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NOTE 5. Monetary and Banking Thought, I: The Early Bullionist Controversy (continued)

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5. Henry Thornton, Anti-Bullionist in Sheep's Clothing

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Although the bullionist controversy has been studied at length, historians of economic

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thought have had great difficulty identifying and analyzing the various different doctrines

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held in the bullionist camp. Generally, they have grouped the bullionists into an extreme

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or RIDGID camp, consisting of John Wheatley and David Ricardo to appear later on, and

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the others, including Henry Thornton, ranked as more sophisticated moderates.

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The issue supposedly centers on Wheatley and Ricardo's extreme devotion to long-run factors,

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leading them to deny any role to real factors in determining prices, exchange rates or balances

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Professor Joseph T. Salerno has recently made a notable advance by providing a far superior

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framework of analysis of the various thinkers.

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He notes that Boyd, as we have seen, and Lord King, another leading bullionist, were really

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extreme rather than moderate, and that they can be classified as such because they realized

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that monetary factors were always predominant, even though real factors could exert temporary

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influence.

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Thus the extreme bullionist camp now includes, A. Ricardo and Wheatley, who ignore all temporary and real factors, as well as short-term processes, and concentrate exclusively and mechanistically on the long run,

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And B. Boyd and later Lord King, who analyze short run processes and real factors, but

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realize that long run monetary factors predominate at all times.

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Then there are C. Moderate bullionists like Thornton, who are agnostic about whether real

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or monetary factors predominate at any given time.

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and D. anti-bullionists who ignore all underlying monetary causes.

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It is clear that Professor Salerno properly gives the accolade to Group B as having the

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correct analysis.

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But Salerno, it seems to the present author, does not quite go far enough.

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While he sees fully and lucidly the crucial differences between Groups A and B, it is

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is still confusing to classify these two as dwelling in the same camp, for it would clarify

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matters further if we totally dropped the extreme versus moderate distinction.

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Let Group B be termed complete bullionists and Group A, rigid or mechanistic bullionists.

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As for Group C, men like Henry Thornton do not really deserve the term bullionist at all.

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They are surely moderate, though confused might be a better term.

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Mired in their ad hoc approach, they could just as well end up in any given situation

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as anti-bullionist rather than bullionist.

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And indeed, Henry Thornton began his career of monetary theorist as a moderate anti-bullionist,

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which was his position in the course of his famous contribution of 1802.

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Later on, as depreciation and inflation continued, Thornton concluded that the preponderance

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of forces had moved the other way, and he changed his mind, gaining his undeserved historiographical

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reputation as a bullionist by signing the famous Bullion Committee Report of 1811, which

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recommended resumption of the gold standard.

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But Thornton remained a moderate.

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Placing on Thornton's later stance and conflating it with his theoretical work of a decade earlier,

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only misled historians into extravagantly overpraising Thornton and into placing him

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unequivocally in the bullionist camp.

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During the 20th century Thornton revival, it was said that earlier historians were unfair

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Here in attributing Henry Thornton's 1760-1815 pro-Bank of England bias to his being a director

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of the bank.

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It is true that he himself was not a board member of the bank, but his elder brother

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Samuel was director and deputy governor of the bank, and his grandfather Robert Thornton,

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as well as Robert's brother, Godfrey, was also a director of the Bank of England.

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Henry Thornton was a descendant of a long line of prominent merchants.

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Great Grandfather John was a merchant in Hull, in what was then Yorkshire, in the late 17th

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and early 18th centuries.

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John's sons moved to London to become important merchants there, particularly engaged in trade

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with Russia and the Baltic.

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Murray's father, also named John, continued the line of Russia merchant in London, was

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a senior partner in the firm of Thornton Cornwall and Company, and was also a leading member

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and financial supporter, beginning around 1750, of the first generation of evangelicals,

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low-church Puritan Anglicans under the influence of John Wesley.

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and gave enormous sums to charity, especially for the distribution of countless Bibles and prayer books abroad.

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Since the Thornton family and several of the other leaders of the movement resided in the wealthy London suburb of Clapham,

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they were eventually to become known as the highly influential Clapham Sect.

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Henry Thornton received only a sparse education.

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In early age he began working in the counting houses of his relatives and then of his father.

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Soon in 1784 he left the family firm to become a partner in the banking house of Down, Thornton

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and Free, where he remained as an active partner until his death.

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Thornton was able to build the small banking house into one of the largest in the city

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of London.

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In 1788, Thornton joined his father and several other family members as a director of the

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Russia Company.

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Meanwhile, in 1782, he had been elected a member of parliament and was soon joined by

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his brothers Samuel and Robert.

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Henry was to remain in parliament, too, for the rest of his life.

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Not only was Henry Thornton a distinguished banker, member of parliament, and closely

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William Wilberforce III became a member of Parliament at about the time of his death.

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He was also a dedicated leader and patron of the Clapham sect, and his home at Clapham

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was to serve as a virtual organizing headquarters for the evangelical movement.

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One of Henry's closest friends, William Wilberforce III, belonged to a powerful family, long friendly

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and Communications. Wilberforce became a member of Parliament at about the same time as Thornton,

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and it was characteristic of their earnestness, personal austerity and moral fervour that

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they soon came to form an independent Party of the Saints in Parliament. There, Wilberforce

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became the leading force in the eventually successful agitation for the abolition of

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the slave trade in the British West Indies.

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In 1796, Thornton married Marianna Sykes, daughter of another Russian merchant from

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Hull and also a lifelong family friend.

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The couple had nine children.

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Most of Thornton's intellectual energies were expended on evangelical religion.

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Though considered a distinguished expert on banking and finance, he wrote only his famous

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This work of 1802 on paper credit and participated in writing the Bullion Committee Report.

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The remainder of his voluminous writings were devoted to family prayers, family commentaries

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on the Bible, and scores of articles on politics, literature and religion for the Clapham Sect

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journal which he helped to found, The Christian Observer.

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After Thornton's death in 1815, his place as senior partner in the bank was taken by

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Sir Peter Pole.

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The bank prospered greatly for a while, but soon it turned out to be under-capitalized

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and over-expanded, and in 1825 it, along with lesser country banks, was plunged into crisis.

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It soon failed, despite a friendly £300,000 emergency loan from the Bank of England.

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Ironically, in view of Thornton's monetary views, there is some evidence that the two

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men most responsible for the mismanagement were Sir Peter Pohl and Henry Thornton.

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In particular, Thornton appears to have led the way in lax practices to induce Yorkshire

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country banks to keep their deposits in his London bank.

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Bank failure was no stranger to Thornton.

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Indeed, it was the temporary failure of his bank in the crisis of 1793 that turned his

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thoughts to problems of banking and led him to conclude that it was necessary for the

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Bank of England to play a supporting expansionist role in monetary affairs.

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As the banking theorist Thomas Joplin was to put it in his Analysis and History of the

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Currency Question, 1832, on the Financial Crises of 1793, Mr. Thornton, being a banker,

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a partner, it is curious to remark, of the House that failed on this occasion, had his

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attention particularly called to this subject, and a very considerable portion of his work

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on public credit is devoted to show that in a period of panic, the bank ought to lean

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to the side of enlarging than contracting its issues.

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When the restriction came in early 1797, Henry Thornton was honored by being the only London

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banker asked to give testimony before the committees of the Houses of Lords and of Commons

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investigating the suspension of specie payment.

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Thornton's influence was magnified by the lifelong friendship of Wilberforce and Prime

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Minister William Pitt, and Pitt's brother-in-law was the first tenant of one of the houses

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on Thornton's estate.

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The results of his pondering are scarcely surprising for someone of Thornton's status

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and background.

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Taking an inflationist and establishment line, Thornton opined that in times of crisis, paper

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money could not be limited or suppressed, since that would constitute a shock to commerce.

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On the contrary, the Bank of England must suspend specie payment in order to avoid the spectre

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of monetary contraction and general business failure.

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Indeed, Thornton undoubtedly gladdened the hearts of the bank by criticizing it for not

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being expansionist enough.

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Thornton's testimony won him the accolade of being the foremost authority on monetary

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Affairs and he was appointed to several parliamentary committees on money, expenditures and foreign

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exchange. Thornton indeed became one of the leading parliamentary defenders of the restriction

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and of expanded paper credit. We can easily imagine Henry Thornton's sentiments toward

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Walter Boyd's letter to Pitt when that tract hit the world of English opinion like a thunderbolt

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at the turn of 1800 to 1801.

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Here was this well-connected fellow banker, but an unsound adventurer, this rogue whom

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his own brother had brought to ruin by persuading the Bank of England to cut off his credit.

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And now, only months after this man had met his deserved fate, here was Boyd again, trying

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Trying to gain revenge by discrediting the noble banking and credit system of England.

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Thornton was stung to try to refute the dangerous Boyd, and it was in the service of this goal

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that he published his Inquiry into the Nature and Effects of the Paper Credit of Great Britain

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a year after Boyd's tract in February or March of 1802.

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At first, Thornton hit out at Boyd in Parliament in December 1800.

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As in his book, his words exerted all the more impact for the eminence of their author,

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combined with their seeming judiciousness and moderation.

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For there are always a host of people who will hold firmly that the more qualified and

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tentative the judgment, the more well balanced and sound it must therefore be.

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The mushiness of mind, especially in an eminent man, is all too often mistaken for wisdom.

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In this early phase of the bullionist debate, Thorntonian mushiness tended inexorably in

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the wrong direction.

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The depreciation of the pound in foreign exchange was caused, he opined in his speech in parliament,

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not by the increase of paper money, but by the unfavorable balance of trade, and specifically

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by the heavy imports of provisions. Typical of the anti-bullionist view, imports and exports

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were assumed to have ad hoc lives of their own and not to be determined by relative prices

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or by the supply and demand for money. But Thornton's anti-bullionism was nothing if

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not moderate, that is, he conceded the theoretical possibility that increased money supply could

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would bring about higher prices.

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As to the assertion that the increased issue of bank paper was the cause of the dearness

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of provisions, he, Thornton, would not deny that it might have some foundation, but he

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would contend that its effect was far from being as great as was being alleged.

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Henry Thornton's book on paper credit was a considerable expansion of his parliamentary

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speeches, and it was paper credit that took its place as not only the leading work on

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behalf of anti-bullionism, but also the most influential on either side of the debate.

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The timing was right, since the restriction was in particular need of defense in 1802.

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A peace with France was signed in March, and yet the British government persisted in extending

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the restriction another year.

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Soon after that year was up, war with France broke out again, but in the meantime the seeming

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end of the wartime emergency had taken away the apparent reason for the suspension of

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specie payments.

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Other anti-bullionist tracts appearing in 1802 were scarcely rivals for Thornton, ranging

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from Jasper Atkinson's anonymous pamphlet, Consideration on the Propriety of the Bank

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of England Resuming its Payments in Specie, denying that inflation had taken place, to

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another anonymous tract applying Adam Smith's erroneous theory of an automatic limit to

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to Excess Bank Credit to a situation Smith would never have applied it to, fiat money,

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the utility of country banks considered.

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Thornton disarmed many of his critics by conceding the theoretical possibility that excess issues

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of paper money can cause price increases, outflow of gold, higher prices of gold bullion

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and Depreciation of the Pound, but maintaining that the situation did not now apply, and

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that the problems of the day were due to such particular real factors as unusual demand

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for gold and for the importation of food and unusual blockages to exports.

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Thornton cleverly loaded the dice by spending the bulk of the book on the alleged horrors

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of Monetary Deflation and the Contraction of Bank Credit.

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Deflation would lead to trade depression, unemployment and bankruptcies.

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Furthermore, he claimed, deflation would not even accomplish an export surplus or an inflow

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of gold, since it would so exceedingly distress trade and discourage manufacturers as to impair

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are those sources of returning wealth to which we must chiefly trust for the restoration

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of our balance.

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Thornton neglected to realize that if times were really that bad, Englishmen would scarcely

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earn enough income to sustain a heavy excess of imports.

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As in all modern agitation against deflation, he also failed to realize that deflation only

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Money causes losses and bankruptcies if it is unexpected, revealing an excessive bidding

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up of wage rates and other business costs. Deflation, in addition to having the healthy

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impact of purging unsound investments and unsound banks from the economy, would have

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strictly limited and temporary effect. First, because while inflation is technically unlimited

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until the value of the currency is totally destroyed, deflation must necessarily be limited

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to the amount of bank expansion over specie, and second, deflation will cease having a

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depressionary effect as soon as excessive costs are brought down to pre-inflated levels.

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In fact, Thornton acknowledged that the fall in price and the depression brought about

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by Monetary Deflation would be unusual and temporary, but he anticipated Keynes in focusing

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on allegedly sticky wage rates.

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For a fall of prices arising from temporary distress will be attended probably with no

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correspondent fall in the rate of wages.

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For the fall of price and the distress will be understood to be temporary, and the rate

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of Wages we know is not so variable as the price of goods. There is reason, therefore,

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to fear that the unnatural and extraordinarily low price arising from the sort of distress

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of which we now speak would occasion much discouragement of the fabrication of manufacturers.

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There are two problems here. First, while the economic distress due to faulty forecasting

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Dealing and excess bidding up of wage rates and other costs will indeed be temporary.

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There is no reason why the fall in prices should not be permanent.

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Prices had previously been artificially raised by monetary and credit expansion.

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Their decline simply reflects the contraction of credit down to more realistic levels.

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The knowledge that the decline is permanent should greatly speed up the adjustment mechanism.

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Second, if workers persist in keeping their wage demands higher than the market, they

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have only themselves to blame for their unemployment.

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Keeping any price, including a wage rate higher than market equilibrium, will always lead

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to an unsold surplus of the good or service.

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In the case of labor, unsold labor time or unemployment.

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If laborers wish to change their unemployed status, they need only lower their wage demands

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to clear the market and allow themselves to be hired.

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We should also recognize that in this situation, with prices falling and wage rates constant,

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Workers are thereby insisting on higher real wage rates than they had enjoyed before.

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Why should workers holding out for higher real wage rates be able to induce an inflationist

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policy in the central government?

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So worried about deflation was Thornton that he actually urged the Bank of England to neutralize

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and his outflows of gold so as to obstruct the price-specie flow mechanism from bringing

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about equilibrium in the balance of payments.

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Instead, he would have the bank inflate banknotes to replace gold outflows and then hope that

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his vague long-run real principles of economy and exertion of expenditure and income would

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and eventually work to equilibrate imports and exports.

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Thus Thornton writes that, it may be true policy and duty of the bank to permit for

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a time and to a certain extent the continuance of that unfavorable exchange which causes

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gold to leave the country and to be drawn out of its own coffers, and it must in that

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case necessarily increase its loans to the same extent to which its gold is diminished.

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Thornton's work has been excessively hailed by von Hayek and other historians as being

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theoretically excellent if unfortunate in its political anti-bullionist conclusions.

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But his theoretical weakness did not only consist of his excessive horror of deflation

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and his stress on the alleged empirical dominance of real factors in his analysis of inflation

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and depreciation.

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For this stress itself reflected a grave if subtle theoretical flaw in Thornton's entire

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monetary and balance of payments analysis.

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His entire analysis lingered disproportionately on the real and short-term factors to the almost

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is the most complete neglect of the tendency of the economy towards long-run equilibrium.

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And even Thornton's perfunctory discussion of long-run equilibrium is divorced from short-run

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processes and also from its monetary nature.

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It goes without saying that Thornton therefore also neglects the monetary supply and demand

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nature of the short-run processes leading towards that equilibrium.

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Thus, Professor Salerno, who has given us a notable critique of Thornton, writes,

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This is in sharp contrast to the extreme bullionists and their 18th century forebears, who invariably began their analyses of balance of payments phenomena with a discussion of the nature and necessity of international monetary equilibrium, and then explained the tendency to balance of payments equilibrium as a logical implication of the necessary tendency to an equilibrium dividend.

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and distribution of the world stock of money. Indeed, the entire structure and organization

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of the book tilted Thornton heavily towards short-term real factors and away from any

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monetary approach towards analyzing inflation or the balance of payments.

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To sum up, the correct analysis of complete bullionism, such as presented by Boyd and

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by Lord King, stresses monetary factors leading to monetary equilibrium, while showing that real factors can only have temporary effects.

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The analysis of real factors is integrated with, and at all times subordinated to, the monetary factors, and short-run and long-run monetary processes are integrated as well.

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In Thornton's moderate anti-bullionist position, often miscalled moderate-bullionist, however,

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both real and monetary causal factors and processes are presented as separate and independent

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of each other, with real factors presented as empirically more important.

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Short-run factors are similarly stressed, to the neglect of long-run forces.

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Henry Thornton has been extravagantly praised by Schumpeter and other historians for adding

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velocity of circulation to the quantity of money as a determinant of overall prices.

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But in the first place, we have seen that ever since the scholastics, the demand for

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money, the inverse of the velocity, had always been integrated with the supply of money in

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Thornton analyzing the determination of general prices.

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It is true that Thornton analyzed the different influences on, and different variabilities

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of, velocity in considerable and pioneering detail.

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For example, frequency of payments, development of clearing systems, confidence in the money,

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and variations of the same stock of money over time.

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But unfortunately Thornton ruined this contribution by not realizing that velocity of circulation

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is simply the inverse of the demand for money, and by treating the velocity as somehow different

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and independent of demand in helping determine the money relation of supply, demand and price.

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Thornton has been lauded by von Hayek and others for including bank deposits as well

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as well as bank notes in the supply of money.

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True enough.

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But as we have seen, Walter Boyd preceded him in this insight by a year.

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But not only that, Boyd also demonstrated that bills of exchange and treasury bills

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are decidedly not part of the money supply, that they are objects of circulation rather

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than the circulator.

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But Thornton restored the older error of lumping bills of exchange in with notes and deposits

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as part of the supply of money.

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Henry Thornton did make some important contributions in the last two chapters of paper credit,

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particularly in the long-deferred paper money as cause of inflation sections that rested

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uneasily with the separate and contrary earlier chapters.

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Most of the anti-bullionist writers applied Adam Smith's dictum that bank credit cannot

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inflate the currency if confined to short-term, self-liquidating, real bills.

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The difference is that Smith had applied it only to a specie standard, whereas the anti-bullionists

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extended it to a fiat money system.

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Thornton replied that this criterion will not work since an increased quantity of bank

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notes will also indefinitely inflate the monetary value of the real bills, so that the Smith

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anti-bullionist limit is an indefinitely elastic one that will in practice only provide an

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open channel for bank credit inflation.

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Thornton further pointed out that the current usury law in Britain of 5% will aggravate

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the problem, for the free market interest rate or profit rate will rise higher than

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that in wartime or in any boom situation. Consequently, the artificial holding down

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of the bank loan rate below the profit rate will stimulate an excessive borrowing, artificially

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high levels of investment and a continuing monetary and price inflation. Thus, holding

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Setting the bank rate of interest below the profit rate stimulates an increase in the

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demand for borrowing and the continuing increase in the supply of money allows that demand

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to be fulfilled.

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In setting forth the inflationary consequences of artificially lowering the rate of interest

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on bank loans, Henry Thornton anticipated the later Austrian theory of the business

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Cycle, set forth by Ludwig von Mises and F. A. von Hayek, and in turn, based on the analysis

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of the Swedish-Austrian economist, Newt Wichsel, at the end of the 19th century.

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Thornton also hinted at the Austrian analysis of forced saving, pointing out that if excessive

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issues of paper money raise prices of goods more rapidly than wage rates, there will be

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be some increase of capital investment, but that this increase will be at the expense of

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the laboring classes and will therefore be attended with a proportionate hardship and

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injustice.

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Unfortunately, Thornton did not press on to the Austrian business cycle point, that since

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the public's time and saving preferences are not sufficient to sustain these forced

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Investments, a recession is bound to liquidate those investments when the artificial credit

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expansion stops and the true savings consumption preferences of the public are thereby revealed.

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It is very possible that despite the author's prominence in the world of banking, paper

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credit might have sunk quickly into obscurity.

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It was very long, several hundred pages, badly written and organized, unsystematic, muddled,

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and what its greatest admirers have called pro-licks.

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Even von Hayek, Thornton's biggest modern booster, concedes that his exposition lacks

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system and, in places, is even obscure.

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Even his greatest disciple and popularizer, Francis Horner, admitted that Thornton had

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little management in the disposition of his materials, that he frequently was much embarrassed

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in the explanation of arguments, that his reasonings are not to be trusted and are sometimes

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defective, that he was not trained in theorizing, that his style was poor and that the various

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discussions are so unskillfully arranged that they throw no light on each other and

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And we can never seize a full view of the plan.

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In short, the prolixity and the obscurity of the work oppress the reader.

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And yet, ironically, it was this very Francis Horner who rescued paper credit from these

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grave defects and put the work on the map.

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The form Horner used was a great stroke of luck for granting Thornton's work its maximum

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impact.

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We have noted in an earlier chapter on the influence of the Smithian Movement, Chapter

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17, Volume 1, that Francis Horner was one of a scintillating group of young Scotsmen

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who studied under Dugald Stewart at the turn of the 19th century and went on to conquer

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the British intellectual climate for Smithian doctrine.

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It was in 1802 that these young pupils of Stewart founded the Edinburgh Review, which

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which struck the British intellectual world with enormous impact and quickly vaulted to

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the status of one of the leading journals.

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And it was precisely in the first October 1802 issue of the Edinburgh Review that Francis

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Horner wrote his famous review essay of Thornton's paper credit.

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In this 30-page tour de force, Horner systematized Thornton's work, made as much sense of it

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as was possible and, as von Hayek admits, gave an exposition of the main argument of

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the book in a form which was considerably more systematic and coherent than the original

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version.

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Horner beat the drums for paper credit, trumpeted it as the most valuable unquestionably of

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all the publications which the momentous event of the bank restriction had produced.

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The great fame and influence of paper credit was unquestionably Thornton mediated through

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Francis Horner.

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It was also important to realize that Horner, though chairman of the later Bullion Committee

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of 1810 and 1811, which recommended resumption of the gold standard, agreed with Thornton

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in his anti-bullionist stance of 1802.

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While Horner hailed Thornton's work as decisive, he paved the way for his and Thornton's later

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change of mind politically by writing that he was not sure which factors, the monetary

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or the real, had been more decisive in the inflation and the depreciation of the pound.

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He expressed his fundamental theoretical confusion, along with Thornton's, by declaring himself

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Agnostic on the Causal Issue, the matter to be decided later by more empirical data.

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In short, while Thornton, in his paper credit, carved out the new moderate anti-bullionist

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position, his follower, Horner, was what might be called a moderate-moderate, squarely in

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the middle of the issue.

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We might also note that Horner took his stand squarely with Thornton against Boyd on the

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The issue of defining the money supply.

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Rejecting Boyd's lucid circulator versus objects of circulation, Horner perpetuated Thornton's

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unfortunate and fuzzy view that there is no definite boundary between commodities and means

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of Exchange, so that everything is a mishmash of degrees of convertibility.
