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NOTE 1. J.B. Say: The French Tradition in Smithian Clothing (continued)

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5. Utility, Productivity and Distribution

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In contrast to the Smith-Ricardo mainstream of Smithians who set forth the labor theory

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or at very best the cost of production theory of value, J.B. Say firmly reestablished the

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Scholastic Continental French Utility Analysis It is utility and utility alone that gives

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rise to exchange value, and Say settled the value paradox to his own satisfaction by disposing

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of use-value altogether as not being relevant to the world of exchange.

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Not only that, Say adopted a subjective value theory, since he believed that value rests

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Depends on Acts of Valuation by the Consumers. In addition to being subjective, these degrees

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of valuation are relative, since the value of one good or service is always being compared

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against another. These values, or utilities, depend on all manner of wants, desires and

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knowledge on the part of individuals, upon the moral and physical nature of man, the

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and the climate he lives in, and on the manner and legislation of his country.

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He has wants of the body, wants of the mind, and of the soul, wants for himself,

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others for his family, others still as a member of society.

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Political economy, say Sagely pointed out, must take these values and preferences of people as givens,

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as one of the data of its reasonings, leaving to the moralist and the practical man the several duties of enlightening and of guiding their fellow creatures, as well in this as in other particulars of human conduct.

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At some points, Say went up to the edge of discovering the marginal utility concept without ever quite doing so.

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Thus, he saw that relative valuations of goods depends on degrees of estimation in the mind

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of the valuer.

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But since he did not discover the marginal concept, he could not fully solve the value

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paradox.

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In fact, he did far less well at solving it than his continental predecessors.

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And so, Say simply dismissed use-value and the value paradox altogether, and decided

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to Concentrate on Exchange Value.

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As a result, however, he could, no more than Smith and his British successors, devote much

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energy to analyzing consumption or consumer behavior.

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But whereas Say simply discarded use value, Ricardo made the value paradox and the unfortunate

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split between use and exchange value the key to his value theory.

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For Ricardo, iron was worth less than gold because the labor cost of digging and producing

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gold was greater than the labor cost of producing iron.

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Ricardo admitted that utility is certainly the foundation of value, but this was apparently

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of only remote interest, since the degree of utility can never be the measure by which

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to estimate its value.

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All too true.

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But Ricardo failed to see the absurdity of looking for such a measure in the first place.

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His second absurdity, as we shall see further below, was in thinking that labor cost provided

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such a true and invariable measure of value.

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As Say wrote in his annotations on the French translation of Ricardo's Principles, an invariable

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A reasonable measure of value is a pure chimera. Smith and still more Ricardo were pushed into

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their labor cost theory by concentrating on the long-run natural price of products. Say's

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analysis was aided greatly by his realistic concentration on the explanation of real market

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Price.

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Costs of course are intimately related to the pricing of factors of production.

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One question that cost-value theorists have difficulty answering is if, indeed, costs

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are determining, where do they come from?

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Are they mandated by divine revelation?

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One of the anomalies of Say's discussion is that even though a subjective value and utility

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Theorist, he uncomprehendingly rejected the insight of Genovese and of his own ideologue

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forebear, Kondiak, that people exchange one thing for another because they value the thing

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they acquire more than what they give up, so that exchange always benefits both parties.

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And in denying this mutual gain, Say is inconsistent with much of his own position on utility.

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In spurning Kondiak, Say is being not only ungenerous, but almost willfully obtuse.

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First, he notes that Kondiak maintains that commodities, which are worth less to the seller

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than to the buyer, increase in value from the mere act of transfer from one hand to

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another.

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But, Kondiak insists, for example, that equal value is really given for equal value, so

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So that when Spanish wine is bought in Paris, the money paid by the buyer and the wine he

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receives are worth one another.

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To which we might ask, to whom?

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He then admits that the self-same wine is worth more in Paris than it had been when

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grown in Spain.

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But he insists that the increase in the value of the wine took place not at the moment of

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of handing over the wine to the consumer, but comes from the transport.

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But St. Clair tangently takes say to task.

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In reality, the transfer to the consumer is the essence of the transaction.

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The long transport is subsidiary to this purpose.

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The change of locality is merely a means to this end, and would not have been necessary

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if consumers willing to buy the same quantity and pay the same price could have been found

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on the spot.

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Say continues obstinately to assault Kondiak's insight.

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The seller is not a professional cheat, nor the buyer a dupe, and Kondiak is not justified

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in saying that if the values exchanged were always equal, neither party would gain anything

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by exchange.

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But in reality, of course, Condiac was perfectly right.

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Why should anyone bother exchanging X for Y of equal value?

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St. Clair reacts brilliantly in exasperation.

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Lord, how these economists do misunderstand one another.

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Condiac does not suggest that the wine merchant is a rogue and the customer a fool.

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He does not suggest that the merchant robs either the consumer or the producer.

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His doctrine is that products increase in utility and value by being transferred from

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the producer to the consumer, and that both parties benefit by the intervention of the

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merchant who brings about the exchange.

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To the producer, the merchant is a consumer finder.

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To the consumer, he is a commodity finder. With the merchant as medium of exchange, the

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producer gets a better price for his produce and the buyer better value for his money.

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One of Say's great contributions was to apply utility theory to the theory of distribution,

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in brief by discovering the productivity theory of the pricing and hence the income accruing

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to Factors of Production.

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In the first place, Say pointed out that in contrast to Smith, all labor, not just labor

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embodied in material objects, is productive.

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Indeed, Say brilliantly pointed out that all the services of factors of production, whether

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they be land, labor or capital, are immaterial, even though they might result in a material

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product.

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Mises, in short, provide immaterial services in the process of production.

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That process, as Say pointed out clearly for the first time, was not the creation of material

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products.

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Man cannot create matter.

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He can only transform it into different shapes and molds in order to satisfy his wants more

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fully.

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Production is this very transformation process.

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In the sense of such transformation, all labor is productive because it concurs in the creation

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of a product, or, metaphorically, in the creation of utilities.

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If as can happen, labor has been expended to no ultimate benefit, then the result is

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error, folly, or waste in the person bestowing the labor.

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One example of unproductive labor is crime, not only a non- but an anti-market activity.

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Their trouble, effort, is directed to the stripping another person of the goods in his

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possession by means of fraud or violence.

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It degenerates to absolute criminality, and their results no production, but only a forcible

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transfer of wealth from one individual to another.

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J. B. Say also put clearly for the first time the insight that wants are unlimited. Wrote

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Say, There is no object of pleasure or utility whereof the mere desire may not be unlimited,

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since every body is always ready to receive whatever can contribute to his benefit or

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gratification. Say denounced the proto-Galbraithian position of the British mercantilist Sir James

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as Stuart, in extolling an ascetic reduction of wants as a solution to desires outpacing

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production.

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Say heaps proper scorn on this doctrine.

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Upon this principle, it would be the very acme of perfection to produce nothing and

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to have no wants, that is to say, to annihilate human existence.

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Unfortunately, Say proceeds to fall prey to this very Galbraithian trap by attacking

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by maintaining luxury and ostentation, and by maintaining that real wants are more important

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to the community than artificial wants.

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Say hastens to add, however, that government intervention is not the proper road to achieving

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proper affluence.

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On the valuing or pricing of the services of the factors, or as Say would put it, agents

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of Production, Say adopted the Proto-Austrian in direct contrast to the Smith-Ricardo tradition.

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For since subjective human desire for any object creates its value and reflects its

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utility, productive factors receive value because of their ability to create the utility

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wherein originates that desire.

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Ricardo, writes Say, believes that the value of products is founded upon that of productive agency, that is, that the value of products is determined by the value of their productive factors, or their cost of production.

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In contrast, Say declares, the current value of productive exertion is founded upon the

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value of an infinity of products compared one with another, which value is proportionate

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to the importance of its cooperation in the business of production.

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In contrast to consumer goods, Say points out, the demand for productive factors does

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does not originate in immediate enjoyment, but rather in the value of the product they

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are capable of raising, which itself originates in the utility of that product, or the satisfaction

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it may be capable of affording.

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In short, the value of factors is determined by the value of their products, which in turn

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is conferred by consumer valuations and demands.

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The causal chain, for say, as for the later Austrians, is from consumer valuations to

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consumer goods prices to the pricing of productive factors, that is, to costs of production.

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In contrast, the Smithian and especially the Ricardian causal chain is from cost of production

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and Especially Labor Cost to Consumer Goods Prices.

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By speaking of the proportionate value of each factor, Say once again comes to the edge

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of a marginal productivity theory of imputation of consumer to factor valuations, and to the

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edge of a variable proportions analysis.

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But he does not reach it.

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Say did not rest content with a general, even if pioneering, analysis of the pricing of

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productive factors.

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He goes on to virtually create the famous triad of classical economics, land or natural

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agents, labor or industry for say, and capital.

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Labor works on or employs natural agents to create capital, which is then used to multiply

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by Productivity in Collaboration with Land and Labor.

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Although capital is the previous creation of labor, once in existence it is used by

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labor to increase production.

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If there are classes of factors of production, what easier trap to fall into than to maintain

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that each class receives the kind of income attributed to it in common parlance?

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That is, labor receives wages, land receives rent, and capital receives interest.

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Surely a common-sense approach.

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And so, Say adopted it.

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While useful as a first attempt, excepting the forgotten Turgot, to clarify production

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theory out of Adam Smith's muddle, this superficial clarity comes at the expense of deep fallacy

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that would not be uncovered until the Austrians.

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In the first place, these three rigidly separated categories already begin to break down in

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Say's interesting insight that laborers lend their services to owners of capital and land

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and earn wages thereby, that landowners lend their land to capital and labor and earn rent,

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And that capitalists lend their capital to earn interest.

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For how exactly do these payments differ?

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How does rent as a loan price compare with interest as a loan?

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And how do wages differ from interest or rent?

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In fact, the muddle is even worse.

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For workers and landowners don't lend their services, they are not creditors.

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On the contrary, in a deep sense, capitalists lend them money by giving the money in advance

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of selling the product to the consumers.

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And so, workers and landowners are debtors to the capitalists and pay them a natural

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rate of interest.

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And finally, this classical triad rests on a basic equivocation, as Boehm-Bawerk would

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Capital as a fund of savings or lending may earn interest, but capital goods, which are the real physical factors of production rather than money funds, do not earn interest.

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Like all other factors, capital goods earn a price, a price per unit of time for their

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services.

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If you will, capital goods, land and laborers all earn such prices, in the sense of rents,

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defining a rental price as a price of any good per unit of time.

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This price is determined by the productivity of each factor.

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But then, where does interest on capital funds come from?

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Thus in grappling with the problem of interest, Say criticizes Smith and the Smithians for

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focusing on labor as the sole factor of production and neglecting the cooperating role of capital.

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Tackling the Smith-Ricardian and what would later be the Marxian riposte, that capital

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Capital is simply accumulated labor, say replies, yes, but the services of capital once built

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are there and continue anew and must be paid for.

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While satisfactory enough on one level, the answer does not solve the problem of where

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the net return on capital funds comes from, a return which Turgot and then the Austrians

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is explained as the price of time preference, of the fact, in short, that capital is not

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only accumulated labor, but also accumulated time.

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Despite the lack of resolution of the problem of interest, Say set forth an excellent analysis

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of capital in the sense of capital goods and its crucial role in production and in increasing

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economic wealth.

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Man, he pointed out, transforms natural agents into capital to work further with nature to arrive at consumer goods.

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The more he has built capital goods, the more tools and machinery, the more can man harness nature to make labor increasingly productive.

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More machinery means an increase in productivity of labor and a fall in the cost of production.

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Production. Such increase in capital is particularly beneficial to the mass of consumers, for competition

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lowers the price of product as well as the cost of production. Furthermore, increased

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machinery permits a superior quality of product and allows the creation of new products which

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would not have been available under handicraft production. The enormous increase in production

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and Rise in the Standard of Living releases human energies from the scramble for subsistence

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to permit cultivation of the arts, even of frivolity and, most importantly, for the cultivation

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of the intellectual faculties.

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Say follows Smith in his discussion of the division of labor and in pointing out that

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the degree of that division is limited by the extent of the market.

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But Say's discussion is far sounder.

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He shows first that expanding the division of labor needs a great deal of capital, so

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that investment of capital becomes the crucial point, rather than its division per se.

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He also points out that in contrast to Smith, the crucial specialization of labor is not

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simply within a factory, as in Smith's famous pin factory, but ranges over the entire economy

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and forms the basis for all exchange between producers.

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Say also saw that the essence of investing capital is advancing money payments to factors

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of production, an advance that is repaid later by the consumer.

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Thus, the capital employed on a productive operation is always a mere advance made for

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payment of a productive service and reimbursed by the value of their resulting product.

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Here he captured the essence of the Austrian insight into capital as a process over time

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and one that involves payment in advance for production.

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Say also anticipated the Austrian concept of stages of production.

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He pointed out that instead of waiting a long time for reimbursement by the consumer, the

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00:21:51.520 --> 00:21:58.440
capitalist at each stage of production purchases the product of the previous stage and thereby

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00:21:58.440 --> 00:22:02.680
reimburses the previous set of capitalists.

224
00:22:02.680 --> 00:22:09.320
As Say lucidly puts it, the miner extracts the ore from the bowels of the earth.

225
00:22:09.320 --> 00:22:12.280
The Iron Founder pays him for it.

226
00:22:12.280 --> 00:22:17.600
Here ends the miner's production, which is paid for by an advance out of the capital

227
00:22:17.600 --> 00:22:19.920
of the iron founder.

228
00:22:19.920 --> 00:22:26.320
This latter next smelts the ore, refines and makes it into steel, which he sells to the

229
00:22:26.320 --> 00:22:27.320
cutler.

230
00:22:27.320 --> 00:22:33.940
Thus is the production of the founder paid, and his advance reimbursed by a second advance

231
00:22:33.940 --> 00:22:38.600
on the part of the cutler, made in the price of the steel.

232
00:22:38.600 --> 00:22:45.000
This again the cutler works up into razor blades, the price for which replaces his advance of

233
00:22:45.000 --> 00:22:52.320
capital and at the same time pays for his productive agency.

234
00:22:52.320 --> 00:22:58.800
Generalizing each successive producer makes the advance to his precursor of the then value

235
00:22:58.800 --> 00:23:04.160
of the product including the labor already expended upon it.

236
00:23:04.160 --> 00:23:11.000
His successor in the order of production reimburses him in turn, with the addition of such value

237
00:23:11.000 --> 00:23:15.400
as the product may have received in passing through his hands.

238
00:23:15.400 --> 00:23:22.340
Finally, the last producer, who is generally the retail dealer, is compensated by the consumer

239
00:23:22.340 --> 00:23:29.360
for the aggregate of all these advances, plus the concluding operation performed by himself

240
00:23:29.360 --> 00:23:31.840
upon the product.

241
00:23:31.840 --> 00:23:38.640
In the end, the money paid by the consumers for the final product, say razorblades, repays

242
00:23:38.640 --> 00:23:46.640
capitalists for their previous advances for the various services of the factors of production.

243
00:23:46.640 --> 00:23:52.380
Turning to wages and the labor market, Say pointed out that wages will be highest relative

244
00:23:52.380 --> 00:24:00.380
to the price of capital and land, where labor is scarcest relative to the other two factors.

245
00:24:00.380 --> 00:24:07.360
Wages will be either whenever land is virtually unlimited in supply, and or when an abundance

246
00:24:07.360 --> 00:24:11.300
of capital creates a great demand for labor.

247
00:24:11.300 --> 00:24:17.580
Furthermore, wage rates will be proportionate to the danger, trouble or obnoxiousness of

248
00:24:17.580 --> 00:24:23.740
the work, to the irregularity of the employment, to the length of training, and to the degree

249
00:24:23.740 --> 00:24:26.560
of skill or talent.

250
00:24:26.560 --> 00:24:32.320
As Say puts it, every one of these causes tends to diminish the quantity of labor in

251
00:24:32.320 --> 00:24:39.160
circulation in each department, and consequently to vary its wage rate.

252
00:24:39.160 --> 00:24:45.800
In recognizing the differences of natural talent, Say advanced far beyond the egalitarianism

253
00:24:45.800 --> 00:24:52.300
of Adam Smith and of neoclassical economics since Smith's day.

254
00:24:52.300 --> 00:24:58.480
In the long run, capital will earn the same return in all firms and industries.

255
00:24:58.480 --> 00:25:04.860
But this is only true in the long run, since for one thing there are inevitable immobilities

256
00:25:04.860 --> 00:25:08.300
of land, labor and capital.

257
00:25:08.300 --> 00:25:14.940
To say the profits or interest on capital stems from its productive services.

258
00:25:14.940 --> 00:25:22.060
Again, a fundamental confusion between capital as a fund which earns interest and capital

259
00:25:22.060 --> 00:25:29.720
Federal goods, which are productive factors and earn prices and incomes for their productivity.

260
00:25:29.720 --> 00:25:35.860
But despite this basic error, Say had many shrewd things to say about interest.

261
00:25:35.860 --> 00:25:41.860
He was possibly the first economist, for example, to show that risk premiums are added to the

262
00:25:41.860 --> 00:25:47.460
basic interest rate, so that riskier debtors will pay higher interest.

263
00:25:47.460 --> 00:25:54.460
Risk, he pointed out, depends on expected safety of the investment, the personal credit

264
00:25:54.460 --> 00:26:00.780
and character of the borrower, the past record of the borrower, and the ability or willingness

265
00:26:00.780 --> 00:26:05.740
of the government of the debtor's country to enforce the payment of debt.

266
00:26:05.740 --> 00:26:12.540
Furthermore, Say introduced an innovation theory of profit by stating that since new methods

267
00:26:12.540 --> 00:26:40.540
Say was also insistent that interest on the loan market is determined by the demand for capital to which it is directly proportional and the supply of capital inversely proportional.

268
00:26:40.540 --> 00:26:46.940
A champion of freedom of the loan market. Usury is no worse morally than rent or wages.

269
00:26:47.580 --> 00:26:54.300
He also demonstrated that it was a fallacy that the quantity of money either lowers or raises the

270
00:26:54.300 --> 00:27:02.140
rate of interest. Say perceptively pointed out that it is an abuse of words to talk of the interest

271
00:27:02.140 --> 00:27:10.500
of Money. It is really interest on savings, not money, and loans can and do occur in kind

272
00:27:10.500 --> 00:27:18.500
as well as in money. Roth say, the abundance or scarcity of money or of its substitutes

273
00:27:18.500 --> 00:27:24.740
no more affects the rate of interest than the abundance or scarcity of cinnamon or wheat

274
00:27:24.740 --> 00:27:27.340
or of silk.

275
00:27:27.340 --> 00:27:30.700
6. The Entrepreneur

276
00:27:30.700 --> 00:27:39.420
If Adam Smith purged economic thought of the very existence of the entrepreneur, J. B.

277
00:27:39.420 --> 00:27:43.740
Say, to his everlasting credit, brought him back.

278
00:27:43.740 --> 00:27:49.740
Not quite as far back, to be sure, as in the days of Catillon and Torgot, but enough to

279
00:27:49.740 --> 00:27:56.500
continue fitfully and underground in continental economic thought, even though absent from

280
00:27:56.500 --> 00:28:01.220
and the dominant mainstream of British classicism.

281
00:28:01.220 --> 00:28:07.220
Emphasis on the real world rather than on long-run equilibrium almost forced a return

282
00:28:07.220 --> 00:28:10.200
to the study of the entrepreneur.

283
00:28:10.200 --> 00:28:17.420
For say, the entrepreneur, the linchpin of the economy, takes on himself the responsibility,

284
00:28:17.420 --> 00:28:21.280
the conduct and the risk of running his firm.

285
00:28:21.280 --> 00:28:27.600
He almost always owns some of the firm's capital, say being familiar with the fact that the

286
00:28:27.600 --> 00:28:34.480
dominant entrepreneur and risk-taker in the economy is the one who is also a capitalist,

287
00:28:34.480 --> 00:28:36.880
an owner of capital.

288
00:28:36.880 --> 00:28:43.900
The owner of capital or land or personal service hires these services out to the renter or

289
00:28:43.900 --> 00:28:45.940
entrepreneur.

290
00:28:45.940 --> 00:28:52.420
In return for fixed payments to these factors, the entrepreneur takes upon himself the speculative

291
00:28:52.420 --> 00:28:56.980
risk of gaining profit or suffering loss.

292
00:28:56.980 --> 00:29:03.180
It is a sort of speculative bargain wherein the renter takes the risk of profit and loss

293
00:29:03.180 --> 00:29:10.100
according to the revenue he may realize, or the product obtained by the agency transferred

294
00:29:10.100 --> 00:29:16.260
shall exceed or fall short of the rent or hire he is to pay.

295
00:29:16.260 --> 00:29:23.140
The entrepreneur, Say adds, acts as a broker between sellers and buyers, applying productive

296
00:29:23.140 --> 00:29:27.220
factors proportionate to the demand for the products.

297
00:29:27.220 --> 00:29:33.540
The demand for the products, in turn, is proportionate to their utilities and to the quantity of other

298
00:29:33.540 --> 00:29:36.520
products exchanging for them.

299
00:29:36.520 --> 00:29:43.940
The entrepreneur constantly compares the selling prices of products with their costs of production.

300
00:29:43.940 --> 00:29:50.720
If he decides to produce more, his demand for productive factors will rise.

301
00:29:50.720 --> 00:29:56.980
Part of the profits accruing to the capitalist entrepreneur will be the standard return on

302
00:29:56.980 --> 00:29:57.980
capital.

303
00:29:57.980 --> 00:30:04.620
But apart from that, Say declared, there will be a return to the peculiar character of the

304
00:30:04.620 --> 00:30:05.740
entrepreneur.

305
00:30:05.740 --> 00:30:12.580
The entrepreneur is a manager of the business, but his role is also broader in Say's view.

306
00:30:12.580 --> 00:30:18.220
The entrepreneur must have judgment, perseverance and a knowledge of the world as well as of

307
00:30:18.220 --> 00:30:24.860
business, as he applies knowledge to the process of creating consumer goods.

308
00:30:24.860 --> 00:30:32.040
He must employ laborers, purchase raw material, attempt to keep costs low and find consumers

309
00:30:32.040 --> 00:30:33.980
for his product.

310
00:30:33.980 --> 00:30:40.580
Above all, he must estimate the importance of the product, the probable demand for it,

311
00:30:40.580 --> 00:30:44.060
and the availability of the means of production.

312
00:30:44.060 --> 00:30:50.500
And finally, he must have a ready knack of calculation to compare the charges of production

313
00:30:50.500 --> 00:30:56.900
with the probable value of the product when completed and brought to market.

314
00:30:56.900 --> 00:31:03.900
Those who lack these qualities will be unsuccessful as entrepreneurs and suffer losses and bankruptcies.

315
00:31:03.900 --> 00:31:09.900
Those who remain will be the skillful and successful ones earning profits.

316
00:31:09.900 --> 00:31:19.900
Say was critical of Smith and the Smithians for failing to distinguish the category of entrepreneurial profit from the profit of capital,

317
00:31:19.900 --> 00:31:25.900
both of which are mixed together in the profits of real-world enterprises.

318
00:31:25.900 --> 00:31:34.900
Say also appreciated entrepreneurship as the driving force of the allocations and adjustments of the market economy.

319
00:31:34.900 --> 00:31:42.900
He summed up those workings of the market by stating that the wants of consumers determine what will be produced.

320
00:31:42.900 --> 00:31:52.900
The product most wanted is most in demand and that which is most in demand yields the largest profit to industry, capital and land,

321
00:31:52.900 --> 00:32:12.900
Such astute analysts as Schumpeter and Hebert are critical of, say, as having a view of the entrepreneur as a static manager and organizer, rather than as a

322
00:32:12.900 --> 00:32:25.900
Schumpeter and Hebert are critical of Say as having a view of the entrepreneur as a static manager and organizer, rather than as a dynamic bearer of risk and uncertainty.

323
00:32:26.900 --> 00:32:38.900
We cannot share that view. It seems to us that Say is instead foursquare in the Cantillon-Tourgaux tradition of the entrepreneur as forecaster and risk bearer.

324
00:32:38.900 --> 00:32:47.380
From his analysis of capital, entrepreneurship and the market, J.B. Say concluded for laissez-faire,

325
00:32:47.380 --> 00:32:55.540
The producers themselves are the only competent judges of the transformation, export and import

326
00:32:55.540 --> 00:33:02.580
of these various matters and commodities, and every government which interferes, every system

327
00:33:02.580 --> 00:33:07.300
calculated to influence production, can only do mischief.

328
00:33:08.900 --> 00:33:14.980
7. Say's Law of Markets

329
00:33:14.980 --> 00:33:21.340
While J.B. Say has been almost totally ignored by mainstream economists and historians of

330
00:33:21.340 --> 00:33:27.940
economic thought, this is not true for one relatively minor facet of his thought that

331
00:33:27.940 --> 00:33:34.880
became known as Say's Law of Markets. The one point of his doctrine that the active

332
00:33:34.880 --> 00:33:39.880
One of the most active and aggressive British Ricardians got out of Say was this law.

333
00:33:39.880 --> 00:33:48.880
James Mill, the Lenin of the Ricardian movement, appropriated the law in his Commerce Defended, 1808,

334
00:33:48.880 --> 00:33:53.880
and Ricardo adopted it from his discoverer and mentor.

335
00:33:53.880 --> 00:34:00.880
Say's law is simple and almost truistic and self-evident, and it is hard to escape the conviction

336
00:34:00.880 --> 00:34:08.880
has stirred up a series of storms only because of its obvious political implications and consequences.

337
00:34:08.880 --> 00:34:14.880
Essentially, Say's law is a stern and proper response to the various economic ignoramuses,

338
00:34:14.880 --> 00:34:26.880
as well as self-seekers, who, in every economic recession or crisis, begin to complain loudly about the terrible problem of general overproduction,

339
00:34:26.880 --> 00:34:39.640
Overproduction means production in excess of consumption, that is, production is too

340
00:34:39.640 --> 00:34:47.200
great in general compared to consumption, and hence products cannot be sold in the market.

341
00:34:47.200 --> 00:34:53.080
If production is too large in relation to consumption, then obviously this is a problem

342
00:34:53.080 --> 00:34:58.680
Some of what is now called market failure, a failure which must be compensated by the

343
00:34:58.680 --> 00:35:01.680
intervention of government.

344
00:35:01.680 --> 00:35:07.120
Intervention would have to take one or both of the following forms, reduce production

345
00:35:07.120 --> 00:35:10.660
or artificially stimulate consumption.

346
00:35:10.660 --> 00:35:18.640
The American New Deal in the 1930s did both, with no success in relieving the alleged problem.

347
00:35:18.640 --> 00:35:23.640
Intervention can be reduced, as in the case of the New Deal, by the government's organizing

348
00:35:23.640 --> 00:35:30.480
compulsory cartels of business to force a cut in their output.

349
00:35:30.480 --> 00:35:36.240
Stimulating consumer demand has long been the particularly favored program of interventionists.

350
00:35:36.240 --> 00:35:41.540
Generally, this is done by the government and its central bank, inflating the money

351
00:35:41.540 --> 00:35:48.140
supply and or by the government incurring heavy deficits, its spending passing for a

352
00:35:48.140 --> 00:35:55.140
for Surrogate Consumption. Indeed, government deficits would seem to be ideal for the overproduction

353
00:35:55.140 --> 00:36:02.140
under consumptionists. For if the problem is too much production and or too little consumer

354
00:36:02.140 --> 00:36:08.180
spending, then the solution is to stimulate a lot of unproductive consumption. And who

355
00:36:08.180 --> 00:36:15.180
is better at that than government, which by its very nature is unproductive and even counterproductive?

356
00:36:15.180 --> 00:36:22.540
Say, understandably, reacted in horror to this analysis and to the prescription.

357
00:36:22.540 --> 00:36:27.840
In the first place, he pointed out, the wants of man are unlimited and will continue to

358
00:36:27.840 --> 00:36:35.020
be until we achieve genuine, general superabundance, a world marked by the prices of all goods

359
00:36:35.020 --> 00:36:38.220
and services falling to zero.

360
00:36:38.220 --> 00:36:43.620
But at that point, there would be no problem of finding consumer demand, or indeed any

361
00:36:43.620 --> 00:37:00.580
Thus, Say postulates a situation where all costs of production are at last reduced to

362
00:37:00.580 --> 00:37:07.060
zero, in which case it is evident there can no longer be rent for land, interest upon

363
00:37:07.060 --> 00:37:14.060
on Capital or Wages on Labor, and consequently no longer any revenue to the productive classes.

364
00:37:14.060 --> 00:37:16.340
What will happen then?

365
00:37:16.340 --> 00:37:20.980
What then, I say, these classes would no longer exist?

366
00:37:20.980 --> 00:37:26.420
Every object of human want would stand in the same predicament as the air or the water,

367
00:37:26.420 --> 00:37:31.340
which are consumed without the necessity of being either produced or purchased.

368
00:37:31.340 --> 00:37:36.680
In like manner, as every one is rich enough to provide himself with air, so would he be

369
00:37:36.680 --> 00:37:41.020
to provide himself with every other imaginable product.

370
00:37:41.020 --> 00:37:44.400
This would be the very acme of wealth.

371
00:37:44.400 --> 00:37:47.280
Political economy would no longer be a science.

372
00:37:47.280 --> 00:37:52.120
We should have no occasion to learn the mode of acquiring wealth, for we should find it

373
00:37:52.120 --> 00:37:55.960
ready-made to our hands.

374
00:37:55.960 --> 00:38:01.980
Since apart from the Garden of Eden, production always falls short of man's wants.

375
00:38:01.980 --> 00:38:07.720
This means that there is no need to worry about any lack of consumption.

376
00:38:07.720 --> 00:38:13.980
The problem that limits wealth and living standards is a deficiency of production.

377
00:38:13.980 --> 00:38:20.140
On the market, Say points out, producers exchange their products for money, and they use the

378
00:38:20.140 --> 00:38:23.140
money to buy the products of others.

379
00:38:23.140 --> 00:38:27.220
That is the essence of the exchange or market economy.

380
00:38:27.220 --> 00:38:34.200
Therefore, the supply of one good constitutes, at bottom, the demand for other goods.

381
00:38:34.200 --> 00:38:44.200
Consumption demand is simply the embodiment of the supply of other products, whose owners are seeking to purchase the products in question.

382
00:38:44.200 --> 00:38:50.200
Far better to have demand emerging from the supply of other products, as on the free market,

383
00:38:50.200 --> 00:39:03.200
For the government to stimulate consumption by itself is no benefit to commerce.

384
00:39:03.200 --> 00:39:10.200
For the difficulty lies in supplying the means, not in stimulating the desire for consumption.

385
00:39:10.200 --> 00:39:15.200
And we have seen that production alone furnishes the means.

386
00:39:15.200 --> 00:39:27.200
Since genuine demand only comes from the supply of products, and since the government is not productive, it follows that government spending cannot truly increase demand.

387
00:39:27.200 --> 00:39:36.200
A value once created is not augmented by being seized and expanded by the government, instead of by an individual.

388
00:39:36.200 --> 00:39:43.200
The man that lives upon the productions of other people originates no demand for those productions.

389
00:39:43.200 --> 00:39:49.200
He merely puts himself in the place of the producer, to the great injury of production.

390
00:39:49.200 --> 00:40:01.200
But, if there can be no general overproduction short of the Garden of Eden, then why do businessmen and observers so often complain about a general glut?

391
00:40:01.200 --> 00:40:12.200
In one sense, a surplus of one or more commodities simply means that too little has been produced of other commodities for which they might exchange.

392
00:40:12.200 --> 00:40:32.200
Looked at in another way, since we know that an increased supply of any product lowers its price, then if any unsold surplus of one or more goods exists, this price should fall, thereby stimulating demand so that the full amount will be purchased.

393
00:40:32.200 --> 00:40:39.960
There can never be any problem of overproduction or underconsumption on the free market, because

394
00:40:39.960 --> 00:40:45.320
prices can always fall until the markets are cleared.

395
00:40:45.320 --> 00:40:51.640
While Say did not always put the matter in these precise terms, he saw it clearly enough,

396
00:40:51.640 --> 00:40:57.280
particularly in his letters to Malthus, in his controversy with the Reverend Thomas Robert

397
00:40:57.280 --> 00:41:00.440
Malthus over Say's law.

398
00:41:00.440 --> 00:41:14.000
Those who complain about overproduction or underconsumption rarely talk in terms of price, yet these concepts are virtually meaningless if the price system is not always held in mind.

399
00:41:14.000 --> 00:41:24.540
The question should always be, production or sales at what price? Demand or consumption at what price?

400
00:41:24.540 --> 00:41:31.500
There is never any genuine unsold surplus or glut, whether specific or general, over the

401
00:41:31.500 --> 00:41:38.980
whole economy, if prices are free to fall to clear the market and eliminate the surplus.

402
00:41:38.980 --> 00:41:45.740
Moreover, Say wrote in his letters to Malthus, if the quantity set in the slightest degree

403
00:41:45.740 --> 00:41:51.680
exceeds the want, it is sufficient to alter the price considerably.

404
00:41:51.680 --> 00:41:57.880
It is this notion of what we would now call elasticity and resulting sharp changes in

405
00:41:57.880 --> 00:42:05.560
price that, for say, leads many people to mistake a slight excess of supply for an excessive

406
00:42:05.560 --> 00:42:07.720
abundance.

407
00:42:07.720 --> 00:42:12.540
The policy implications of attending to the price system are crucial.

408
00:42:12.540 --> 00:42:19.360
It means that to cure a glut, whether specific or pervasive, the remedy is not for the government

409
00:42:19.360 --> 00:42:27.720
to spend or create money, it is to allow prices to fall so that the market will be cleared.

410
00:42:27.720 --> 00:42:33.760
In his letters to Malthus, Say offers the following example, 100 sacks of wheat are

411
00:42:33.760 --> 00:42:41.040
produced and exchanged for 100 pieces of cloth, or rather each is exchanged for money and

412
00:42:41.040 --> 00:42:44.120
then for the other commodity.

413
00:42:44.120 --> 00:42:50.840
Notice that productivity and output of each is doubled, and now 200 sacks of wheat are

414
00:42:50.840 --> 00:42:54.660
exchanged for 200 pieces of cloth.

415
00:42:54.660 --> 00:43:02.000
How is superabundance or overproduction going to affect either or both commodities?

416
00:43:02.000 --> 00:43:09.480
And if by producing 100 units of each product the producer made 30 francs profit, why couldn't

417
00:43:09.480 --> 00:43:15.880
But the resulting increase of production and fall in the price of each product still reap

418
00:43:15.880 --> 00:43:19.120
30 francs profit for each seller.

419
00:43:19.120 --> 00:43:23.080
And how can general glut arise?

420
00:43:23.080 --> 00:43:28.180
Yet Malthus would have to maintain that part of the new production of cloth would find

421
00:43:28.180 --> 00:43:30.520
no buyers.

422
00:43:30.520 --> 00:43:36.960
Say then notes that Malthus in a sense conceded the point about prices falling due to increased

423
00:43:36.960 --> 00:43:43.400
Production and then fell back on a second line of defense, that productions will fall

424
00:43:43.400 --> 00:43:49.600
to too low a price to pay for the labor necessary to their production.

425
00:43:49.600 --> 00:43:56.060
Here we come to the nub of the over-productionist, under-consumptionist complaints.

426
00:43:56.060 --> 00:44:02.000
If we can get past their foggy, aggregative concepts and their real or seeming neglect

427
00:44:02.000 --> 00:44:08.360
of the fact that a lower price of any product can always clear the market.

428
00:44:08.360 --> 00:44:15.600
In reply, Say noted that Malthus, having unfortunately adopted the labor theory of value, neglected

429
00:44:15.600 --> 00:44:22.480
to add the productive services of land and capital to labor in the costs of production,

430
00:44:22.480 --> 00:44:29.240
so that the assertion is that selling prices will fall below the costs of production.

431
00:44:29.240 --> 00:44:35.820
But where do costs come from? And why are they somehow fixed, exogenous to the market

432
00:44:35.820 --> 00:44:42.620
system itself? How are they determined? Although Ricardo joined with, say, on the question

433
00:44:42.620 --> 00:44:49.300
of overproduction, it was easy for a British follower of Smith and Ricardo, such as Malthus,

434
00:44:49.300 --> 00:44:56.120
on cost theories of value to fall into this trap, and to assume that costs are somehow

435
00:44:56.120 --> 00:44:58.960
Fixed and Invariant

436
00:44:58.960 --> 00:45:04.760
Say believing as we have seen that costs are determined by selling price rather than the

437
00:45:04.760 --> 00:45:12.920
other way round, was impelled to a far clearer and more correct picture of the entire matter.

438
00:45:12.920 --> 00:45:18.400
Returning to his example, Say points out that if the wheat and cloth producers double the

439
00:45:18.400 --> 00:45:24.640
quantity produced with the same productive services, this means not only that the prices

440
00:45:24.640 --> 00:45:31.560
Losses of wheat and cloth will fall, but also that factor productivity has risen in both

441
00:45:31.560 --> 00:45:38.960
industries. A rise of factor productivity means a lowering of cost. But this means that

442
00:45:38.960 --> 00:45:46.440
an increase in output will not only lower selling price, it will also lower costs. So

443
00:45:46.440 --> 00:45:54.560
there is no reason to assume grievous losses or even a lessening of profit if prices fall.

444
00:45:54.560 --> 00:46:01.080
Apparently, Say continued, Malthus is worried about the prices of productive services remaining

445
00:46:01.080 --> 00:46:07.480
high and therefore keeping costs too high as production increases.

446
00:46:07.480 --> 00:46:12.840
But here, Say brings in a brilliantly perceptive point.

447
00:46:12.840 --> 00:46:17.880
Prices of productive factors must be high for a reason.

448
00:46:17.880 --> 00:46:21.040
They are not preordained to be high.

449
00:46:21.040 --> 00:46:28.640
But this high wage or rent in itself precisely denotes that what we seek for exists.

450
00:46:28.640 --> 00:46:34.720
That is to say, that there is a mode of employing them so as to make the produce sufficient

451
00:46:34.720 --> 00:46:37.560
to repay what they cost.

452
00:46:37.560 --> 00:46:44.480
In short, factor prices being high means that they have been bid up to that height by alternative

453
00:46:44.480 --> 00:46:46.440
uses for them.

454
00:46:46.440 --> 00:46:53.840
If the costs of these factors seriously impinge upon, or erase the profits of a firm or industry,

455
00:46:53.840 --> 00:46:59.960
this is because these factors are more productive elsewhere, and have been bid up to reflect

456
00:46:59.960 --> 00:47:01.800
that vital fact.

457
00:47:01.800 --> 00:47:08.200
Say's reasoning is strikingly similar to the modern free trade reply to the cheap labor

458
00:47:08.200 --> 00:47:11.020
argument for protective tariffs.

459
00:47:11.020 --> 00:47:17.300
The reason why labor is more expensive, say in the United States or other industrialized

460
00:47:17.300 --> 00:47:23.660
countries is that other American industries have bid up these labor costs.

461
00:47:23.660 --> 00:47:29.420
These industries are therefore more efficient than the industry suffering from competition

462
00:47:29.420 --> 00:47:36.020
and hence the latter should cut back or shut down and allow resources to shift to more

463
00:47:36.020 --> 00:47:39.420
efficient and productive fields.

464
00:47:39.420 --> 00:47:45.860
In more peripheral but still relevant areas, J.B. Say engaged in some lovely and powerful

465
00:47:45.860 --> 00:47:49.180
examples of reductio ad absurdum argument.

466
00:47:49.180 --> 00:47:56.780
Thus, on the importance of demand vis-a-vis supply and on the question of gluts, he asked,

467
00:47:56.780 --> 00:48:02.020
what would have happened if a merchant shipped a current cargo to the site of New York City

468
00:48:02.020 --> 00:48:04.540
in the early 17th century?

469
00:48:04.540 --> 00:48:07.940
Clearly, he wouldn't have been able to sell his cargo.

470
00:48:07.940 --> 00:48:09.080
Why not?

471
00:48:09.080 --> 00:48:16.680
by this glut, because no one in the New York area was producing enough other goods to exchange

472
00:48:16.680 --> 00:48:18.640
for this cargo.

473
00:48:18.640 --> 00:48:24.120
And why would this merchant be sure to sell his cargo nowadays in New York City?

474
00:48:24.120 --> 00:48:30.160
Because there are now enough producers in the New York area to make and import products

475
00:48:30.160 --> 00:48:36.120
by the means of which they acquire that which is offered to them by others.

476
00:48:36.120 --> 00:48:41.820
It would have been absurd to state that the problem about the 17th century cargo was there

477
00:48:41.820 --> 00:48:47.120
were too many producers and not enough consumers.

478
00:48:47.120 --> 00:48:53.340
Say adds that the only real consumers are those who produce on their part, because they

479
00:48:53.340 --> 00:48:59.740
alone can buy the produce of others, while barren consumers can buy nothing except by

480
00:48:59.740 --> 00:49:04.140
the means of value created by producers.

481
00:49:04.140 --> 00:49:10.180
He concludes eloquently that it is the capability of production which makes the difference between

482
00:49:10.180 --> 00:49:13.060
a country and a desert.

483
00:49:13.060 --> 00:49:19.300
The other potent reductio also in his letters to Malthus is part of his defense of innovation

484
00:49:19.300 --> 00:49:23.380
and machinery against charges of overproduction.

485
00:49:23.380 --> 00:49:29.700
Malthus, Say notes, concedes that machinery is beneficial when the production of the product

486
00:49:29.700 --> 00:49:35.220
is so increased that employment in that field increases also.

487
00:49:35.220 --> 00:49:41.980
But, Say adds, new machinery is advantageous even in the seeming worst case, when production

488
00:49:41.980 --> 00:49:48.020
of the particular good is not increased and laborers are discharged.

489
00:49:48.020 --> 00:49:54.940
For first, in the latter case as well as the former, productivity increases, selling prices

490
00:49:54.940 --> 00:49:58.460
fall and standards of living rise.

491
00:49:58.460 --> 00:50:05.460
Besides, Wright say, bringing in the reductio, tools are vital to mankind.

492
00:50:05.460 --> 00:50:11.700
To propose, as Malthus does, to limit and restrain the introduction of new machinery,

493
00:50:11.700 --> 00:50:19.460
is to argue implicitly that we ought, retrograding rather than advancing the career of civilization,

494
00:50:19.460 --> 00:50:25.660
successively to renounce all the discoveries we have already made, and to render our arts

495
00:50:25.660 --> 00:50:32.620
It's more imperfect in order to multiply our labor by diminishing our enjoyments.

496
00:50:32.620 --> 00:50:38.260
As to laborers disemployed by the introduction of new machinery, Say writes that they can

497
00:50:38.260 --> 00:50:40.660
and will move elsewhere.

498
00:50:40.660 --> 00:50:46.380
After all, he adds caustically, the employer who brings in new machinery does not compel

499
00:50:46.380 --> 00:50:52.380
them, the laborers, to remain unemployed, but only to seek another occupation.

500
00:50:52.380 --> 00:50:58.160
And many employment opportunities will open up for these laborers, since income in society

501
00:50:58.160 --> 00:51:03.160
has increased due to the new machinery and product.

502
00:51:03.160 --> 00:51:10.500
Echoing Turgot, Say also counters the Malthus Sismondi worry about the leaking out of savings

503
00:51:10.500 --> 00:51:16.360
from vital spendings, pointing out that savings do not remain unspent.

504
00:51:16.360 --> 00:51:23.920
They are simply spent on other productive or reproductive factors, rather than consumption.

505
00:51:23.920 --> 00:51:30.400
Rather than injuring consumption, saving is invested, and thereby increases future consumer

506
00:51:30.400 --> 00:51:31.400
spending.

507
00:51:31.400 --> 00:51:38.380
Historically, savings and consumption thereby grow together, and just as there is no necessary

508
00:51:38.380 --> 00:51:45.120
limit to production, so there is no limit to investment and the accumulation of capital.

509
00:51:45.120 --> 00:51:52.020
A produce created was a vent opened for another produce, and this is true whether the value

510
00:51:52.020 --> 00:51:59.280
of it is spent on consumption or added to savings. Conceding that sometimes the savings

511
00:51:59.280 --> 00:52:06.060
might be hoarded, Say was for once less than satisfactory. He pointed out correctly that

512
00:52:06.060 --> 00:52:11.800
eventually the hoard will be spent, either on consumption or investment, since after

513
00:52:11.800 --> 00:52:18.520
After all, that is what money is for. Yet he admitted that he too deplored hoarding.

514
00:52:18.520 --> 00:52:24.820
And yet, as Torgot had hinted, hoarded cash balances that reduce spending will have the

515
00:52:24.820 --> 00:52:31.480
same effect as overproduction at too high a price. The lower demand will reduce prices

516
00:52:31.480 --> 00:52:39.620
all round. Real cash balances will rise and all markets will again be cleared. Unfortunately,

517
00:52:39.620 --> 00:52:42.860
Say did not grasp this point.

518
00:52:42.860 --> 00:52:48.780
Say, however, was again powerful and hard-hitting in his critique of Malthus' belief in the

519
00:52:48.780 --> 00:52:54.660
importance of maintaining unproductive consumption by government.

520
00:52:54.660 --> 00:53:00.500
Income and consumption by government officials, soldiers and state pensioners.

521
00:53:00.500 --> 00:53:07.220
Say argued that these people live off production, whereas productive consumers add to the supply

522
00:53:07.220 --> 00:53:10.220
and the Supply of Goods and Services.

523
00:53:10.220 --> 00:53:12.220
Say continued sardonically,

524
00:53:12.220 --> 00:53:18.220
I cannot think that those who pay taxes would be at a loss what to do with their money

525
00:53:18.220 --> 00:53:21.220
if the collector did not come to their assistance.

526
00:53:21.220 --> 00:53:24.220
Either their wants would be more amply satisfied

527
00:53:24.220 --> 00:53:29.220
or they would employ the same money in a reproductive manner.

528
00:53:29.220 --> 00:53:35.220
In contrast to his opponents who wished the government to stimulate consumer demand,

529
00:53:35.220 --> 00:53:40.860
He believed that problems of glut, as well as poverty in general, could be solved by

530
00:53:40.860 --> 00:53:43.420
increasing production.

531
00:53:43.420 --> 00:53:49.620
And so he invaded in many passages against excessive taxation, which raised the costs

532
00:53:49.620 --> 00:53:55.840
and prices of goods, and crippled production and economic growth.

533
00:53:55.840 --> 00:54:02.180
In essence, J.B. Say countered the statist proposals of the under-consumptionists Malthus

534
00:54:02.180 --> 00:54:08.900
Malthus and Sismondi by an activist program of his own, the libertarian one of slashing

535
00:54:08.900 --> 00:54:11.300
taxation.

536
00:54:11.300 --> 00:54:17.080
Say combined his anti-tax insights with his critique of Malthus' fondness for government

537
00:54:17.080 --> 00:54:23.060
spending via a trenchant attack on Malthus and the public debt.

538
00:54:23.060 --> 00:54:29.320
Say noted that Malthus still convinced that there are classes who render service to society

539
00:54:29.320 --> 00:54:35.240
simply by consuming without producing, would consider it a misfortune if the whole or a

540
00:54:35.240 --> 00:54:39.820
great part of the English national debt were paid off.

541
00:54:39.820 --> 00:54:45.820
On the contrary, rebutted Say, this would be a highly beneficial event for England,

542
00:54:45.820 --> 00:54:51.700
for the result would be that the stockholders, government bondholders being paid off, would

543
00:54:51.700 --> 00:54:57.840
obtain some income from their capital, that those who pay taxes would themselves spend

544
00:54:57.840 --> 00:55:03.360
and the 40 million sterling which they now pay to the creditors of the state.

545
00:55:03.360 --> 00:55:09.200
That the 40 millions of taxes being taken off, all productions would be cheaper, and

546
00:55:09.200 --> 00:55:12.520
the consumption would considerably increase.

547
00:55:12.520 --> 00:55:17.360
That it would give work to the laborer in place of saber cuts, which are now dealt out

548
00:55:17.360 --> 00:55:18.560
to them.

549
00:55:18.560 --> 00:55:25.000
And I confess that these consequences do not appear to me of a nature to terrify the friends

550
00:55:25.000 --> 00:55:26.280
of Public Welfare.
