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NOTE 65. The Colonies in the First Decade of the Eighteenth Century

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Volume 1, Chapter 65, The Colonies in the First Decade of the Eighteenth Century

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We have seen that the colonies in the first decade of the eighteenth century were again

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embroiled in projects for invasions of New France. Indeed, England had only four years

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of respite from war with France after the Treaty of Ryswick in 1697. In 1701, England

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and the other powers of Europe became involved in the War of the Spanish Succession, largely

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against the ambitions of Louis XIV. The war was marked by a series of expensive but futile

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attempts to invade Canada. Early expeditions failed to conquer Acadia, but a large expedition

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in 1709, having failed to mount an attack on Quebec, consoled itself by seizing Port

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in Port Royal and the Rest of Acadia. Another huge expedition was mounted against Quebec

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in 1711, but the invasion was so badly bungled that some ships were wrecked in a storm and

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the rest hastily returned. Peace between England and France came in 1713 with the Peace of

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of Utrecht. Essentially beaten in the European War, France agreed to turn over Acadia, now

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Nova Scotia, Newfoundland and Hudson's Bay permanently to the English and to recognize

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the Iroquois, among whom French Jesuits had made considerable headway, as being under

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English jurisdiction. By the first decade of the 18th century, the previously highly

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Disparate Colonies had become far more uniform. The political structures of the colonies in

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particular were now more alike. By 1710 the great liberal revolutions of the 1670s and

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80s had made their attempt and failed, but their failure at least succeeded in gaining

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a few crucial concessions from the ruling power. In each of the colonies by 1710 a royal

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A royal or proprietary governor ruled the territory. He appointed the council and the lesser administrative

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and judicial bureaucracies, and ruled in alliance with a colonial oligarchy largely

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created by English rule, as well as with a bureaucracy of royal officialdom. The oligarchy

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received all manner of subsidies and privileges by virtue of its share in the control of the

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Apparatus. Conspicuous among these privileges were arbitrary large land grants to favored

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individuals and groups. In each of the colonies an elected assembly had emerged as the representative

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of the popular liberal forces in continuing battle against the power of the royal officials

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and their appointed upper house. Most of the provinces were now royal colonies and even

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Even the proprietors were not the proud independent rulers of yore.

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Once feisty and independent Massachusetts had now been brought under the royal heel.

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New York, formerly a proprietary colony lacking any elected assembly, was now a royal colony

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similar to the others, with an elected assembly possessing the taxing power partially offsetting

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the royal appointees.

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The proprietary New Jerseys were now a single royal colony.

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New Hampshire, too, was finally established as a royal colony.

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Of the five proprietary colonies remaining in the first decade of the 18th century, two,

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the Carolinas, were soon to be forcibly transformed into royal provinces.

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Furthermore, the previously remarkable religious freedom and separation of church and state

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in the Carolinas was now replaced by an Anglican establishment serving a small minority, particularly

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in North Carolina. In Maryland, Lord Baltimore had been deprived of his proprietary, and though

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it was soon to be returned to the Baltimore family, it was returned as an Anglican colony.

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Gone was Maryland as a haven for Catholics from religious persecution. In short, the

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The former uniqueness of the various proprietary and self-governing colonies had now disappeared,

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and there was little to distinguish the royal from the remaining proprietary colonies.

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The same was true for originally pacifist and anarchistic Pennsylvania.

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Pennsylvania and its sister, proprietary Delaware, had been made royal colonies.

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William Penn received them back only on the condition that he would mold his colonies into

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what had become the standard North American pattern. Of the original self-governing colonies

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of New England, only Connecticut and Rhode Island remained as anomalies, still in the

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seventeenth century framework. A proprietary always meant that there would be annoying

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The Crown, too, tried to impose quit-rents, but they proved, despite continuing efforts by the governors, to be virtually impossible to collect.

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The dissolution of the quit-rent threat meant that true feudal tenure could not take hold in America, since the proprietary could not enforce its claims to feudal tribute.

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Even less could such plans be put in place.

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could not take hold in America, since the proprietary could not enforce its claims to

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feudal tribute. Even less could such plans as Maryland's consciously created feudal

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hierarchy of land claims persist under American conditions of abundant, cheap land and individual

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independence. Of course, such feudalistic institutions as servitude and Negro slavery

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greatly increased the privileged ownership of large tracts of land. Fortunately, although

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the tobacco country of southern colonies and isolated areas such as near Gansett country

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and west New Jersey had large plantations, no permanent land-lord-tenancy relations prevailed,

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even where arbitrary and privileged land grants had been extensive. For speculative land monopolists

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The first, perhaps wanting nothing better than to be feudal lords over host of servants

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and sub-tenants, invariably decided to take their wealth quickly and reap speculative

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gains without suffering the risk of land ownership.

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The one crucial exception was New York, where receivers of huge land grants, the manors,

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Following after the patron ships of the Dutch, decided to continue as landlords exacting

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rents from their tenants.

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Deciding to rent out and not to sell, the New York landlords thereby made the fateful

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decision to freeze land monopoly in existing huge tracts.

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Except for the master-slave relation, all major aspects of feudalism in the colonies

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disappeared rather quickly upon their introduction. New York of course accepted. Here essentially

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feudal land-holding continued for at least a century. As a result, New York's growth

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compared with that of the other colonies was retarded. Negro slaves were becoming an increasingly

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large part of the coerced labor force. They were used everywhere in the colonies, but

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The following tabulation is the estimated population of the American colonies in 1710 and 1680,

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the figures in parentheses being the estimated number of Negroes overwhelmingly slave.

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In Population, 1710 and 1680, in thousands Colony, New Hampshire, 1710, 6,000, 0,000

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1680, 17,000, Rhode Island, 1710, 8, 0, 1680, 3, New York, 1710, 22, 3, 1680, 10, New Jersey,

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1710, 20, 1, 1680, 3, Pennsylvania, 1710, 24, 2, 1680, 1, Delaware, 1710, 4, 0.5, 1680,

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1. Maryland 1710 43 8 1680 18 Virginia 1710 78,000 23,000 slaves 1680 44 North Carolina

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South Carolina, 1710, 15, 1, 1680, 5. South Carolina, 1710, 11, 4, 1680, 1. Total for

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For the Colonies, in 1710, 332,000 population, slave population, 44,500, 1680, 151,000.

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The table reveals the comparatively slow growth of New York, the phenomenal growth of Pennsylvania

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and the High Proportion of Negro Slaves in Virginia and South Carolina.

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The religious structure of the colonies was also becoming uniform, in a sense, by 1710.

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Whereas in the 17th century religious persecution in behalf of the dominant sect had been the

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norm except in such maverick colonies as Rhode Island and North Carolina, by the 18th century

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Religious freedom generally prevailed, but only partially since many colonies had their

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established church, for example the Puritan in Massachusetts, the Presbyterian in Connecticut

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and the Anglican in the southern colonies. The noted historian Carl Becker once raised

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the question about the extent to which the American Revolution was a battle for home

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Home Rule of the Colonies vis-à-vis England as opposed to a battle about who should rule

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at home within the colonies. In short, to what degree was the revolution internal and

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to what degree external? We are now able to frame a judgment about this issue for the

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earlier revolutions of the late seventeenth century and for their aftermath. We have seen

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Imagine how revolution in the 1670s and especially after 1688 swept almost every colony in America.

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From Bacon's Rebellion in Virginia, to Leisler's in New York, to the continuing state of revolution

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in the two New Jerseys, all of these revolutions may be classified as liberal and popular,

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In short, as essentially mass movements in behalf of libertarian objectives and in opposition

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to the tyranny, high taxes, monopolies and restrictions imposed by the various governments.

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Separating the strands of home rule and rule at home is an artificial and misleading way

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of treating the problem, for the revolutionaries were battling against the oppressions of the

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state apparatus.

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This apparatus was certainly dominated by the external element, that is, the colonial

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governors appointed by the royal or proprietary rulers.

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But these governors created and then allied themselves with a domestic oligarchy.

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Through subsidies, taxes, privileges, monopolies, land grants and so forth, the royal or proprietary

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The governor and his council formed an allied oligarchy against which the people and their

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representatives in the lower house rebelled. The colonies, especially New England, had

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been almost totally independent during most of the 17th century and deeply resented later

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English interference. But when these colonies rebelled, they did so not against England,

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and the fact that the sudden weakening of English authority during the Glorious Revolution touched off these revolts in no sense negates this conclusion.

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The liberal revolutions of the 1680s and 90s failed largely because the domestic oligarchs were propped up and reimposed by the English power.

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of Power, the Berkleys and their successors, the Dudleys, the Androses, and the Hamiltons

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remained. But the revolutions were not a complete failure by any means. The populace was left

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with lower houses, assemblies, willing to fight continually against oligarchic oppression,

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and they had a great tradition of revolution to look back upon and from which to gain inspiration.

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By the turn of the 18th century, the English state had come to play a much greater and

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more direct role in the overall sum of governmental burdens on the American colonist. For by 1696,

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the structure of the Navigation Acts restricting colonial trade was complete, and a royal bureaucracy

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replete with customs collectors and vice admiralty courts began to impose itself on the colonies.

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The increasing weight of English imperial rule began to draw the brunt of popular, liberal

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opposition. Hence, by the turn of the eighteenth century, the revolutions of the late seventeenth

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century behind, the increasingly uniform American colonies had settled down to a period of uneasy

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balance. It was a balance filled with inner tension and conflict, but for most of the

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In the coming century, this conflict would no longer erupt into open confrontation or result in radical change.

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But when the eruption eventually occurred, it was to be an explosion that would change the face of the globe.
