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NOTE 60. The Liberalism of Lord Bellomont in the Royal Colonies

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Volume 1, Chapter 60, The Liberalism of Lord Belamont in the Royal Colonies

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The settlement after the Glorious Revolution had made New Hampshire a royal colony. Samuel

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Allen, claimant to the proprietorship, was named royal governor. Allen's son-in-law,

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the wealthy John Usher, served as lieutenant governor and resident executive of the colony.

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Usher struggled with the assembly throughout the 1690s. He continually asked it for tax

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money, which the assemblymen claimed the colony was too poor to afford, and tried to conscript

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troops which they failed to supply. The assembly was thus the spokesman for the liberties of

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the people against the exactions of the royal and proprietary executive. Usher's attempts

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to collect quit rents was largely futile, as no quit rents could be collected from a

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New Hampshire jury. When Usher urged the assembly to raise more taxes, it replied that

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it would do so only if Usher would join them in petitioning for a return of the province

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to Massachusetts. Finally, mass pressure from the citizens of New Hampshire persuaded Allen

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to discharge his generally hated son-in-law and to fill his post in 1697 with the Treasurer

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of New Hampshire, William Partridge. Partridge, powerful at court as a heavy supplier of mast

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and timber to the Royal Navy, now fought it out with Usher before the legislature for

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the office of Lieutenant Governor. The Council and Assembly insisted on Partridge in what

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What the rattled usher described as the Piscataqua Rebellion.

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The assembly sent its profound thanks to the king for the new appointment.

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In regard to the tyrannical usher, the assembly assured the crown that there had been no disturbances

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but what he himself had made.

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We already noted that Benjamin Fletcher became royal governor of New York in 1692 and that,

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Although the convicted Leislerians were allowed their rehabilitation, Fletcher was a staunch

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partisan of the old oligarchy.

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After the Leislerians received full royal pardon, Fletcher had to let Delanoi and others

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take their seats as assemblymen.

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He later blamed their obstructions for the allegedly inadequate defenses of the colony.

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In addition, Fletcher kept the conflicts alive by threatening to shoot anyone who in the

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May 1695 election would dare to vote for Delanoi. In the New York City elections that year,

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the despotic Fletcher sent roving bands of soldiers and sailors through the streets threatening

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to draft anyone who happened to vote incorrectly. These troops were also made freemen of the

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city arbitrarily in order to gain their votes against the popular Leslerian party. Such

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Such methods of intimidation were successful in confining public offices to the hands of the minority oligarchy.

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Economically, Fletcher feathered his own nest in those of the oligarchy in many ways.

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For one thing, in return for lavish bribes, Fletcher granted the protection of New York to pirates, who abounded in that era.

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As a result, many prominent New Yorkers accumulated fortunes from piracy.

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In addition, huge arbitrary land grants were handed out to favorites of Fletcher, thus

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sowing the seeds of trouble for over a century to come. These vast privileges to the landed

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oligarchy widened the gulf between the New York oligarchy and the rest of the people.

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In 1697 alone, Adolph Phillips received the highland patent of 205,000 acres, a large

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William Smith, ally of the oligarchy on Long Island, received a grant of no less than 50 square miles in Nassau County.

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Fletcher specialized in buying the allegiance of members of his council.

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Thus, one councillor, Captain John Evans, received an enormous tract of 800 square miles in 1694.

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and Fletcher made a grant of almost 540,000 acres in the Mohawk River Valley to a Dutch minister, the Reverend Mr. Delius and a group of other members of the oligarchy.

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In return for these services, the grantees paid Fletcher large amounts in bribes and intolerable corrupt selling away, as Fletcher's successor described it.

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Fletcher received a total of approximately 4,000 pounds sterling in bribes.

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Concerning the grants of monopoly privilege that required assembly approval, Fletcher had a more difficult time.

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This new democratic institution naturally represented the farmers, the bulk of the New York populace.

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The farmers bitterly opposed attempts by the old New York City monopolist

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to regain their old flour-bolting and packing monopoly.

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So determined was the assembly to secure free trade in flour

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that it insisted on refusing to pass any other measure whatever

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until Fletcher agreed to this bill.

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Finally, under this pressure and after the assembly had bribed Fletcher with 400 pounds,

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free trade in flour became law in 1695.

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New York City made repeated frantic attempts to regain the flour milling monopoly.

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In 1700 it adopted an ordinance placing heavy duties on all flour and biscuits imported into the city from the outlying farms.

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But again the assembly refused to pass any appropriation or tax bill until this ordinance was repealed.

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Finally, after an unsuccessful attempt to pack the assembly with city representatives,

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The New York City merchants had to reconcile themselves to the loss of their monopoly privileges in the flower industry.

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Governor Fletcher was also eager to establish the Anglican Church in New York.

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He also wanted the assembly to vote taxes for government for the duration of the life of the current king.

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The assembly, of course, adamantly refused to do either one.

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Fletcher also had no success in exerting his will over the Connecticut militia, to the

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rule of which he had a royal claim.

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Ordered in 1693 to place its forces at his disposal, Connecticut absolutely refused.

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The embittered Fletcher announced to England that the laws of England have no force in

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this colony, they set up for a free state.

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of Chastising Connecticut, the Crown, in effect, removed Fletcher's authority.

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By the mid-1690s, the three royal colonies of the North, Massachusetts, New Hampshire

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and New York, were all suffering under Tory oligarchs, Staughton, Allen and Usher, Fletcher,

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and conflicts raged between them and the Liberal Assemblies.

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In the meanwhile, the Tories were rapidly losing favor in the home country.

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The Tories were being replaced in political favor by the more liberal Whigs.

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The naming of the Whig William Popple as Secretary of the New Board of Trade signified a decline

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in the influence of the powerful Tory bureaucrat, William Blathewaite.

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By 1695, the King had decided to bring unity to his strife-torn royal colonies by appointing

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Being a common governor over all of them, the highly influential liberal, Whig, Robert

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Coote, Earl of Belmont, friend of the great liberal philosopher John Locke. News of the

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appointment of Belmont was greeted with joy by the liberal forces in these colonies, and

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with heart-rending anguish by Dudley and Staunton in Massachusetts, by Fletcher in the New York

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and by Alan and Usher in New Hampshire. William Penn, Peter Delanoi of New York and the Winthrop

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brothers Fitzjohn and Waite were also jubilant. Bellamont was known to have been bitterly

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anti-Dudley and anti-Andros and a staunch defender of the Lislarian Revolution. In fact, he had

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in the New England Colonies, The New England Colonies, The New England Colonies, The New

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in New Hampshire in July of the same year. This common appointment, incidentally, did

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not mean that the colonies of Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and New York were amalgamated

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as under the dominion. Instead, each kept its separate political institutions, but simply

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had a common governor. Lord Bellamont lost no time in aligning himself with the popular

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from Massachusetts, Wade Winthrop traveled to New York with two other delegates of the

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General Court to greet the new governor. He later wrote to a friend of Bellamont's noble

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character. In his inaugural speech in the Bay Colony, Bellamont boldly attacked Charles

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Bellamont associated with such liberal leaders as Winthrop and Elisha Cook. He deplored with

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equal fervor the Puritan fanatics and the Tory oligarchs. The grateful General Court

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voted Bellamont a very large salary of £1,500, the largest sum that Massachusetts ever voted

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for a Colonial Governor before or since.

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Unfortunately, Bellamont did not have enough time to exert any real impact on Massachusetts.

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He left the colony after little more than a year, in the summer of 1700, and he met

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his untimely death the following spring.

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Bellamont's impact on New Hampshire was considerably greater, despite the short span.

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For Belemont decisively confirmed the relatively liberal William Partridge as lieutenant governor

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in place of the Tory, John Usher.

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Belemont was totally disgusted with the proprietary party and with Allen's persistent attempts

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to grant him huge bribes and to divide the province with him.

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Belemont curtly told Allen, I would not sell justice if I might have the world, and he

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And he denounced Blathwaite for being on Alan's payroll. Under Bellamont's aegis, the courts

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of New Hampshire gave short shrift to Alan's proprietary presumptions, and Partridge and

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the Assembly reconfirmed all the land titles that Alan had tried to dislodge. Alan took

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his case to the King, and the proprietary claims were to drag on for an additional half-century,

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What never again was proprietary feudalism to come close to imposing itself on the settlers

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and landowners of New Hampshire.

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Bellamont had, in effect, delivered a decisive blow to proprietary predation in New Hampshire.

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Lord Bellamont spent most of his all-too-brief tenure in New York, and there had the greatest

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impact.

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In the first place, Bellamont launched a determined and uncompromising attack on the land grants

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to the oligarchy. In the short time that proved to be available to him, he accomplished a

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remarkable amount. He publicly deplored the fact that three-quarters of the land of New

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York had been placed in the hands of less than a dozen men because of the large land

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and Land Grants, Fletcher's corruption and arbitrary subsidies were denounced, and Bellamont

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managed in 1699 after bitter struggle to drive through the council the invalidation of many

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of the Fletcher grants.

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The Mohawk grant to Delius and Company and the land gifts to Bayard, Evans and others

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were invalidated.

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The Delius grant was considered particularly unfortunate, for dispossessed Indians were

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forced to leave and began trading with the French.

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The grant, therefore, had aroused the hostility of the Albany fur traders, as well as the

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Leslarians.

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Lord Bellemont had to overcome the implacable opposition of three council members, themselves

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the recipients of huge land grants from Fletcher, Stephanus Van Cortlandt, Robert Livingston,

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and William Smith. Because of this opposition, Bellamont was unable to get many other Fletcher

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as well as previous grants annulled. He was, however, able to get the crown to impose a

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1,000-acre limit on future grants, to annul extravagant grants, and to require forfeiture

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of lands that had not been settled and improved within three years. Much of Bellamont's short

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was concerned with cracking down on piracy and on the connivance of the New York oligarchy in that organized theft.

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Such leading oligarchs and anti-leslarians as Frederick Phillips, Thomas Willett, Thomas Clark, and William Smith were all denounced for piracy.

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and six oligarch-counselors, including William Nichols, Nicholas Bayard and Captain Gabriel

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Minvier, were suspended by Bellamont for the same reason. Bellamont began more as a determined

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opponent of the oligarchy than as an ardent Lislarian, but his furious struggle with the

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oligarchy inevitably made him leader of the Lislarian party in the colony. Bellamont also

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Belemont also endeared himself to the Lisslerians in 1698 by rescuing Lissler and Milburn from

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their graves near the scaffold and rebaring their bodies with pomp and ceremony near

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a Dutch Reformed church.

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When Belemont arrived in New York, he found the assembly dominated by the oligarchy.

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Even though the assembly was a relatively democratic organ, much of the rural electorate

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represented the feudal manners rather than the tenants living on them.

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To carry through his land reform program, Bellamont needed a liberal assembly, and he

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obtained the defeat of the Jacobite party in the 1699 election.

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He did this partly by holding all voting on the same day, thus preventing the customary

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practice of a man's voting in every county in which he owned property.

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In fact, Belemont issued a proclamation for a truly free election and charged that the

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people have been heretofore interrupted in their freedom of elections.

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After Belemont removed the councillors implicated in piracy, it was this assembly that drove

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through the Belemont land reforms.

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The assembly also compensated some former Leslarians for expenses, pardoned the remaining

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The Grateful Assembly also voted the large sum of £1,500 as salary to Bellamont. It

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was the Leslarian Assembly, incidentally, along with Bellamont, that had put the severe

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and successful pressure on New York City to end its tax on rural flour. The Assembly,

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However, did belie its general anti-monopoly record by prohibiting the importing of empty

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casks into the city of New York, thus, in effect, granting a monopoly of cask-making

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to the Coopers of New York City.

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It should be noted that after the death of Leisler, the Leslerian party did not have

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to suffer any of the embarrassing contradictions of Leisler's own dictatorial and warmongering

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program.

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The movement now blossomed forth as a truly liberal one, with a major emphasis on freedom

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as over against monopoly privilege, whether in flour or in land.

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Indeed, Bellamont's goal in land reform envisioned not only invalidating all the land grants,

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but also cutting the public domain into small plots and granting them free and clear to

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to Individual Settlers, thereby anticipating the libertarian homestead program.

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Bellamont recognized that the repressive landed monopoly in New York would drive away potential

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settlers in droves to neighboring colonies, where land was free, abundant and unengrossed

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by privilege.

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The landed oligarchs of New York were so worried by Bellamont's thoroughgoing plans for land

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and Reform that they hired a lawyer, John Montague, to plead their cause in England.

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Montague continued the feudal landowners' traditional policy of confusing their arbitrary

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property claims granted by government privilege with the rights of private property itself.

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He did not point out that arbitrary land grants sharply conflicted with the genuine property

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Rights of Past and Future Settlers. In one important respect only did Bellamont betray

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the liberal cause and thereby undercut his own liberal support. This was his emphatic

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determination to enforce the Navigation Acts. This, of course, was in keeping with the new

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tightening of imperial mercantilism put through in the last analysis by the Whiggish merchants

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of England, eager to gain monopolistic privileges for themselves. Here Bellamont made common

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cause with the Tory Edward Randolph, who as Surveyor General of the Customs praised Bellamont's

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rigor in enforcement and denounced Fletcher's laxity. Using his office for plunder, Fletcher

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had not been particularly interested in enforcing regulations. This attempt to enforce the hated

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Navigation laws alienated the merchants of New York from Bellamont and split the liberal

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movement in the colony. The merchants in the assembly threatened to vote no more taxes

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and to tear down the customs house. Many actually fled the colony and moved to the east New

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Jersey port of Perth Amboy. Large-scale petitions of merchants and others asked for Bellamont's

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The Anglican minister, Rev. William Vessey, led in this hypocritical attack, and Vessey

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Vessi was to remain the leader of the High Church Party in New York for many years thereafter.

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In a counterattack, Bellamont unsuccessfully tried to have Vessi removed from the post

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on the ground of Jacobite sympathies. When the Reverend Mr. Delius, who had lost his

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huge land grant, was suspended by the assembly from his church post, the wrath of the Dutch

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Church fell on Bellamont's head. Petitions poured in, in behalf of Delius. They came

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from the elders, deacons and members of his Albany Church, as well as from many others,

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including Fletcher in England, diligently trying to blacken his successor's reputation.
