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NOTE 40. The American Colonies and the War

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Volume 2, Chapter 40, The American Colonies and the War

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During the French and Indian War, Americans continued the great tradition of trading with

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the enemy, and even more readily than before. As in King George's War, Newport took the

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lead. Other vital centers were New York and Philadelphia. The individualistic Rhode Islanders

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angrily turned Governor Stephen Hopkins out of office for embroiling Rhode Island in a

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foreign war between England and France. Rhode Island blithely disregarded the embargo against

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trade with the enemy and redoubled its commerce with France. Rhode Island's ships also functioned

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as one of the major sources of supply for French Canada during the war. In the fall

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In the fall of 1757, William Pitt was told that the Rhode Islanders are a lawless set

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of smugglers who continually supply the enemy with what provisions they want.

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The Crown ordered royal governors to embargo exports of food and to break up the extensive

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traffic with the West Indies, but shippers again resorted to flags of truce and trade

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through neutral ports in the West Indies. Monte Christi, in Spanish Hispaniola, proved

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to be a particularly popular intermediary port. The flags of truth devise particularly

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irritated the British, and the lucrative sale of this privilege, with the prisoners' names

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left blank, was indulged in by Governors William Denny of Pennsylvania and Francis Bernard

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of New Jersey. French prisoners for token exchanges under the flags were rare and therefore

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at a premium, and merchants in Philadelphia and New York paid high prices for these prisoners

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to Newport privateers. The peak of this trade came in 1759, for in the following year, with

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the end of the war with New France, the Royal Navy was able to turn its attention to this

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is trade, and virtually suppress it. However, in the words of Professor Breidenball, privateering

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and trade with the enemy might have their ups and downs, but then, as now, government

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contracts seem to entail little risk and to pay off handsomely. Particularly feeding at

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the trough of government war contracts were specifically privileged merchants of New York

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American Pennsylvania. Two firms of London merchants were especially influential in handing

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out British war contracts to their favorite American correspondents. Thus, the highly

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influential London firm of John Tomlinson and John Hanbury, who was deeply involved

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in the Ohio Company, received a huge war contract. The firm designated Charles Apthorpe and

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and Company, its Boston representative, and Colonel William Bayard, its representative

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in New York. In addition, the powerful London merchant Moses Franks arranged for his relatives

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and friends David Franks of Philadelphia and Jacob Franks, John Watts and the powerful

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Oliver Delancey of New York to be made government agents. New York, furthermore, was made the

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concentration point for the British forces and the general storehouse of arms and ammunition,

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thus permitting many merchants to amass fortunes as subcontractors if they enjoyed the proper family

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connections. By 1761, however, all the great ports in America were suffering badly from the

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severe dislocation of trade wrought by the war. Smuggling and trading with the enemy were not the

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The only forms of American resistance to British dictation during the French and Indian War.

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During the French Wars of the 1740s, Boston had been the center of violent resistance

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to conscription for the war effort, an effort that decimated the Massachusetts male population.

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During the French and Indian War, Massachusetts continued as the most active center of resistance

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to Conscription, and of widespread desertion, often en masse, from the militia.

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Thomas Pownell took over as governor of Massachusetts in early 1757 and cracked down bitterly on

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Massachusetts liberties. He sent troops outside Massachusetts without assembly permission,

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threatened to punish justices of the peace who did not enforce the laws against desertion,

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hitherto interpreted with salutary neglect, and threatened Boston with military occupation

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if the assembly did not agree to the arrival and quartering of British troops.

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In November, English recruiting officers appeared in Boston, and the assembly and the Boston

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magistrates forbade any recruiting or any quartering of troops in the town.

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Pownell vetoed these actions as violations of the royal prerogative, especially in emergencies.

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The magistrates then countered by detaining recruiting officers in order to investigate

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them as potential carriers of disease.

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When Pownell tried to frighten the Massachusetts assembly with the French threat, it cogently

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The legislature insisted on the natural rights of the people of Massachusetts to defend which they would resist to the last breath, a cruel invading army.

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As their commander-in-chief, Lord Loudon, was threatening, Massachusetts would resist

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the troops by force. The legislature insisted on the natural rights of the people of Massachusetts

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to defend which they would resist to the last breath, a cruel invading army. Lord Loudon

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was threatening to send his army from Long Island, Connecticut and Pennsylvania to compel

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and all the quartering of troops in Boston.

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In exasperation, Lord Loudon wrote to Governor Pownall in December 1757,

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they, the Massachusetts Assembly, attempt to take away the King's undoubted prerogative.

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They attempt to take away an act of the British Parliament.

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They attempt to make it impossible for the King either to keep troops in North America

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The Massachusetts Legislature finally agreed to permit the quartering of troops, but formally insisted that this quartering come under its own authority and not that of England or its governor.

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So few citizens of Massachusetts volunteered for the 1758 campaign that Governor Pownall resorted to the hated device of conscription.

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Resentment among the people was intensified by such British recruiting methods as dragging drunken men into the army.

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The people erupted angrily in a series of riots, attacking and beating up recruiting squads,

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all of which required the British to retain a large troop in Massachusetts to crush an imminent rebellion.

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The Massachusetts draftees then resorted to the silent but effective nonviolent resistance of mass desertions, refusal to obey the hated officers, and going on sick call.

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Lieutenant Governor Thomas Hutchinson was appointed to round up deserters, and hundreds were betrayed by the government's network of paid informers.

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The people's resentment and resistance were intensified by the economic depression in Massachusetts caused by high taxes for the war effort.

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Following the disastrous Ticonderoga campaign in 1758, the English general James Wolfe wrote in vehemence and despair that

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The Americans are in general the dirtiest, most contemptible cowardly dogs that you can conceive. There is no depending upon them in action. They desert by battalions, officers and all.

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Other officials and observers remarked wonderingly of the individualistic spirit of the militia men, almost every man his own master and a general.

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With the militia officers democratically elected by their men, the notion of liberty so generally prevails that they are impatient under all kinds of superiority and authority.

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Moreover, the Americans added a new concept to the age-old European peasant and yeoman practice of desertion, the assassination of officers who would not cooperate.

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Even in the following years of English victory, the Massachusetts militia continued its resistance.

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In 1759, it refused to remain at Lake Champlain for the winter, mutinied against its officers, and returned home.

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The following year, the Massachusetts militia refused to go from Nova Scotia to Quebec and mutinied again.

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General Jeffrey Amherst had high-handedly decided in late 1759 to keep the Massachusetts troops in Nova Scotia over the winter of 1759-60, despite the fact that their terms of enlistment had expired.

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The men unanimously announced their refusal to serve any longer and wrote to the commander demanding that they be sent home.

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The Americans were all placed under guard thereafter. The British decided to shoot

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the mutinous colonist, but bloodshed was averted at the last minute when the

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Massachusetts General Court extended the terms of enlistment to six months and

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sweetened the pill with an extra bonus of four pounds per soldier. By spring,

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however, the men in the General Court remained firm. The troops unanimously

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So anxious were the Massachusetts soldiers to leave to go home that a party of them commandeered a ship and set sail for home. It was wholly in vain that Amherst demanded British-style discipline for these rebellious, democratically governed militiamen.

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Large numbers of deserting sailors, furthermore, left to join the merchant marine for large-scale smuggling and trade with the enemy.

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New York City was a lively center for deserting sailors, and New York merchants systematically hid the sailors from the British troops.

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The British compelled their return in 1757 by threatening to conduct a deliberately brutal and thorough house-to-house search

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Research, and to treat New York as a conquered city. British troops were quartered upon New

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York against the vehement opposition of the citizens they were supposedly protecting.

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In Philadelphia, pacifist mobs repeatedly attacked recruiting officers and even lynched

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one in February 1756. In general, continuing conflict raged between English commanders

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who wanted complete control over the colonial militia and the assemblies, which insisted

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on definite limitations on militia service.

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American disaffection with the war effort was particularly marked after 1756, when the

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limited campaign to grab Ohio lands was succeeded by full-scale war against French Canada.

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Americans, during the Seven Years' War, pursued a policy of trading with the enemy.

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The British bitterly alienated the other countries of Europe by repudiating all the cherished

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principles of international law on the sea that had been worked out over the past century.

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The developed and agreed upon principle of international law was that neutral ships were

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were entitled to trade with a warring country without molestation by any belligerent. Free

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ships make free goods, unless the goods were actual armaments. After finally agreeing to

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this civilized principle of international law in the late 17th century, England now

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returned to the piratical practice of attacking neutral ships trading with France and of stopping

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In Searching Neutral Ships on the High Seas England had long been the major opponent of

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rational international law and of the great libertarian concept of freedom of the seas,

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which formed an integral part of that law. Neutral's rights were corollary of that concept,

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as was the doctrine that no nation could claim ownership or sovereignty of the seas, that

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In fact, the citizens of any nation could use the open seas to trade, travel, or fish where

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they would. During the 16th century, Queen Elizabeth had not accepted the grandiose claims

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of the mystic astrologer Dr. John Dee of England's claim to ownership of the surrounding seas.

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After all, England was then engaged in asserting freedom of the seas against the presumed Spanish

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of the Nation, Portuguese Monopolies of the newly discovered oceans.

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But after the accession of the stewards, Spain was no longer a grave threat to the seas,

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and England's overriding maritime interest was to destroy the highly efficient and competitive

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Dutch shipping.

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Very early in his reign, James I claimed ownership of the surrounding seas and the fish therein,

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President Charles I arrogantly claimed sovereignty over the entire North Sea.

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In opposition to the Stuart pretensions, the great Dutch father of international law, the

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liberal Hugo Grotius, laid down the principle of freedom of the seas in his Mare Liberum

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in 1609 and integrated the principle into the natural law structure of international

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Law, in his definitive treatise of 1625, De jure belli ac pocus.

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Grotius was able to build upon the 16th century writings of the great liberal Spanish jurist

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and scholastics Francis Alfonso de Castro, Ferdinand Váquez Menchaya, and Francisco

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Suárez, who flourished even in a time when the Spanish interest was in proclaiming its

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and Sovereignty of the Seas.

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Grotius's libertarian view of freedom of the seas

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could expect to meet stern opposition in many countries,

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but the greatest opposition was in England,

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where the stewards mobilized scholars in their defense.

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The lean opponents of Grotius and celebrants of governmental

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and especially English sovereignty over the seas

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were the Scott Professor, William Wellwood, 1613,

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The Italian Board Oxford Regius Professor, Albertus Gentilis, 1613, who proclaimed absolute

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English ownership of the Atlantic as far west as America, Sir John Burroughs, Royal Bureaucrat,

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1633, and John Seldon, 1635. England continued its grandiose claims during the 17th century,

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But with its shipping ever more extensive by the end of the century, it began to consent

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to be bound by international law on the high seas. England had also been the major opponent

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of neutral rights in time of war and the Dutch their major advocate. However, in the Treaty

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of 1674 with Holland, England finally agreed to the vital rule of free ships, free goods,

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and Protection of Neutral Shipping, a principle that France and Spain had at least formally

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ratified two decades before.

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But now, on the opening of the Seven Years' War, England arrogantly informed the Dutch

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and other neutrals that any of their ships trading with France would be treated as enemy

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vessels.

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Theoretician of this British reversion to official piracy was the Tory Jacobite Charles

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Jenkinson. Britain's arrogant attacks on neutral shipping and violations of international law

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during the Seven Years' War alienated all the neutral countries of Europe, who soon

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Being raised to cry to return to freedom of the seas, particularly harassed was the highly

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efficient Dutch shipping, and fellow sufferers from British policy were Spain, Portugal,

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Sweden, Russia, Naples, Tuscany, Genoa and Sardinia.
