 --> 00:01:19.660
Now empirically it can be difficult to differentiate the second kind of socialism from the system

18
00:01:19.660 --> 00:01:22.660
of interventionism.

19
00:01:22.660 --> 00:01:26.980
The key difference, I believe, is the absence or presence of the capitalist entrepreneur.

20
00:01:26.980 --> 00:01:29.580
That's where you draw the line.

21
00:01:29.580 --> 00:01:35.740
In an interventionist system, capitalist entrepreneurs are still present on the demand side of all

22
00:01:35.740 --> 00:01:38.940
transactions in the factor markets.

23
00:01:38.940 --> 00:01:43.220
And again, to quote Mises about the system of interventionism, he says, the system of

24
00:01:43.220 --> 00:01:47.480
interventionism differs from the German pattern of socialism by the very fact that it is still

25
00:01:47.480 --> 00:01:49.060
a market economy.

26
00:01:49.060 --> 00:01:52.540
The authority interferes with the operation of the market economy but does not want to

27
00:01:52.540 --> 00:01:55.140
to eliminate the market altogether.

28
00:01:55.140 --> 00:01:58.940
It wants production and consumption to develop along lines different from those prescribed

29
00:01:58.940 --> 00:02:03.040
by the unhampered market, and it wants to achieve its aim by injecting into the working

30
00:02:03.040 --> 00:02:05.180
of the market order commands and prohibitions.

31
00:02:05.180 --> 00:02:09.580
Thus, in a sense, interventionism, you can think of it, and I think this is how Mises

32
00:02:09.580 --> 00:02:15.460
defines it in his first work on interventionism, as a system where private property in the

33
00:02:15.460 --> 00:02:18.380
means of production exists, but is abridged.

34
00:02:18.380 --> 00:02:23.540
On the other hand, the Nazi or the German kind of socialism is one where seemingly entrepreneurs

35
00:02:23.540 --> 00:02:26.860
exist, but they are just managers.

36
00:02:26.860 --> 00:02:32.100
So in the sense that there is no true private ownership in the means of production because

37
00:02:32.100 --> 00:02:37.940
the key characteristic of entrepreneurs in the market economy, that is the allocation

38
00:02:37.940 --> 00:02:43.300
of capital across different lines is taken over by the state.

39
00:02:43.300 --> 00:02:46.380
Now how does this all apply to India?

40
00:02:46.380 --> 00:02:48.180
This is what I'm coming to next.

41
00:02:48.180 --> 00:02:54.260
Now post-independence, that's around 1947, India adopted this policy of economic nationalism.

42
00:02:54.260 --> 00:02:59.300
That is, you could call it achieving or trying to achieve economic growth through increased

43
00:02:59.300 --> 00:03:01.980
self-sufficiency.

44
00:03:01.980 --> 00:03:09.380
So it was like India would try to recreate entire capital structures within the national

45
00:03:09.380 --> 00:03:10.380
boundaries.

46
00:03:10.380 --> 00:03:16.280
So for example, if India was largely an importer of capital and other industrial intermediate

47
00:03:16.280 --> 00:03:18.200
Goods Prior to Independence.

48
00:03:18.200 --> 00:03:23.160
So for example, if you take steel, so the thinking was that look, we can't import steel,

49
00:03:23.160 --> 00:03:25.200
we need to produce steel at home.

50
00:03:25.200 --> 00:03:28.560
But not only do we need to just produce steel at home, we also need to produce the machines

51
00:03:28.560 --> 00:03:32.360
that produce steel at home, and then the machines that produce those machines, etc.

52
00:03:32.360 --> 00:03:38.040
And so create this entire capital structure for all higher order goods, which are being

53
00:03:38.040 --> 00:03:39.840
produced right now in the world economy.

54
00:03:39.840 --> 00:03:44.800
And of course, the state was the means to achieve these ends, because the thinking was

55
00:03:44.800 --> 00:03:49.760
Because of course the market left to itself is not going to do it, and so the state was

56
00:03:49.760 --> 00:03:55.760
perceived as the agency to allocate capital and resources to achieve these objectives.

57
00:03:55.760 --> 00:04:01.600
But the interesting thing about Indian socialism is how did the state establish control over

58
00:04:01.600 --> 00:04:02.600
resources.

59
00:04:02.600 --> 00:04:10.520
Now in the Soviet Union it's very simple, because the Bolsheviks came in, they nationalized

60
00:04:10.520 --> 00:04:16.640
is all industry, and so you know straight away that all commands are being provided by

61
00:04:16.640 --> 00:04:23.120
the government, and all the managers in these various enterprises are just following orders

62
00:04:23.120 --> 00:04:29.640
issued from above. In India, it wasn't so clear-cut. There was a public sector, and

63
00:04:29.640 --> 00:04:36.640
it grew over time, so it did slowly monopolize more and more sectors of the economy. It began

64
00:04:36.640 --> 00:04:42.840
and with the railways and telecommunications, but then it went on to control the entire financial structure,

65
00:04:42.840 --> 00:04:51.440
to control all mining activities, coal, etc., and also produce a large chunk of certain capital goods, such as, for example, steel.

66
00:04:51.440 --> 00:04:59.840
But at the same time, there was a sizeable private sector, and there were many private producers, both industrial and agricultural.

67
00:04:59.840 --> 00:05:06.240
And there was also a plan, so every five years the Indian Planning Commission would get together

68
00:05:06.240 --> 00:05:12.120
and set out a five-year plan where you'd have quantitative targets for various, you know,

69
00:05:12.120 --> 00:05:15.720
these goods which they wanted to produce in India.

70
00:05:15.720 --> 00:05:20.680
Now the question is, how did the state make private producers conform to these plan priorities?

71
00:05:20.680 --> 00:05:25.440
I mean, after all, they are private producers and their natural tendency is to produce,

72
00:05:25.440 --> 00:05:29.360
you know, to follow profit-loss signals, to impute prices backwards from, you know, as

73
00:05:29.360 --> 00:05:34.960
they see it from consumer goods, et cetera, consumer goods markets and to follow their

74
00:05:34.960 --> 00:05:36.480
and Natural Tendencies.

75
00:05:36.480 --> 00:05:39.160
So how did the state make them deviate

76
00:05:39.160 --> 00:05:41.400
from this natural tendency and produce

77
00:05:41.400 --> 00:05:43.360
according to plan priorities?

78
00:05:43.360 --> 00:05:45.120
Now, here is where India established

79
00:05:45.120 --> 00:05:47.800
this elaborate system of industrial licensing.

80
00:05:47.800 --> 00:05:49.920
So under the Industrial Development Regulatory Act

81
00:05:49.920 --> 00:05:54.880
of 1951, all basically, and this covered all capital goods

82
00:05:54.880 --> 00:05:59.920
industries, I mean the entire capital structure,

83
00:05:59.920 --> 00:06:02.640
to start a new firm, to change location of a firm,

84
00:06:02.640 --> 00:06:08.320
To change, you know, to expand existing capacity, to change what good you're producing.

85
00:06:08.320 --> 00:06:13.080
So, for example, if you want to switch from producing plastic toys to plastic buckets, et cetera, things like that,

86
00:06:13.080 --> 00:06:17.560
even these kind of decisions, you need to get a license from the government.

87
00:06:18.760 --> 00:06:28.320
And what is the procedure for an entrepreneur, I mean, for a private property owner to get this license?

88
00:06:28.320 --> 00:06:31.800
So, and I quote from the work of economist Gunjan Sharma.

89
00:06:31.800 --> 00:06:44.800
All applications for licenses were debated upon by a licensing committee which consisted of officers from the concerned ministry and the Planning Commission and representatives of other government departments.

90
00:06:44.800 --> 00:06:47.800
So it was kind of like an inter-ministerial decision.

91
00:06:47.800 --> 00:06:56.800
So you would, for example, if you wanted to apply to produce 20,000 units of steel, you would have to submit a license and then these people would look at it, debate upon it and then tell you yes or no.

92
00:06:56.800 --> 00:07:05.800
It's important here to realize that these licenses are not like the licenses which you get in a market-based economy, even in an interventionist economy.

93
00:07:05.800 --> 00:07:12.800
For example, even today in the US you need to get health licenses, even licenses to start a business, etc.

94
00:07:12.800 --> 00:07:21.800
These licenses were different. Why? Because of the kind of calculations which went in before they gave these licenses out.

95
00:07:21.800 --> 00:07:24.360
So, again, I'm quoting Sharma.

96
00:07:24.360 --> 00:07:26.360
She says, conversations with officials

97
00:07:26.360 --> 00:07:28.520
who were on the licensing committee during the 1980s

98
00:07:28.520 --> 00:07:30.080
revealed that the most important concern

99
00:07:30.080 --> 00:07:33.040
for the licensing committee while debating a particular case

100
00:07:33.040 --> 00:07:35.720
was the demand supply situation of the good.

101
00:07:35.720 --> 00:07:37.560
The government maintained highly detailed records

102
00:07:37.560 --> 00:07:38.840
of the exact production of the good

103
00:07:38.840 --> 00:07:40.240
that was already taking place.

104
00:07:40.240 --> 00:07:42.760
That is, all registered stroke license units

105
00:07:42.760 --> 00:07:46.440
were required to submit detailed monthly production reports

106
00:07:46.440 --> 00:07:48.760
and so had information on the supply of the good.

107
00:07:48.760 --> 00:07:51.760
Information about capacity utilization of existing plants

108
00:07:51.760 --> 00:07:53.720
and Demand Projections from the Planning Commission

109
00:07:53.720 --> 00:07:57.280
were then used to compute the demand side of the equation.

110
00:07:57.280 --> 00:08:01.360
Now, the important thing to understand or to note

111
00:08:01.360 --> 00:08:04.120
is that both demand and supply, in a sense,

112
00:08:04.120 --> 00:08:05.880
are being determined by the state.

113
00:08:05.880 --> 00:08:08.040
So when you talk about demand supply here,

114
00:08:08.040 --> 00:08:10.400
it's not the demand and supply of the marketplace.

115
00:08:10.400 --> 00:08:12.160
So it's not that the state is standing back

116
00:08:12.160 --> 00:08:15.040
and private producers are engaging in production,

117
00:08:15.040 --> 00:08:17.720
and then you look at the existing demand and supply

118
00:08:17.720 --> 00:08:20.240
and then decide this is not what's going on.

119
00:08:20.240 --> 00:08:26.240
So the supply or the existing supply of the good has already been decided upon by prior actions of the state.

120
00:08:26.240 --> 00:08:37.240
And the perceived demand for this good, for which you're applying a license, is also being decided on the basis of projects which have been started by the state.

121
00:08:37.240 --> 00:08:47.240
And in fact, this goes back to, I think Matt Maher wrote an article, I think 2007, the QJE, where he talks about how in a socialist society,

122
00:08:47.240 --> 00:09:14.520
The main way in which licensing requirements were implemented by an even more potent force

123
00:09:14.520 --> 00:09:16.360
than physical inspections.

124
00:09:16.360 --> 00:09:20.560
This first was the fact that all essential raw materials for production, steel, cement,

125
00:09:20.560 --> 00:09:25.280
coal, fuel, furnace oil, railway wagon movements, licenses to import equipment and raw materials,

126
00:09:25.280 --> 00:09:30.440
etc., were not freely available in the market. Each and every firm was allotted a certain

127
00:09:30.440 --> 00:09:34.200
amount of these inputs each year based on the output limits specified on their license.

128
00:09:34.200 --> 00:09:38.320
Thus, it was very difficult for the entrepreneur to produce over the limit on his license since

129
00:09:38.320 --> 00:09:42.880
basic raw materials were allotted to him based on the licensed amount. So, for example, again,

130
00:09:42.880 --> 00:09:47.000
If you wanted to produce, let's say, 20,000 units of steel, you have gotten OK from the

131
00:09:47.000 --> 00:09:51.560
Planning Commission based on their demand supply projections. Why can't you just go

132
00:09:51.560 --> 00:09:56.680
ahead and produce 50,000 units? Well, the fact is that all the inputs which went into

133
00:09:56.680 --> 00:10:04.640
the steel production were also constrained. So on the one hand, you had the state gradually

134
00:10:04.640 --> 00:10:09.300
establish control over finances. So if you wanted finances, if you wanted to get finances

135
00:10:09.300 --> 00:10:17.460
from the Stock Market, you would have to get the permission of the Commission for Capital Issues,

136
00:10:17.460 --> 00:10:21.460
if you wanted, most of the banks were state-owned, etc.

137
00:10:21.460 --> 00:10:28.060
So, through controlling the capital structure in this way, the state controlled all production activities,

138
00:10:28.060 --> 00:10:32.460
because even if you don't license, for example, agricultural activities, they weren't licensed.

139
00:10:32.460 --> 00:10:35.060
But all the inputs were controlled by the state.

140
00:10:35.060 --> 00:10:41.060
Once you control the capital structure for all seeds, fertilizers, pesticides, machinery, etc.

141
00:10:41.060 --> 00:10:48.060
Any capitalistic production process in the consumer goods industry is automatically controlled because you control the capital structure.

142
00:10:48.060 --> 00:11:00.060
So, in a sense, India falls in the pattern of Mises' second type of socialism, where there was no entrepreneurship and just shop managers, to use Mises' description.

143
00:11:00.060 --> 00:11:06.020
Now, in my interpretation of Indian Socialism, I differ from, I mean, most people who've

144
00:11:06.020 --> 00:11:12.140
written about it. On the one hand are the leftists, especially the extreme Marxists,

145
00:11:12.140 --> 00:11:16.180
for whom, of course, all problems of Indian Socialism is because the bourgeois capitalist

146
00:11:16.180 --> 00:11:21.900
was not exterminated as a class. On the other hand, you have, and this is surprising, because

147
00:11:21.900 --> 00:11:30.940
On the other hand, you have many neo-liberals who have heavily supported the move towards

148
00:11:30.940 --> 00:11:37.220
the market taking place in India today. But they too do not, for them, they treat India

149
00:11:37.220 --> 00:11:41.180
as a kind of a mixed economy. Now, of course, they do recognize that there was a plan, that

150
00:11:41.180 --> 00:11:46.340
there was a public sector, that there was licensing. Obviously, they're not blind to

151
00:11:46.340 --> 00:12:00.660
They interpret India as a mixed economy. The private sector under planning in India was

152
00:12:00.660 --> 00:12:06.020
no different from the private sector as would have existed in a market economy. The only

153
00:12:06.020 --> 00:12:09.980
problem is that we had this public sector and a private sector and this private sector

154
00:12:09.980 --> 00:12:15.900
was heavily controlled. It's almost like they cannot conceive very similar to the market

155
00:12:15.900 --> 00:12:19.140
Most socialists who Mises criticized, they cannot conceive of the difference between

156
00:12:19.140 --> 00:12:24.420
managers and entrepreneurs. They do not see that essential difference and here I'd like

157
00:12:24.420 --> 00:12:31.420
to quote Mises and this is him in reply to the market socialists. Firstly, I love the

158
00:12:31.420 --> 00:12:35.540
first line of this paragraph and so I quote it. He says, the cardinal fallacy implied

159
00:12:35.540 --> 00:12:39.260
in this and all kindred proposals and he's talking about market socialists is that they

160
00:12:39.260 --> 00:12:45.260
look at the economic problem from the perspective of the subaltern clerk whose intellectual

161
00:12:45.260 --> 00:12:49.900
The financial horizon does not extend beyond subordinate tasks, I mean this is classic Mises.

162
00:12:49.900 --> 00:12:53.580
But then later in the paragraph, and I'm quoting here, he says, the operations of the managers,

163
00:12:53.580 --> 00:12:57.620
their buying and selling, are only a small segment of the totality of market operations.

164
00:12:57.620 --> 00:13:01.460
The market of the capitalist society also performs all those operations which allocate

165
00:13:01.460 --> 00:13:05.420
capital goods to the various branches of industry.

166
00:13:05.420 --> 00:13:09.540
He says, it is these financial transactions of promoters and speculators that direct production

167
00:13:09.540 --> 00:13:12.980
into those channels in which it satisfies the most urgent wants of consumers in the

168
00:13:12.980 --> 00:13:14.680
best possible way.

169
00:13:14.680 --> 00:13:17.480
These transactions constitute the market as such.

170
00:13:17.480 --> 00:13:20.920
If one eliminates them, one does not preserve any part of the market.

171
00:13:20.920 --> 00:13:26.240
What remains is the fragment that cannot exist alone and cannot function as a market.

172
00:13:26.240 --> 00:13:31.780
So while this might seem, I mean, my characterization of the nature of socialism, how different

173
00:13:31.780 --> 00:13:36.600
it is from, especially the neoliberals, it might seem mundane at some level, but it isn't

174
00:13:36.600 --> 00:13:42.480
because it has huge implications for how you interpret the Indian experience under planning.

175
00:13:42.480 --> 00:13:51.200
So for example, and I'll go through this quickly, the way they interpret when India desocialized.

176
00:13:51.200 --> 00:13:55.360
So according to, I mean, and this is an interpretation put forward recently, two years ago, three

177
00:13:55.360 --> 00:14:00.800
years ago, 2008 by Arvind Panagariya, who's a student of Professor Bhagwati, and he says

178
00:14:00.800 --> 00:14:06.680
that India started desocializing in the late 70s, and it continued through the 80s, and

179
00:14:06.680 --> 00:14:12.320
unlike what most people think, it did not begin in the early 90s, and what are his reasons?

180
00:14:12.320 --> 00:14:17.120
He talks about little twists or tweaks which the Indian government made in the licensing

181
00:14:17.120 --> 00:14:18.120
procedure.

182
00:14:18.120 --> 00:14:22.680
So for example, in certain selected industries, if you had already produced 80% of your capacity,

183
00:14:22.680 --> 00:14:26.520
you got an automatic capacity expansion.

184
00:14:26.520 --> 00:14:30.920
Or on the other hand, in selected industries, if you had produced a little more than what

185
00:14:30.920 --> 00:14:36.000
the capacity which was allotted to you, you would be granted permission, like, okay, that's

186
00:14:36.000 --> 00:14:37.000
fine.

187
00:14:37.000 --> 00:14:41.360
Or in fact, in some industries, they were even de-licensed.

188
00:14:41.360 --> 00:14:47.660
But of course, de-licensing in a system of licensing is a way to move resources into

189
00:14:47.660 --> 00:14:48.660
those areas.

190
00:14:48.660 --> 00:14:53.840
So they would de-license like particular industries, so in the steel industry, the steel casting

191
00:14:53.840 --> 00:14:56.640
industry would be de-licensed, for example.

192
00:14:56.640 --> 00:15:02.960
So it is a way of allocating resources to those industries which are de-licensed.

193
00:15:02.960 --> 00:15:07.360
So according to Panagariya, because of these processes, I mean, these changes being made

194
00:15:07.360 --> 00:15:11.640
to the Licensing System, India started desocializing in the late 70s.

195
00:15:11.640 --> 00:15:15.080
But on the other hand, if you understand the essential nature of Indian socialism as being

196
00:15:15.080 --> 00:15:23.680
one where these little tweaks to the licensing system cannot change the essential nature,

197
00:15:23.680 --> 00:15:26.240
cannot bring back entrepreneurship.

198
00:15:26.240 --> 00:15:29.720
And so on the other hand, if you take the traditional view, I think is right, that India

199
00:15:29.720 --> 00:15:35.440
did desocialize in the early 90s because it was in the early 90s that the licensing system

200
00:15:35.440 --> 00:15:41.600
was completely abolished and it was put as a kind of a negative system where all licenses,

201
00:15:41.600 --> 00:15:47.260
all industries are free except a few where you have to get licenses.

202
00:15:47.260 --> 00:15:53.960
And also I feel that one historical implication of this is that this is kind of an interpretation

203
00:15:53.960 --> 00:16:00.140
where de-socialization took place gradually takes away from the impact of how big what

204
00:16:00.140 --> 00:16:01.760
happened in India in the early 90s was.

205
00:16:01.760 --> 00:16:05.200
I mean, the state was, there were no riots in India unlike the Soviet Union, by the way.

206
00:16:05.200 --> 00:16:09.280
This just happened in the state internally desocialized.

207
00:16:09.280 --> 00:16:11.160
So I'll just leave you with that.

208
00:16:11.160 --> 00:16:12.160
Thank you for that.

209
00:16:12.160 --> 00:16:12.660
Thanks.
