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NOTE 2. Jeremy Bentham: The Utilitarian as Big Brother

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Chapter 2. Jeremy Bentham, The Utilitarian as Big Brother

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1. From Laissez-Faire to Statism

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Jeremy Bentham, 1748-1832, began as a devoted Smithian, but more consistently attached to laissez-faire.

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During his relatively brief span of interest in economics, he became more and more statist.

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His intensified statism was merely one aspect of his major and highly unfortunate contribution to economics, his consistent philosophical utilitarianism.

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This contribution, which opens a broad sluice gate for state despotism, still remains as Bentham's legacy to contemporary neoclassical economics.

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Bentham was born in London, the son of a wealthy lawyer,

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wild away his youth at Oxford and was admitted to the bar in 1772.

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But it soon became clear that Bentham was not interested in a career as an attorney.

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Rather, he settled down for life with his inherited wealth to become a cloistered philosopher,

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philosopher, legal theorist and projector or crank, eternally grinding out schemes for

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legal and political reform which he urged upon the great and powerful.

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Bentham's first and enduring interest was in utilitarianism, which we shall examine further

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below, and which he launched with his first published work at the age of 28, The Fragment

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on Government, 1776.

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Most of his life, Bentham functioned as the great man, scribbling chaotically on endless

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and prolix manuscripts, elaborating on his projected reforms and law codes.

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Most of the manuscripts remained unpublished until long after his death.

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The affluent Bentham lived in a capacious house, surrounded by flunkies and disciples,

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who copied revision after revision of his eligible prose to get ready for eventual publication.

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He conversed with his disciples in the same made-up jargon with which he peppered his

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writings.

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While a cheery conversationalist, Bentham brooked no argument from his aides and disciples.

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As his precocious young disciple, John Stuart Mill, later recalled with kindly understatement,

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Bentham failed in deriving light from other minds.

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Because of this trait, Bentham was surrounded not by alert and knowledgeable disciples,

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but by largely uncomprehending aides, who, in the perceptive words of Professor William

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Thomas, looked on his work with a certain resigned skepticism as if its faults were

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the result of eccentricities beyond the reach of criticism or remonstrance.

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As Thomas continues, the idea that he was surrounded by a band of eager disciples who drew from

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his system a searching critique of every aspect of contemporary society, which they were later

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to apply to various institutions in need of reform, is the product of later liberal myth-making.

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So far as I know, Bentham's circle is quite unlike that of any other great political thinker.

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It consisted not so much of men who found in his work a compelling explanation of the

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social world around them, and gathered about him to learn more of his thoughts, as of men

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caught in a sort of expectant bafflement at the progress of a work which they would have

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liked to help on to completion, but which remained maddeningly elusive and obscure.

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What Bentham needed desperately were sympathetic and candid editors of his work, but his relationship

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with his followers precluded that from happening.

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For this reason, adds Thomas, the steadily accumulating mass of manuscripts remained

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largely a terra incognita even to the intimate members of our circle.

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As a result, for example, such a major work in manuscript, of laws in general, astonishingly

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They remained unedited, let alone unpublished, until our own day.

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If anyone could have played this role, it was Bentham's outstanding follower, James

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Mill, whom we will deal with more fully below, chapter 3.

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In many ways, Mill had the capacity and personality to perform the task.

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But there were two fatal problems.

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First, Mill refused to abandon his own intellectual work in order to subordinate himself exclusively

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to aiding the master.

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As Thomas writes, sooner or later all Bentham's disciples faced the choice of absorption or

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independence.

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Though he was a devoted follower of Benthamite utilitarianism, Mill's personality was such

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that absorption for him was out of the question.

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Second, the slipshod and volatile Bentham desperately needed shaping up, and the brisk,

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systematic, didactic and hectoring James Mill was just the man to do the shaping.

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But unsurprisingly, Bentham, the great man, was not about to be shaped up by anyone.

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The personality clash was too great for their relationship to be anything but arm's length,

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at the height of Mill's discipleship before Mill achieved economic independence from his

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wealthy patron.

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Thus, in exasperation, Mill wrote to a close mutual friend about Bentham, the pain he seems

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to feel at the very thought of being called upon to give his mind to the subject you can

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have but little conception of.

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At the same time, Bentham, even long afterwards, confided his lingering resentment of Mill

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to his last disciple, John Boehring.

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He will never willingly enter into discourse with me.

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When he differs, he is silent.

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He expects to subdue everybody by his domineering tone, to convince everybody by his positiveness.

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His manner of speaking is oppressive and overbearing.

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There is no better way to summarize the personality clash between them.

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Bentham's first published work, The Fragment on Government, 1776, gained young Bentham

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an entrée into leading political circles, particularly the friends of Lord Shelburne.

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These included Whig politicians like Lord Camden and William Pitt the Younger, and two

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men who were quickly to become Bentham's close friends and earliest disciples, the

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and even Etienne Dumont and Sir Samuel Romilly.

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Dumont was to be the main carrier of Benthamite doctrine to the continent of Europe.

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While utilitarian political and legal reform continued to be his main interest throughout

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his life, Bentham read and absorbed the wealth of nations in the late 1770s or early 1780s,

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quickly becoming a devoted disciple.

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Although Bentham praised practically no other author, he habitually referred to Adam Smith

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as the father of political economy, a great master, and a writer of consummate genius.

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In the early 1780s, Bentham's brother Samuel, a wealthy engineer, was engaged by the Empress

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Catherine the Great to organize various industrial projects. Samuel invited Jeremy to stay with

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with him in Russia, which he did from the mid-1780s to the end of 1787, with a view

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to presenting an all-comprehensive legal code to enable that despot to govern her realm

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more efficiently. Bentham characteristically never completed the code for Catherine, but

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while in Russia he learned, falsely as it turned out, that William Pitt, now Prime Minister,

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is preparing to urge a reduction in the legal maximum rate of interest from 5 to 4 percent.

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Agitated, Bentham wrote and soon published in 1787 his first and only well-known work

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on economics, the scintillating and hard-hitting defense of usury.

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Trying to bring more consistency into Smithian laissez-faire, Bentham argued against all usury

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laws whatever.

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He grounded his views squarely on the concept of freedom of contract, declaring that no

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man of ripe ears and of sound mind, acting freely and with his eyes open, ought to be

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hindered from making such a bargain in the way of obtaining money as he thinks fit.

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The presumption in any situation is for freedom of contract.

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You who fetter contracts, you who lay restraints on the liberty of man, it is for you to assume

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How can usury be a crime when it is exchanged by mutual consent of lender and borrower?

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Usury, Bentham concludes, if it must be an offense, is an offense committed with consent,

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that is, with the consent of the party supposed to be injured, cannot merit a place in the

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catalog of offenses, unless the consent were either unfairly obtained or unfreely.

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In the first case it coincides with defraudment, in the other with extortion.

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In his appendix to the defense of usury, Bentham restates and sharpens the Torgot-Smith defense

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of savings.

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Savings results in capital accumulation.

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Whatever saves money, as the phrase is, adds proportionately to the general mass of capital.

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The world can augment its capital in only one way, that is, by parsimony.

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This insight leads to the principle that capital limits trade, that the extent of trade or

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production is limited by the amount of capital that has been accumulated.

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In short, the trade of every nation is limited by the quantity of capital.

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The laissez-faire implication, as Bentham saw, is that government action or spending cannot

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increase the total amount of capital in society.

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It can only divert capital from free market to less productive uses.

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As a result, no regulations nor any efforts whatsoever, either on the part of subjects or governors, can raise the quantity of wealth produced during a given period to an amount beyond what the productive powers of the quantity of capital in hand are capable of producing.

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Defense of usury had a great impact in Britain and elsewhere. Dr. Thomas Reid, the distinguished Scottish common-sense philosopher who succeeded Adam Smith to the Chair of Moral Philosophy at Glasgow, strongly endorsed the book.

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Book, the great Comte de Mirabeau, the leading force in the early stages of the French Revolution,

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had the work translated into French.

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And in the United States, the tract went into several editions, and it inspired several

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states to repeal their laws against usury.

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In the course of the defense, there are hints of valuable analysis.

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Banking is defined as exchanging present money for future, and other intimations of the time

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preference or waiting as a key to saving include such phrases as the saver having the resolution

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to sacrifice the present to the future.

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Bentham also intimates that part of interest charged includes a risk premium, a kind of

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insurance premium for the risk of loss incurred by the lender.

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During the 1780s, Bentham was also writing his Essay on Reward, published only a half

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century later as The Rationale of Reward.

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In it, Bentham expounded enthusiastically on competition as rewards and hailed the advantages

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resulting from the most unlimited freedom of competition.

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It was on this principle of free competition and opposition to governmental monopolies

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that the father of political economy had, in Bentham's overenthusiastic words, created

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a new science.

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In his next economic work, the unpublished Manual of Political Economy, 1795, Bentham

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continued the laissez-faire theme of no more trade than capital.

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The government, he emphasized, can only divert investment funds from the private sector.

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cannot raise the total level of investment. Whatever is given to any one branch is so

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much taken from the rest. Every statesman who thinks by regulation to increase the sum

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of trade is the child whose eye is bigger than his belly. Towards the end of the same

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work, however, a cloud no bigger than a man's hand appeared that would eventually take charge

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of Bentham's Economic Analysis.

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For Bentham began his rapid slide down the inflationist chute.

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In a kind of appendix to the work, he states that government paper money could increase

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capital if resources were not fully employed.

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There is no analysis, as of course there never is in the inflationist canon, of why these

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resources were unemployed in the first place.

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That is, why their owners withheld them from use.

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The answer must be because the resource owner demanded an excessively high price or wage.

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Inflation is therefore a means of fooling resource owners into lowering their real demands.

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It did not take long for Jeremy Bentham to slide down the slippery slope from Adam Smith

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and what would be Say's law, back to mercantilism and inflationism.

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Shortly afterwards, in an unpublished proposal for the circulation of a new species of paper

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currency, 1796, Bentham happily wedded his projecting and constructivist spirit to his

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newfound inflationism.

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Instead of floating bonds and paying interest on them, the government, he proposed, should

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would simply monopolize all issue of paper notes in the kingdom.

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It could then issue the notes, preferably non-interest bearing ad libitum, and save itself

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the interest.

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Bentham was scarcely at his best answering the question of what limit there might be

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to this government paper issue.

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The limit, he answered, would obviously be the amount of paper currency in the country.

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Bentham's modern editor is properly scornful of this patent claptrap.

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It is like saying, the sky's the limit, when we do not know how high the sky may be.

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In his later writings on the subject, Bentham searched for some limits to paper issue, if

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unsuccessfully, but his commitment to a broadly inflationist course deepened further.

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In his unfinished Circulating Annuities, 1800, he developed his government paper scheme further

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and hailed the serviceability of inflation in wartime.

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Indeed, Bentham makes an all-out assault on the Turgot-Smith-Say insights and actually

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declares that employment of labor is directly proportional to the quantity of money.

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No addition is ever made to the quantity of labor in any place, but by an addition made

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to the quantity of money in that place.

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In this point of view, then, money, it should seem, is the cause, and the cause sine qua

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non, of labor and general wealth.

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Quantity of money is all.

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So much for Smithian doctrine.

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In fact, Bentham went further in circulating annuities, heaping scorn on his alleged mentor

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for denouncing the mercantilist preoccupation with the states piling up of gold and silver

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and with a favorable balance of trade.

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There is no absurdity, averred Bentham, in the exaltation testified by public men at

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observing how great a degree of what is called the balance of trade is in favor of this country.

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Seduced by the pride of discovery, Adam Smith, by taking his words from the kitchen, has

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attempted to throw an ill-grounded ridicule on the preference given to gold and silver.

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After once again calling for the elimination of bank paper for the benefit of a government

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monopoly of paper issue in the fragmentary Paper Mischief Exposed, 1801, Bentham reached

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The Acme of Inflationism in his The True Alarm, 1801.

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In this unpublished work, Bentham not only continued the full employment motif, but also

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grumbled about the allegedly dire effects of hoarding, of money saved from consumption

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that went into hoards instead of investment.

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In that case, disaster, a fall in prices, profits and production.

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Nowhere does Bentham recognize that hoarding and a general fall in prices also means a

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fall in costs, and no necessary reduction in investment or production. Indeed, Bentham

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worked around to the Mandeville fallacy about the beneficial and uniquely energizing effects

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of luxurious spending. In the mercantilist and proto-Keynesian manner, saving is evil

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Capital hoarding, while luxury consumption animates production.

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How capital can be maintained, much less increased, without saving, is not explained in this bizarre

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model.

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James Mill and David Ricardo have been considered loyal Benthamites, and this they were in utilitarian

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philosophy and in a belief in political democracy.

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In economics, however, it was a far different story, and Mill and Ricardo, sound as a rock

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on Say's law and the Turgot-Smith analysis, were firm in successfully discouraging the

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publication of the true alarm.

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Ricardo scoffed at almost all of later Benthamite economics, and in the case of money and production,

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asked the proper questions.

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Why should the mere increase of money have any other effect than to lower its value?

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How would it cause any increase in the production of commodities?

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Money cannot call forth goods, but goods can call forth money.

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Bentham's major theme, that money is the cause of riches, Ricardo rejected firmly and flatly.

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In his penultimate work of importance on economics, Jeremy Bentham came full circle. He had launched

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the economic part of his career with a hard-hitting attack on usury laws. He ended it by defending

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maximum price control on bread. Why? Because the mass of the public would favor cheap bread,

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assuredly so, and so there would then be a rational and determinate standard for the

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The Good and Moral Price of Bread, a standard which, apparently, free contract and free

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markets cannot set.

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What would such a standard be?

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Showing that for Bentham, his ad hoc utilitarianism and cost-benefit analysis had totally driven

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any sound economics out of his purview, he answered that it would have to be empirical

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and ad hoc.

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Directing economic logic to the wins, Bentham maintained that the authorities should set

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a moderate maximum price, which would weigh the costs and benefits, the advantages and

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disadvantages of each possible price.

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And Bentham assured his readers of his moderation.

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He did not mean it, his proposal, as a whip or scorpion for the punishment of the growers

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or vendors of corn.

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But that would be the inevitable result.

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Ad hoc empiricism was now rampant in Bentham.

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Admitting that all previous attempts at maximum price control were disasters, like any later

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institutionalist or historicist, Bentham denied any relevance, since the circumstances of

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each particular time and place are necessarily different.

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In short, Bentham denied economics altogether, that is, denied the possibility of laws abstracting

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from particular circumstances and applying to all exchanges or actions everywhere.

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In arguing against the opponents of price control, Bentham often used reasoning that

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was tortuous and even absurd.

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For example, to the charge that maximum price control would lead to attempted consumption

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exceeding supply, one of the greatest problems with price control, Bentham insisted that

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this could not happen in Britain, where the Poor Law ensured welfare payment to the poor

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with an increase in the price of bread. The opinion that, at some time or other, the demand

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The curve can be vertical and not falling is in every century the hallmark of an economic

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ignoramus, and Bentham now passed that test.

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For centuries, writers and theorists knew that demand increased as price fell, and Bentham

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was now writing as if economics had never existed and could never exist.

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Since consistency was the realm of despised deductive logic, Bentham denied that his opposition

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to usury laws had any relation to his defense of price control on bread.

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But while he still maintained that his earlier analysis had been correct, he now offered

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a crucial revision.

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He had overlooked that a notable advantage of a usury law is that the government can

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and then borrow more cheaply, at the expense, of course, of squeezing out marginal private borrowers.

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And he went on to admit that he now found this advantage decisive, so that now he would

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place usury laws on the governmental agenda.

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I should expect to find the advantages of it in this respect predominant over its disadvantages

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in all others.

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In short, Bentham, the alleged individualist and exponent of laissez-faire, finds that

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advantage to government outweighs all private disadvantage.

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Again treating his earlier views on usury, Bentham denied that he had ever believed in

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any self-adjusting and equilibrating tendencies of the market, or that interest rates properly

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adjust saving and investment.

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He went on in a revealing diatribe against laissez-faire and natural rights to demonstrate

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to one and all the incompatibility between utilitarianism on the one hand and laissez-faire

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or property rights on the other.

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I have not, I never had nor shall have, any horror, sentimental or anarchical of the hand

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of government.

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I leave it to Adam Smith and the champions of the rights of man to talk of invasions

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of natural liberty and to give as a special argument against this or that law an argument

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the effect of which would be to put a negative upon all laws.

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The interference of government, as often as in my jumbled view of the matter the smallest

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balance on the side of advantage is the result, is an event I witness with altogether as much

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One wonders by what mystical standard the scientific Bentham managed to weigh the advantages

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and disadvantages of every particular law.

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Three years later, in 1804, Jeremy Bentham lost interest in economics, a fact for which

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we must be forever grateful.

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It is only unfortunate that this waning of zeal had not occurred a half decade before.

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The case of Jeremy Bentham, however, should be instructive to that host of economists that

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attempt to weld utilitarian philosophy with free market economics.

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One would think that the master of utilitarianism would have contributed to utility analysis

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in Economics.

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But oddly enough, Bentham proved to be interested only in the macro-realms of economic thought.

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The only exception came in the largely unfortunate True Alarm, 1801, in which Bentham not only

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declared that all value is founded on utility, but also enters into a cogent critique of

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Adam Smith's alleged value paradox.

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Water, Bentham noted, can and does have economic value, while diamonds do have value in use as a foundation of their economic value.

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Continuing on, Bentham approaches the marginalist refutation of the value paradox.

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The reason why water is not found to have any value with a view to exchange is that it is equally devoid of value with a view to use.

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If the whole quantity required is available, the surplus has no kind of value.

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It would be the same in the case of wine, grain and everything else.

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Water, furnished as it is by nature without any human exertion, is more likely to be found

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in that abundance which renders it superfluous.

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But there are many circumstances in which it has a value in exchange superior to that

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of Wine 2. Personal Utilitarianism

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As we have seen, Jeremy Bentham's strictly economic views, especially when he slid back

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to mercantilism, had no impact on economic thought, even upon his own philosophic disciples

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such as James Mill and Ricardo. But his philosophic views, introduced into economics by these

289
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by these same disciples left an unfortunate and permanent impact on economic thought.

290
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They provided economics with its underlying and dominant social philosophy,

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00:28:33.560 --> 00:28:40.560
and that dominance would be no less powerful for being generally implicit and unexamined.

292
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Utilitarianism provided economists with the ability to square the circle,

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to allow them to make pronouncements and take firm positions on public policy,

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History, while still pretending to be hard-headed, scientific and therefore value-free.

295
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As the nineteenth century proceeded and economics began to become a separate profession, a guild

296
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with its own code and practices, it became possessed of an overwhelming desire to ape

297
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the success and the prestige of the hard physical sciences.

298
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But scientists are supposed to be objective, disinterested, unbiased in their scientific

299
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work.

300
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It was therefore assumed that for economists to espouse moral principles or political philosophy

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was somehow introducing the virus of bias, prejudice and an unscientific attitude into

302
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the discipline of economics.

303
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This attitude of crude imitation of the physical sciences ignored the fact that people and

304
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inanimate objects are crucially different.

305
00:29:51.840 --> 00:29:58.240
Stones or atoms don't have values or make choices, whereas people inherently evaluate

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and choose.

307
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Still, it would be perfectly possible for economists to confine themselves to analyzing

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and the consequences of such values and choices, provided they took no stand on public policy.

309
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But economists burn to take such stands.

310
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In fact, interest in policy is generally the main motivation for embarking on a study of

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economics in the first place.

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And advocating policy, saying that the government should or should not do A, B or C, is ipso

313
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So facto, taking a value position and an implicitly ethical one to boot.

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There is no way of getting around this fact, and the best that can be done is to make such

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ethics a rational inquiry of what is best for man in accordance with his nature.

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But the pursuit of value-free science precluded that path, and so economists, by adopting utilitarianism,

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were able to pretend or to delude themselves that they were being strictly scientific while

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smuggling unanalyzed and shaky ethical notions into economics.

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In that way, economics embraced the worst of both worlds, implicitly smuggling in fallacy

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and bias in the name of hard-nosed value freedom.

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The Benthamite infection of economics with the bacillus of utilitarianism has never been

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have been cured, and remains as rampant and as predominant as ever.

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Utilitarianism consists in two fundamental parts, personal utilitarianism and social utilitarianism,

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the latter being built upon the former.

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Each is fallacious and pernicious, but social utilitarianism, which we are more interested in here,

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adds many fallacies and would be unsound even if personal utilitarianism were to be upheld.

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Personal utilitarianism, as launched by David Hume in the mid-18th century,

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assumes that each individual is governed only by the desire to satisfy his emotions, his passions,

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and that these emotions of happiness or unhappiness are primary and unanalyzable

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The only function of man's reason is use as a means to show someone how to arrive at his

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goals. There is no function for reason in setting man's goals themselves. Reason, for Hume and for

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later utilitarians, is only a handmaiden, a slave to the passions. There is no room then for natural

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law to establish any ethic for mankind.

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But what then is to be done about the fact that most people decide about their ends by

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ethical principles, which cannot be considered reducible to an original personal emotion?

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Still more embarrassing for utilitarianism is the obvious fact that emotion is often

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a handmaiden of such principles, and is patently not an ultimate given, but rather determined

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by what happens to such principles.

339
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Thus, someone who fervently adopts a certain ethical or political philosophy will feel

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happy whenever such philosophy succeeds in the world, and unhappy when it meets a setback.

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are then a handmaiden to principles instead of the other way round.

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In grappling with such anomalies, utilitarianism, priding itself on being anti-mystical and

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scientific, has to go against the facts and introduce mystification of its own.

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For it then has to say either that people only think they have adopted governing ethical

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Principles, and or that they should abandon such principles and cleave only to unanalyzed

346
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feelings.

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In short, utilitarianism has either to fly in the face of facts obvious to everyone,

348
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a methodology that is surely blatantly unscientific, and or to adopt an unanalyzed ethical view

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of its own in denunciation of all other ethical views.

350
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But this is mystical, value-laden and self-refuting of its own anti-ethical doctrine, or rather

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of any ethical doctrine that is not a slave to unanalyzed passions.

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In either case, utilitarianism is self-refuting in violating its own axiom of not going beyond

353
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given emotions and valuations.

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Furthermore, it is common human experience, once again, that subjective desires are not

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absolute, given, and unchanging.

356
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They are not hermetically sealed off from persuasion, whether rational or otherwise.

357
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One's own experience and the arguments of others can and do persuade people to change

358
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their values.

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But how could that be if all individual desires and valuations are pure givens, and therefore

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not subject to alteration by the intersubjective persuasion of others?

361
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But if these desires are not givens, and are changeable by the persuasion of moral argument,

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it would then follow that, contrary to the assumptions of utilitarianism, supra-subjective

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ethical principles do exist that can be argued and can have an impact on others and on their

364
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valuations and goals.

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Jeremy Bentham added a further fallacy to the utilitarianism that had grown fashionable

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in Great Britain since the days of David Hume.

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More brutally, Bentham sought to reduce all human desires and values from the qualitative

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to the quantitative.

369
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All goals are to be reduced to quantity, and all seemingly different values, for example

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push-pin and poetry, are to be reduced to mere differences of quantity and degree.

371
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The drive to reduce quality drastically to quantity again appealed to the scientistic

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passion among economists.

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Quantity is uniformly the object of investigation in the hard physical sciences.

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So doesn't concern for quality in the study of human action connote mysticism and a sloppy

375
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unscientific attitude?

376
00:36:59.640 --> 00:37:06.400
But once again, economists forgot that quantity is precisely the proper concept for dealing

377
00:37:06.400 --> 00:37:13.120
with stones or atoms, for these entities do not possess consciousness, do not value and

378
00:37:13.120 --> 00:37:19.660
do not choose, therefore their movements can be and should be charted with quantitative

379
00:37:19.660 --> 00:37:21.380
precision.

380
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But individual human beings, on the contrary, are conscious and do adopt values and act

381
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on them.

382
00:37:29.880 --> 00:37:36.200
People are not unmotivated objects always describing a quantitative path.

383
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People are qualitative, that is, they respond to qualitative differences and they value

384
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You and Choose on that basis.

385
00:37:45.740 --> 00:37:52.180
To reduce quality to quantity, therefore, gravely distorts the actual nature of human

386
00:37:52.180 --> 00:37:59.740
beings and of human action, and by distorting reality, proves to be the reverse of the truly

387
00:37:59.740 --> 00:38:01.620
scientific.

388
00:38:01.620 --> 00:38:07.300
Jeremy Bentham's dubious contribution to personal utilitarian doctrine, in addition

389
00:38:07.300 --> 00:38:14.980
to being its best known propagator and popularizer, was to quantify and crudely reduce it still

390
00:38:14.980 --> 00:38:16.580
further.

391
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Trying to make the doctrine still more scientific, Bentham attempted to provide a scientific

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standard for such emotions as happiness and unhappiness, quantities of pleasure and pain.

393
00:38:31.300 --> 00:38:37.400
All vague notions of happiness and desire for Bentham could be reduced to quantities

394
00:38:37.400 --> 00:38:39.980
of pleasure and pain.

395
00:38:39.980 --> 00:38:43.100
Pleasure good, pain bad.

396
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Man therefore simply attempts to maximize pleasure and minimize pain.

397
00:38:48.820 --> 00:38:55.460
In that case, the individual and the scientist observing him can engage in a replicable calculus

398
00:38:55.460 --> 00:39:01.700
Analysis of Pleasure and Pain, what Bentham termed the philosophic calculus, that can

399
00:39:01.700 --> 00:39:07.980
be churned out to yield the proper result in counseling action or non-action in any

400
00:39:07.980 --> 00:39:10.660
given situation.

401
00:39:10.660 --> 00:39:19.180
Every man, then, can engage in what neo-Benthamite economists nowadays call a cost-benefit analysis.

402
00:39:19.180 --> 00:39:26.640
In whatever situation, he can gauge the benefits, units of pleasure, weigh it against the costs,

403
00:39:26.640 --> 00:39:31.620
units of pain, and see which outweighs the other.

404
00:39:31.620 --> 00:39:38.280
In a discussion which Professor John Plaminatz aptly says parodies reason, Bentham tries

405
00:39:38.280 --> 00:39:45.140
to give objective dimensions to pleasure and pain, so as to establish the scientific soundness

406
00:39:45.140 --> 00:39:48.660
of his philosophic calculus.

407
00:39:48.660 --> 00:39:57.660
These dimensions, Bentham asserts, are sevenfold—intensity, duration, certainty, propinquity, fecundity,

408
00:39:57.660 --> 00:40:00.660
purity and extent.

409
00:40:00.660 --> 00:40:06.600
Bentham claims that, at least conceptually, all these qualities can be measured and then

410
00:40:06.600 --> 00:40:14.780
multiplied together to yield the net resultant of pain or pleasure from any action.

411
00:40:14.780 --> 00:40:19.860
The theory to state Bentham's theory of seven dimensions should be enough to demonstrate

412
00:40:19.860 --> 00:40:21.860
its sheer folly.

413
00:40:21.860 --> 00:40:28.760
These emotions or sensations are qualitative and not quantitative, and none of these dimensions

414
00:40:28.760 --> 00:40:32.300
can be multiplied or weighted together.

415
00:40:32.300 --> 00:40:39.100
Again, Bentham raised an unfortunate scientistic analogy with physical objects.

416
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A three-dimensional object is one where each object is linear, and therefore where all

417
00:40:45.020 --> 00:40:51.580
these linear units can be multiplied together to yield units of volume.

418
00:40:51.580 --> 00:40:58.780
In human valuation, even with pleasure and pain, there is no unit common to each of their

419
00:40:58.780 --> 00:41:04.280
dimensions, and therefore there is no way to multiply such units.

420
00:41:04.280 --> 00:41:10.180
As Professor Plamenatz trenchantly points out, the truth is that even an omniscient

421
00:41:10.180 --> 00:41:16.680
god could not make such calculations, for the very notion of them is impossible.

422
00:41:16.680 --> 00:41:23.300
The intensity of a pleasure cannot be measured against its duration, nor its duration against

423
00:41:23.300 --> 00:41:31.560
its certainty or uncertainty, nor this latter property against its propinquity or remoteness.

424
00:41:31.560 --> 00:41:37.300
Claminatz adds that it is true, as Bentham states, that people often compare courses

425
00:41:37.300 --> 00:41:41.680
of action and choose those they find most desirable.

426
00:41:41.680 --> 00:41:48.300
But this simply means that they decide between alternatives and not that they engage in quantitative

427
00:41:48.300 --> 00:41:53.260
calculations of units of pleasure and pain.

428
00:41:53.260 --> 00:41:57.700
But one thing can be said for Bentham's grotesque doctrine.

429
00:41:57.700 --> 00:42:04.840
At least Bentham attempted, no matter how fallaciously, to ground his cost-benefit analysis on an

430
00:42:04.840 --> 00:42:09.140
objective standard of benefit and cost.

431
00:42:09.140 --> 00:42:14.940
Later utilitarian theorists, along with the body of economics, eventually abandoned the

432
00:42:14.940 --> 00:42:17.340
pleasure-paying calculus.

433
00:42:17.340 --> 00:42:24.760
But in doing so, they also abandoned any attempt to provide a standard to ground ad hoc costs

434
00:42:24.760 --> 00:42:31.600
and Benefits on some sort of intelligible basis. Since then, the appeal to cost and

435
00:42:31.600 --> 00:42:39.080
benefit, even on a personal level, has necessarily been vague, unsupported and arbitrary.

436
00:42:39.080 --> 00:42:46.040
Moreover, John Wilde eloquently contrasts utilitarian personal ethics with the ethics

437
00:42:46.040 --> 00:42:53.560
of natural law. Utilitarian ethics makes no clear distinction between raw appetite or

438
00:42:53.560 --> 00:43:01.680
for Interest, and that deliberate or voluntary desire which is fused with practical reason.

439
00:43:01.680 --> 00:43:08.120
Value or pleasure or satisfaction is the object of any interest, no matter how incidental

440
00:43:08.120 --> 00:43:11.320
or distorted it may be.

441
00:43:11.320 --> 00:43:16.920
Qualitative distinctions are simply ignored, and the good is conceived in a purely quantitative

442
00:43:16.920 --> 00:43:22.000
manner as the maximum of pleasure or satisfaction.

443
00:43:22.000 --> 00:43:26.180
Reason has nothing to do with the eliciting of sound appetite.

444
00:43:26.180 --> 00:43:29.800
One desire is no more legitimate than another.

445
00:43:29.800 --> 00:43:32.380
Reason is the slave of passion.

446
00:43:32.380 --> 00:43:38.460
Its whole function is exhausted in working out schemes for the maximizing of such interests

447
00:43:38.460 --> 00:43:44.180
as happen to arise through chance or other irrational causes.

448
00:43:44.180 --> 00:43:49.680
As against this, the theory of natural law maintains that there is a sharp distinction

449
00:43:49.680 --> 00:43:56.480
between raw appetites and deliberate desires elicited with the cooperation of practical

450
00:43:56.480 --> 00:43:57.960
reason.

451
00:43:57.960 --> 00:44:04.620
The good cannot be adequately conceived in a purely quantitative manner.

452
00:44:04.620 --> 00:44:11.200
Random interests which obstruct the full realization of essential common tendencies are condemned

453
00:44:11.200 --> 00:44:13.680
as anti-natural.

454
00:44:13.680 --> 00:44:21.360
When reason becomes the slave of passion, human freedom is lost, and human nature thwarted.

455
00:44:21.360 --> 00:44:27.520
The ethics of natural law sharply separates essential needs and rights from incidental

456
00:44:27.520 --> 00:44:28.860
rights.

457
00:44:28.860 --> 00:44:34.880
The good is not adequately understood as a mere maximizing of qualitatively indifferent

458
00:44:34.880 --> 00:44:41.320
purposes, but a maximizing of those tendencies which qualitatively conform to the nature

459
00:44:41.320 --> 00:44:48.120
of Man, and which arise through rational deliberation and free choice.

460
00:44:48.120 --> 00:44:54.040
There is a stable universal standard resting on something firmer than the shifting sands

461
00:44:54.040 --> 00:45:00.600
of appetite to which an appeal can be made even from the maximal agreements of a corrupt

462
00:45:00.600 --> 00:45:02.260
society.

463
00:45:02.260 --> 00:45:09.760
This standard is the law of nature which persists as long as man persists, which is therefore

464
00:45:09.760 --> 00:45:15.400
incorruptible and inalienable, and which justifies the right to revolution against

465
00:45:15.400 --> 00:45:18.820
a corrupt and tyrannical social order.

466
00:45:18.820 --> 00:45:25.660
Finally, in addition to the problems of the pleasure-pain calculus, personal utilitarianism

467
00:45:25.660 --> 00:45:32.720
counsels that actions be judged not on their nature, but on their consequences.

468
00:45:32.720 --> 00:45:40.480
In the non-Benthamite mere cost benefit rather than objective pleasure pain analysis, how

469
00:45:40.480 --> 00:45:45.080
is anyone to gauge the consequences of any action?

470
00:45:45.080 --> 00:45:51.440
And why is it considered easier, let alone more scientific, to judge consequences than

471
00:45:51.440 --> 00:45:55.200
to judge an act itself by its nature?

472
00:45:55.200 --> 00:46:01.640
Furthermore, it is often very difficult to figure out what the consequences of any contemplated

473
00:46:01.640 --> 00:46:09.760
Action will be. How are we to find the secondary, tertiary, etc. consequences, let alone the

474
00:46:09.760 --> 00:46:16.000
more immediate ones? We suspect that Herbert Spencer in his critique of utilitarianism

475
00:46:16.000 --> 00:46:22.440
was correct. It is often easier to know what is right than what is expedient.
