WEBVTT

NOTE Inner Workings of the Fed

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Our next speaker is Dr. Peter Klein. Peter, why don't you come up here?

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Peter is a professor of economics at, excuse me, teaches economics at the University of Missouri,

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also taught at the University of Georgia, teaches in Copenhagen, the author or the editor of five books.

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But I want to mention one new thing about Peter and make an announcement that he's going to be joining the Institute

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in the Institute as our Executive Director.

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I'm looking forward to having him come to Auburn.

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I'll just tell a couple of stories.

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I remember this was in 1988 when Peter was leaving Chapel Hill

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and going to get his PhD at Berkeley and wrote to the Institute for some help.

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And I read his letter and Judy Thomason is our publications editor,

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," he reminded me the other day of just how a gog I was when I saw this letter and I immediately

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called Murray Rothbard and I said, Murray, I've just gotten the most extraordinary letter

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from a student I've ever seen and may I fax it to you and if you agree with me, would you

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talk to Peter? So Murray was very excited, he did indeed talk to Peter and Peter was

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very close to Murray, to the late Bert Blomert, who was our chairman at that time and I could

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Tell many other stories about Pete Otis, mentioned one other, as a postdoc you spent a year internship

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with Bill Clinton's Council of Economic Advisors.

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So about four or five months after he finished his year in Washington, I get a visit from

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a local FBI agent.

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He's wanting to check out Peter's bonafides and see if he's a security risk because he's

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going to have this internship.

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Thank you so much, Lew. Thanks to all of you for being here. It's been my privilege and

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honor to be associated with the Mises Institute for many years since my graduate school days

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and I'm delighted for the opportunity to join the staff and to continue to work with all

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My remarks today on the inner workings of the Fed are based on testimony that I gave

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in May of this year to the Domestic Monetary Policy and Technology Subcommittee of the House

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Financial Services Committee.

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That's the subcommittee, of course, headed by Ron Paul.

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It was a very interesting day to spend with the congressmen on the committee.

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There are a number of distinguished panelists, including Professor Jeff Herbner, who's a professor at Grove City College and also a senior fellow of the Mises Institute,

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John Taylor, a very famous monetary theorist from Stanford University, some of you have heard of the so-called Taylor Rule for monetary policy associated with Professor Taylor,

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Alice Rivlin, who's a long-time Brookings Institute scholar, former Vice Chair of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System,

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somewhat less sympathetic to the views that Professor Herbiner and I purported.

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And the fifth member of the expert panel was the liberal polemicist James Galbraith, son of the well-known polemicist John Kenneth Galbraith.

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So you can imagine that a variety of views were presented on this panel on the nature of the Federal Reserve System.

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System, and possible improvements to the Fed and to the institution of central banking

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more generally.

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Now, as you know, under Representative Paul's leadership, the House Financial Services Committee

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and this subcommittee in particular has been somewhat more aggressive in addressing fundamental

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issues of monetary theory and policy than had been the case before.

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So a number of distinguished scholars have testified before that committee, including

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Professor Salerno on an earlier occasion. Professor Herbner was with me as well, both discussing some of the technical details of monetary theory and policy. And so when I appeared before the committee, I thought rather than repeat what my fellow previous and one of my fellow panelists was saying, I would focus on a slightly different aspect of the Federal Reserve system and central banking more generally, not only how it works in theory, and what

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What actions the Fed has recently taken and the harm that these actions have done to the economy.

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But a little bit about how the Fed operates in practice.

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The Fed, of course, is an institution filled with staffers from the chairman on down.

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It's like all other human institutions.

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It has its foibles and its quirks and its peculiarities.

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So what is it that the Fed actually does?

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How does the Fed actually work?

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Or from the perspective of organization theory, management theory, the principles of organizational

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governance, how is the Fed operated, how is the Fed organized, how is it managed, how

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is it governed, what are its objectives, what are the formal objectives, what are its informal

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de facto objectives, how is it structured, what kinds of incentives do people working

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How are they evaluated, monitored, governed, disciplined?

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Do they face any competition?

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Do they have any external check and balance?

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Well, of course, you know the answers to most of these questions already.

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The Federal Reserve, like other central banks, is an economic planning agency.

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Central banks are government, or what they call quasi-government entities, with a legal

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Legal Monopoly on Monetary Policy, in some cases Fiscal Policy, de facto, working hand

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in hand with the fiscal authority, the Treasury and the U.S. case.

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Many countries, the Fed also has a legal monopoly on bank regulation.

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These organizations are headed by political appointees and usually staffed with civil

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servants, technocrats from prestigious universities like Princeton, I'm sorry Steve to bring that

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up again.

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They are nominally independent of the political process, so imagine that you have an agency,

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an organization with vast discretionary authority, headed by smart and ambitious people with

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almost zero oversight, governance, no checks and balances.

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What would you expect an organization like that to do, to be very conservative, keeping

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is intervening its activities very limited, intervening only when absolutely necessary, performing up to the task exactly as mandated.

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Of course you wouldn't expect that at all, right? Even well-intentioned, well-educated, nominally competent individuals placed in a situation like that

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would have the temptation, the ability to engage in whatever kinds of interventions they desired.

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And of course, that's exactly what we've seen throughout the history of central banking,

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particularly the Federal Reserve system in the United States.

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I mean, if nothing else, the Fed, under Chairman Bernanke's leadership, has been particularly innovative.

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Now, when we talk about, you know, in the private sector, we have a big Apple store just a block or so down the street on 5th.

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We like it when Apple is innovative, right? We like it when research organizations like the Mises Institute are innovative.

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Do we want government entities with their vast authority and without any external check to be innovative?

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Well, I mean, I think that question sort of answers itself if you think about monetary policy in particular.

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So remember that organization like the Fed, what are the things that the Fed is authorized

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to do, that the Fed is tasked, tasks that the Fed has to perform?

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Well, the Fed controls the monetary base, sets the discount rate, sets reserve requirements,

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acts as a lender of last resort, regulates bank lending and other bank activities.

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And in the United States since the 1980s, you have the so-called dual mandate, where

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the Fed is charged with maintaining stable prices and maintaining full employment.

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Now these are of course impossible tasks for any central planning agency to perform, and

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they're certainly tasks that we would not want a central planning agency even to attempt.

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But remember that the way the mandate has been interpreted and the way these tasks have

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been enumerated is in a way that de facto gives the Federal Reserve system the authority

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to do almost anything that it wants.

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So when you look at the Fed's balance sheet, David Stockman talked about the sheer magnitude

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of the Fed's balance sheet, but also if you look at the composition of the balance sheet,

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The Fed, by custom, until Chairman Bernanke, invested exclusively in U.S. Treasury bills,

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and there's language in the Federal Reserve Act requiring the Fed to invest in these particular

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safe, quote-unquote, assets.

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But there's an emergency escape clause.

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There's a clause in the legislation that allows the Fed to own other assets under extreme

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In extreme emergencies, under special circumstances, the Fed may trade in other kinds of securities.

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Well, of course, that's a loophole wide enough to drive a Manhattan-sized city bus through.

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So of course, the Fed has taken advantage of this loophole to invest in the so-called

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toxic assets and to purchase any kind of securities that it wants.

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So essentially, Bernanke can intervene in financial markets in any way that he wants,

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in any way that he wants.

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Now I needn't belabor this audience with details of the financial crisis.

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The green span Bernanke credit bubble, the relaxation of underwriting standards that

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Walter Block already discussed, TARP and the bailouts and so on, the injection of trillions

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of dollars into the US economy by Chairman Bernanke and, of course, his predecessor,

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Zero Interest Rates and so on. You know, quantitative easing now, quantitative easing tomorrow,

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quantitative easing forever, as David Stockman reminded us. And of course the effect of virtually

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every action the Fed has taken since 2008 has been to perpetuate exactly those structural

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imbalances that constitute the financial crisis and the recession to begin with. Of course

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First, what the Fed has done is precisely the opposite of what the Austrian School economists

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would prescribe for such an emergency.

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When malinvestments are revealed, the most effective course, the course that is best for

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the economy in the short to medium run and certainly in the long run, is to liquidate

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these malinvestments, to free up these resources and get them reallocated to higher valued

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uses as quickly as possible.

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And of course every action taken by the Fed, of course the US Treasury and other agencies

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since 2008 has been to perpetuate the malinvestments, to make sure that the structural imbalances

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remain as long as possible indeed forever.

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But I don't want to talk to you now about these specific policy moves because most of

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you are familiar with them and they have been addressed and will be addressed by other speakers

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too.

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Really what I want to talk about is sort of the Fed as a central planning agency more

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more generally, right?

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Now most economists, most decent economists, understand that central planning is not an

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effective way of organizing the economic system.

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So whether they be from the Chicago school or sort of modern technocrats trained at

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MIT, all but a few, you know, hardened socialist economists understand that markets are better

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ways of allocating resources than government planners.

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But for some reason, with the exception of the Austrian School, most economists believe

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that money and the monetary system constitute exceptions to this general principle.

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They argue that for the monetary system, for money and for the banking system, it's essential

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to have a single decision-making body with vast discretionary authority, with no competition,

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of course for its own services, limited oversight, effectively no oversight whatsoever to what

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this planning agency will do, almost unlimited authority within its sphere, and that this

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agency should be run by an apolitical, sorry, an elite core of apolitical technocrats, like

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you know, distinguished professors from Princeton University, and of course Ben Bernanke was

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a very distinguished mainstream monetary scholar before his appointment at the Federal Reserve

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System. Now, of course, to an Austrian economist, this is a recipe for disaster. This is a recipe

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for disaster. Everything that we know about economic planning, about centralized economic

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planning, tells us that planners, if they have the wrong theoretical model in mind,

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they lack the information to be effective within their assigned sphere, they have no

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No incentives to make decisions that are in the interest of the economy as a whole, there's

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no market test for their services, no matter how well-intentioned a central planner may

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be.

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And I'm not claiming that our current monetary central planners are well-intentioned, but

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even if they were, such a setup cannot possibly be an effective way of allocating resources

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in an economy.

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If anything, if the collapse of central planning in the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc and

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Communist China has taught us anything, it's the lessons of Mises and Hayek and Rothbard

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have been vindicated by history.

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I was speaking to one of our participants here during the break, what can we do?

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Is there a way that we could demonstrate to our fellow citizens and to policymakers the

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and the Superiority of Free Markets Over Central Planning with a small colony or with some

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enterprise zone kind of experiment, well, I mean, I think that would be terrific.

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But anyone who cannot see already that central planning has failed in every instance that

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it's been tried will not be convinced by any experiment that we've performed tomorrow.

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The lessons of history are glaringly obvious and, of course, we have the theories of Mises

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and his followers to explain to us

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exactly why central planning does not work.

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For some reason, people think that money,

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economists, many economists think that money

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and the monetary system is an exception to this rule.

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Now, those who favor central banking,

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some of those who favor central banking, of course,

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have been critical of specific moves

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by this chairman or that chairman.

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There's a lot of debate in the technical literature

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and the policy literature about things like

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so-called inflation targeting versus nominal income targeting.

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My old professor and Obama advisor, Christina Romer, is a proponent of nominal income targeting

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by the Fed instead of inflation targeting.

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Should the Fed's dual mandate be repealed with the Fed tasked only with maintaining

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stable prices and not responsible for full employment?

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These are nibbling around the edges.

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These are trivial issues relative to the central issue of whether we should have the Federal

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and the Federal Reserve System at all.

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Walter Block mentioned Milton Friedman's fixed money growth rule.

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So Friedman, of course, thought that the government should control money,

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that we should have fiat paper money, but the government should be restricted

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in its ability to print money effectively.

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The fiat government money supply should grow at a fixed rate, 3% per year, 2.5% per year.

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Professor Taylor has come up with a version of this argument where instead of a fixed

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rate there should be a formula, a mathematical formula that is public and transparent according

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to, you know, you take the employment rate and some other macroeconomic aggregates and

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you plug them into a formula and that tells you how fast the money supply should increase.

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The point of these sorts of reforms is to constrain the ability of the Fed to intervene

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actively in the economy.

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The debate is usually framed about rules versus discretion, that discretionary monetary policy

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creates uncertainties, it gives the Fed the authority to intervene in ways that are harmful.

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Why not tie the Fed's hands by asking it to abide by fixed rules?

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Well, if you like fixed rules, I have one that's even better than a legislative, statutory-mandated

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growth rate of a fiat currency.

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And that's to have commodity money, right, such as the gold standard, to take the monetary

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system completely out of the hands of central planners, right?

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It's like Doug French's example with the nuclear power plant, you know, you don't build the

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nuclear power plant and then try to constrain the actions of the nuclear power plant's operators.

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Well, don't do this and don't do this, we're going to give you a policies and procedures

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manual to try to make sure you don't, you know, blow us all to kingdom come.

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Well, a better solution if you're worried about that is not to build the plant in the

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first place.

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You don't get a bomb ready and then tell people, please don't set it off, right?

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It's better not to have the bomb in place at all.

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If you like fixed rules over discretion in the conduct of monetary policy, well, why

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Why not have a monetary system that is completely outside political and technocratic interference

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whatsoever?

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And that's exactly what proponents of the gold standard would favor, and that's why

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it's favored.

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What about guys like the chairman, right?

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I mean, I don't know Ben Bernanke personally.

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For all I know, he is well-intentioned.

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He certainly has the technical training that give you all the plaudits in the academy.

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The problem is not Ben himself. Let me give you an example. Back in 2008 when the Troubled

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Assets Relief Program, or the TARP, was being discussed, there were to their credit a number

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of economists, mainstream economists and Austrian economists, who were critical of the TARP.

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They said that, well, maybe bailing out these failing financial institutions is not exactly

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setting up the right system of incentives, we're worried about moral hazard and so on.

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It's a very interesting essay written by Greg Mankiw, who was a former chair of George

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W. Bush's Council of Economic Advisors, a very well-respected economist, professor

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at Harvard, and a pretty good economist on most microeconomic issues.

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Ben Bernanke had the following to say about the economists who were critical of the TARP.

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A group of economists had circulated an open letter critical of the chairman, saying that

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the TARP didn't sound like a good idea.

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Here's what Greg Mankiw said, I know Ben Bernanke well.

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Ben is at least as smart as any of the economists who signed that letter or are complaining

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on editorial pages about the proposed policy.

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Moreover Ben is better informed than the critics.

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The Fed staff includes some of the best policy economists around.

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In his capacity as Fed chair, Ben understands the situation.

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If I were a member of Congress, Mankiw goes on, I would sit down with Ben privately to

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get his candid view. If he thinks the bailout is the right thing to do, I would put my qualms

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aside and follow his advice. So, you know, just imagine Representative Paul going into

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Bernanke's office and saying, Ben, what should we do? I, you know, I put my qualms aside

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and go with you, Ben. I mean, this is, you know, it almost boggles the mind that any

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thoughtful person would think this is the right way to handle economy-wide central planning.

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You make sure the guy in charge is smart and has a good staff. You ask him what he thinks

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we should do and that's what we do, okay? There was a paper by another, by the economist

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Lawrence Ball recently, an NBER working paper, all about the psychology of the chairman,

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the psychology of Bernanke. Ball was trying to understand why some policies pursued by

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the Bernanke Fed are a little different from what Bernanke espoused as a Princeton professor.

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Why hasn't he done the things that he said the Fed should do when he was writing as an

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academic?

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The ball's proposed explanation is that Bernanke is kind of shy and withdrawn in meetings and

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he lets others dominate the discussion and he sort of fell victim to group think at some

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of the meetings of the open market committee and so on.

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I mean, look, why on earth would you want a monetary system?

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Why would you want a system in which the most important markets in the economy, the financial

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markets are subject, you know, their control and manipulation is subject to the personality

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of one guy. Right? I mean, we want a monetary system where we could care less what Bernanke's

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personality is, right? He's stuck in his office at Princeton teaching and he can be shy or

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aggressive and nobody cares. Putting that much authority in the hands of one guy where

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the outcome depends on his personality, I mean, that's not an economic system that I

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You know, I discussed in my testimony some of the controversy over the so-called independence of the Fed.

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A lot of economists have said, well, Ron Paul's push to audit the Fed and calls to make the Fed more transparent are problematic

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because then you'll have Congress in charge of monetary policy, and that's worse than having Ben Bernanke in charge of monetary policy.

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I mean, I'm not so sure, of course, what the defenders of independence mean by independence

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is lack of any external constraint. And of course, I certainly do not want the average

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congressman deciding the value of my money. But asking sort of an elite core of technocrats

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to decide the value of my money is not much of an improvement in my view. Again, as I

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What we want is a monetary system in which the value of my money is independent both of the whim of Congress and the whim of the technocrats.

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Now, as an intermediate step, my view is that the bill to audit the Fed or moves to make the Fed more transparent would certainly be substantial improvements.

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The fear of congressional interference is highly overblown, I think, relative to the value that would come from opening up the secret books and finding out what the Fed is actually doing.

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The popular outrage could likely be enough to constrain the Fed in ways that it is not constrained now.

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You know, the whole idea of the Fed as a lender of last resort is, of course, another problem

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with government monetary systems that have that kind of policy over their banking system.

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The theory of moral hazard, what economists call moral hazard, explains how all of us,

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when protected from any harmful consequences of our actions, will take different actions

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than we otherwise would. We'll be less cautious, more reckless. We won't think through the

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and the potential consequences of our decisions if the consequences fall on somebody else.

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I discussed in my testimony the improvements that would follow from eliminating the Fed's

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role as the lender of last resort which prompted the statement from Dr. Rivlin that a banking

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system without a lender of last resort would be bizarre. So she thought this was a bizarre

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The usual argument that you hear is that, well, unlike other kinds of businesses, banks

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and financial institutions are closely linked to each other through derivatives and other

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kinds of complex financial transactions, and the failure of one bank could bring down the

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and the entire system. To which I would point out, in a complex, modern economy, almost

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all industrial firms are closely linked to other industrial firms through complex networks

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of transactions, contracts, partnerships, alliances and so on. I mean, if you ask people, well,

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do you think that, say that the Nike Corporation is really in financial distress, if Nike were

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were to go bankrupt. Well, I mean, that could put some, that could pose a problem for some

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of Nike's suppliers, for some of Nike's customers, for other apparel manufacturers with whom

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Nike has contractual relations. But, you know, we don't think this would somehow bring down

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the entire shoe industry or bring down the retail clothing industry such that we need,

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A shoemaker of last resort to step in and supply the shoe liquidity that the market clearly needs.

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So in conclusion, if you design a government planning agency, even within not an economy-wide

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Planning Agency, but one that is tasked specifically with the conduct of monetary policy and bank

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regulation and so forth.

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You make this a government agency without any competition, immune from any sort of oversight,

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without any kind of external governance or constraint, and you give it effectively an

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unlimited mandate to manage the system as it sees fit.

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The results, predictably, will be the kind of catastrophe that we have seen in the last

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several years and we're seeing now and even more so with yesterday's announcement.

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The kind of monetary system that we do want is one in which the value of money, the characteristics

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of money, what goods and services constitute money, the form in which monetary exchange

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takes place, the monetary calculations of entrepreneurs, where all of these are independent

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not only of political interference, but independent of technocratic interference as well.

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So I say to Professor Bernanke, you know, thank you for your service.

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Please return to your office at Princeton University where you can, you know, espouse

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your doctrines to an audience of undergraduates rather than having your hand on the controls

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of the entire U.S. economy.

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Thank you very much.

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Thank you very much.
