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NOTE 11. Reaction in Pennsylvania

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Volume 3, Chapter 11, Reaction in Pennsylvania

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Pennsylvania's protests were among the most anemic in the colonies.

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A major reason was undoubtedly the restraining influence of Franklin and Jackson.

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The Pennsylvania Assembly, in September 1764, declared its opposition to taxation by Parliament,

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But was too timid to follow its sister colonies and send the protest to parliament or the

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crown.

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Instead, the assembly quickly, quietly, and privately sent its conclusions to Richard

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Jackson.

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For a while it even promised to send Jackson an alternate plan for raising a colonial revenue,

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Probably the scheme of the ever-helpful Franklin that would pay interest to the crown on a

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new all-colonial paper currency.

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Perhaps the major reason for Pennsylvania's timidity as well as Franklin's was the scheming

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of the non-pacifist Quaker oligarchy of eastern Pennsylvania, with whom Franklin was allied

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to perpetuate their control of the colony.

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As the Germans and the Ulster Scots poured into western Pennsylvania, the older Quaker

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settlers became a distinct minority of the population, yet their districts still commanded

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a majority representation in the assembly.

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Thus, the three Quaker counties of Chester, Box, and Philadelphia, excluding the city

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of Philadelphia, had far less than half of Pennsylvania's population in 1760, yet they

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sent 24 representatives to the assembly out of 36. Demands for correcting the increasing

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Inequality of Pennsylvania Representation were mounting, and the Quaker oligarchs calculated

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that if the province shifted from proprietary to royal government, they could manage to

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dominate a crown-appointed council and thereby keep control of the government. Hence, Benjamin

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Franklin, appointed as Pennsylvania's agent in London in the fall of 1764, to press for

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changed to royal government, wrote from London that English Quakers would back

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the cause and thus prevent their friends in Pennsylvania falling totally under

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the domination of Presbyterians. Seeking important favors from the Crown, the

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Quaker-dominated Pennsylvania Assembly felt that it could not press any

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The principle yielded to the subservience of the courtier.

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In this trend, one great leader arose to take a determined libertarian position against both crown and proprietary.

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The lone voice was John Dickinson, a young lawyer who in May 1764 warned of the blaze of royal authority that would follow replacement of the proprietary.

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Only Dickinson warned clearly of the impending aggrandizement of the imperial power and of

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the dangers of a British standing army. He also pointed out that the proprietors had

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cooperated closely with royal policies and therefore that the Crown could hardly serve

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as a relative paladin of liberty. While denouncing the exactions and evils of proprietary rule,

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Dickinson hailed Pennsylvania's unique liberties, complete religious freedom, absence of test

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oaths, a unicameral elected legislature unhampered by an appointed council, absolute assembly

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control over its own meetings, and annual elections. In contrast, Joseph Galloway sought

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about the blessings of royal liberty, and Ben Franklin proudly and accurately proclaimed

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that he had constantly and uniformly advanced the measures of the Crown ever since I had

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any influence in the province.

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John Dickinson's emergence as head of the liberal opposition to the tyrannical moves

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of the British Crown occasioned a new political line-up in Pennsylvania.

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On one side was an anti-royal coalition of western Ulster-Scott Presbyterians, urban

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Philadelphians, and a handful of proprietary men.

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On the other was a conservative party headed by Galloway and Franklin, based on the non-pacifist

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Quakers of the eastern counties surrounding Philadelphia.

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Professor Jacobson concludes, for John Dickinson, 1764, marked the beginning of his important

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political leadership. His arguments in 1764 showed not essential conservatism, as historians

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have so frequently charged, but a belief in the more radical idea that fundamental rights

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could not be altered without the consent of the governed. An idea that clearly foreshadowed

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the American position in the revolutionary crisis of succeeding years. Dickinson's early

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and perceptive analysis supports his own later claim that his stand against royal government

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marked the beginning of the revolutionary struggles in Pennsylvania.
