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NOTE 22. Sam Adams Rallies Boston

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Volume 3, Chapter 22, Sam Adams Rallies Boston

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The vital question, then, was what the reaction of the people of the several colonies would

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be to Patrick Henry's trumpet call. A preponderance of the people were clearly delighted. Most

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of the colonists found out about the Virginia Resolves by early July. By mid-August, Governor

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Governor Francis Bernard of Massachusetts was warning the Crown that two or three months

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ago I thought that this people would submit to the Stamp Act without actual opposition,

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but the publishing of the Virginia Resolves proved an alarm bell to the disaffected. And

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the British General, Thomas Gage, stationed in New York, called the Resolves the signal

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for a general outcry over the continent.

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But if most of the people were awakened and stirred by Henry and Virginia, who would lead

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them?

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For the masses cannot act without some form of organization and articulate leadership.

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No help, of course, could be expected from the Arch-Tory and opportunist Benjamin Franklin.

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Franklin predictably adjusted meekly and easily to the Stamp Act.

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We might as well have hindered the sun setting. Let us make as good a night of it as we can.

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Franklin proceeded to make a good night of it, indeed. Having happily filled the colonial

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post office with his relatives, he advised his fellow colonial agents to get themselves

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or their friends appointed as stamp masters, the crown officers in charge of distributing

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the stamps in the colonies. Acting on this advice, Jared Ingersoll, Connecticut's agent

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in London, accepted the post of Connecticut Stamp Master, and Franklin was able to get

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his henchman, John Hughes, appointed Stamp Master in Pennsylvania.

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Franklin's reaction on reading the Virginia Resolves is therefore not at all surprising.

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Denouncing the rashness of the Virginia leaders and the madness of the populace, Franklin

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Franklin advised Hughes to act as a faithful and loyal servitor of the Crown in enforcing

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the Stamp Tax. And Franklin's friend and ally in dominating Pennsylvania politics, Joseph

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Galloway, wrote many newspaper articles in favor of the Stamp Act. If no help was to

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be expected from such Tories as Franklin in rallying popular opposition to the Stamp Act,

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of the Popular Liberal Leaders. A grave problem was the defection of erstwhile and future

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radical liberal leaders. Thus, stunned and temporarily alienated by the bold courage

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of Henry's Resolves, Alexander McDougall and John Moran Scott of New York, generally

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radical leaders of that colony, pronounced the Resolves to be treasonable. But the major

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Her blow to the libertarian cause came in Massachusetts. There, James Otis Jr., long-time leader of the Boston liberals and spark plug of American protest, began to defect from the liberal cause. Otis showed increasing signs of deviousness and instability, and perhaps of the insanity that was to plague him in later years. It is true that as early as June

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When Massachusetts received word of the Stamp Act, Otis proposed that the

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Massachusetts Assembly send a circular letter to the other colonial assemblies,

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inviting them to a general Congress to be held in New York in October to ask

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Britain for relief. But, on the other hand, in May, Governor Bernard had happily

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reported to the Crown that Otis now repents in sackcloth and ashes for writing the rights

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of the colonies, and that a new pamphlet of Otis's humbly begs Brinton's pardon for his

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former stand. Furthermore, Otis's call for Stamp Act Congress was all well and good,

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Congress was all well and good, but it would, after all, be another, if larger, assembly

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ineffectually petitioning Parliament for relief.

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The important thing was the popular reaction to the Virginia Resolves, and here Otis showed

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his change of heart by denouncing them as reasonable.

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And while Otis erratically continued to denounce the British in anonymous contributions to

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with the Radical Boston Gazette, his public statements lauded the power of Parliament

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and went so far as to ask for British troops to put down the rebellious Americans. If salvation

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was to come, it would not be from James Otis or from the Stamp Act Congress. Massachusetts

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and especially Boston had for years now been the great center of libertarian resistance

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to the Depredations of Great Britain. But now its old spokesman, James Otis, was no

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longer fit to lead the liberal cause. Oxenbridge Thatcher, who had written Massachusetts'

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original principled protest against the Sugar Act before being watered down by Hutchinson,

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exclaimed when he heard of the Virginia Resolves, They are men! And Thatcher, or a friend, immediately

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The People of Virginia have spoke very sensibly, and the frozen politicians of Massachusetts

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say they have spoke treason. Pray, gentlemen, is it treason for the deputies of the people

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to assert their liberties or to give them away? We have been told that it is not prudence

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for us to assert our rights in plain and manly terms. Nay, we have been told the word rights

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must not be once named among us. Cursed prudence of interested designing politicians. But Oxenbridge

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Thatcher lay on his deathbed. Was there then no one to rouse the people, no one to lead

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Need the Boston masses into the streets to serve as the spearhead and vanguard of an

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American revolution against the Stamp Act? Yes, there was one man. If Otis was a dependable,

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radical leader no more, and if Thatcher lay dying, there was still the magnificent Sam

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Adam saw clearly that the real fight against the stamp tax would have to take place in

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the streets. He saw that the locus of pressure and unrest must be the appointed royal officials,

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the enforcers of the Stamp Act. In particular, that popular pressure should focus on the

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stamp distributors, the royal appointees who were in charge of selling the stamped paper

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and who were happily preparing to assume their lucrative posts.

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In the early summer of 1765, Sam Adams gathered together a group of Bostonians to lead and

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direct the people of Boston in the streets.

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The group was called the Loyal Nine.

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Like the membership of Adams' Caucus Club, which comprised a cross-section of the town's

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It included two distillers, Thomas Chase and the wealthy John Avery, Benjamin Eads, printer of the Boston Gazette, the Liberals' Party organ, small businessmen, artisans like the braziers Stephen Cleverly and John Smith, the jeweler George Trot, and Henry Bass, a cousin of Adams.

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The headquarters of the group was Chase's distillery at Hanover Square. Adams rapidly

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worked out a remarkably efficient structure for the radical movement. The vulnerable public

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leaders of the fight, legislators, ministers and others, were not directly identified with

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the popular mobs. The effective liaison and direction were maintained through the Loyal

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In 1909, led by Adams, even though he was not an official member, the Bostonian populace

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was unified into an effective force with the various groups, from wealthy merchants to

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the bully boys of the taverns, playing complementary roles in the struggle. For the mass base of

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the popular mobs, Adams was able to utilize the gangs of the north end and of the south

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Every year on Guy Fawkes Day or Pope's Day, November 5, Boston's celebration of the defeat of the Catholic gunpowder plot of 1605 was traditionally climaxed by a quasi-friendly but violent clash between citizens of the North End and the South End.

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In time, each section had developed a gang for this purpose and trained its members in paramilitary fashion to a finely honed edge.

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Every year also, the quasi-friendly fighting became a bit bloodier.

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Particularly effective was the South End Gang, which had been victorious in the 1764 Brujaha.

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Law. The gang was headed by the shoemaker Ebenezer Macintosh, whose South End forces

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totaled 2,000 men. Adams was able to press Macintosh and the South End into action as

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his mass base, and by August 14 the radical liberals, smoothly organized by Adams, were

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ready to strike. Adams was ready to give the signal for the first mob action against

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against the Stamp Act, a deed that set the pattern and furnished the inspiration not

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only for further riots against the stamps, but for all the riots down to the American

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Revolution.

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Adams realized that the focus of attack must be the stamp master.

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On the morning of August 14, a Boston mob, directed by Adams and the Loyal Nine, hung

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Hung an effigy of Andrew Oliver on a tree, dubbed the Liberty Tree, in Newberry Street.

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Oliver, a brother-in-law of the Tory Lieutenant Governor, Thomas Hutchinson, had been appointed

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stamp distributor in Massachusetts.

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Alongside Oliver hung an effigy, the symbol of the hated Lord Bute, a large boot, with

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an image of the devil crawling out of it.

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The affair was a challenge flung at the Royal Government. Some of the Schroeder members

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of the Council advised Governor Bernard to dismiss the whole episode as ostensibly a

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silly prank. But Bernard, furious at the hard-hitting attacks in the Boston Gazette, decided to

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accept the challenge. He was also advised to do so by Lieutenant Governor Hutchinson,

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An Able Theoretician and the Chief Beneficiary of the Tory Cause in Massachusetts.

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As Chief Justice, Hutchinson ordered the sheriff to cut the effigy down, and the council

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washed its hands of responsibility by turning the problem over to the sheriff.

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There was a considerable slip, however, between order and execution.

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The sheriff, to his amazement and dismay, found that the effigy could be cut down only

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by risking the officers' lives at the hands of the populace. The effigy was, so to speak,

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the opening gun of the struggle. The radicals now decided to hammer the point home. By evening

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a large crowd had gathered at the Liberty Tree. They cut down the effigy and, bearing

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When it up began to march in a mock funeral procession, the mob included wealthy merchants,

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many disguised in the work clothes of a laborer, and was led by Ebenezer Macintosh at the head

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of his South Enders. First the mob went to the council building, where they made their

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presence felt and where they shouted the stirring slogan, liberty, property and no stamps. The

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The slogan was evidently patterned after the liberty, property and no excise of the cider

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tax rebellion in the West of England two years before.

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After impressing the council, the mob proceeded to serious business.

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Andrew Oliver had just finished constructing a building at his dock and it seemed plausible

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that from here he would distribute the stamped paper.

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There, at the Kilby Street Dock, the mob quickly razed the menacing building completely

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to the ground. From there, the disciplined crowd moved on to Oliver's home, where they

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put on an impressive show for that worthy by beheading Oliver's effigy. The graphic

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lesson did not escape the stamp master's understanding, especially as it was promptly

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The Theory of Money and Credit

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It smashed into the house, calling loudly for Oliver and threatening to kill him on the

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spot. Finding that Oliver had fled to the military post on the island of Castle William,

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the mob did the best it could by destroying the interior of his home. Governor Bernard

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ordered the militia to beat the drums to sound an alarm, only to find, to his consternation,

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that the drummers were all in the mob.

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Hastily, Bernard, realizing that discretion was the better part of valor, also skipped

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down to the safety of Castle William.

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Thomas Hutchinson, the Tory ultra, was made of sterner stuff.

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He walked with the sheriff to the Oliver home to order the mob to disperse.

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Seeing them, one of the mob's leaders shouted,

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The Governor and the Sheriff, to your arms, my boys!

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A hail of stones fell upon the august officials as they hurried away.

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August 14

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Here was a day to live in song and story.

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The first revolutionary blow had been struck by the colonists against the tyranny of the

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British grand design.

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For many years August 14 was celebrated throughout America as the happy day on which liberty

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arose from a long slumber. Or, as Sam Adams thundered, the people shouted and their shout

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was heard to the distant end of this continent. The next day the liberal leaders pressed their

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advantage and continued the work that the mob had begun so skillfully. They visited

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Oliver and informed him that the previous night was just a sample of what he could expect

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unless he resigned his office immediately. Here then was the main point of the mob action,

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revolutionary pressure on all stamp masters to resign their offices and thus make impossible

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The distribution of any stamped paper, and hence any enforcement of the stamp tax.

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Oliver promised to ask the Crown for permission to resign, and meanwhile to take no action

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to enforce the stamp tax.

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This reply satisfied the radical leadership and the loyal nine, but the radical masses

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sensibly wanted to make very sure to dot the i's and cross the t's. In short, they demanded

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nothing less than Oliver's immediate resignation. On the evening of the 15th, the mob built

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another large bonfire and threatened to raze Oliver's house to the ground. The leaders

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were able to dissuade them and the rank and file contented themselves with surrounding

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in the House of Thomas Hutchinson. They called for his presence, but in vain, Hutchinson

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had fled. He knew that this time the mob meant business. Adams and the Loyal Nine were jubilant.

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Their mass pressure had forced the stamp master to resign, and his example was a standing

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warning to anyone with the temerity to take his place. When one Tory declared that he

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The story would not have been as spineless as Oliver. The Loyal Nine taught him an instructive

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lesson by publicly fixing the date when his house would be destroyed. The Tory quickly

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came to his senses and retracted his statement. The leaders now saw that mass action need

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not stop with the intimidation of Oliver, that more could be and needed to be done.

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In particular, they saw that it was necessary to cowl not only the stamp master but also

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the whole clique of Tory officials appointed by the Crown. They were the enemy and not

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simply an isolated stamp distributor. Particularly, the suspicion grew, with good reason, that

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Thomas Hutchinson had secretly favored the stamp tax and that he was their most dangerous

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The leaders also saw the sweep of public opinion on their side. Few people criticized the events of the 14th, and the leading congregational ministers of Massachusetts, liberals all, blessed the mob action and virtually called for more. Especially ardent in favor and resistance to the stamp tax were the Reverend Andrew Elliott, the Reverend Charles Chauncey, the Reverend

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and Samuel Cooper, and, doubly especially, the great libertarian Reverend Jonathan Mayhew.

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These men were friends of the secular leaders of the people, Adams, Otis, the wealthy Boston

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merchant John Hancock, the brilliant young lawyer from Braintree, John Adams, and so

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forth. Mayhew was particularly ardent in attacking arbitrary power, in battling the Stamp Act,

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and Enchampioning the Right of Resistance by the People. He warned menacently that the

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Stamp Act could not be enforced in Massachusetts without bloodshed, and he emphasized that

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there were 60,000 fighting men in this colony alone.

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On the night of August 26, the radicals struck again, escalating their revolutionary blows.

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The mob gathered in full force around a bonfire in King Street, blowing on whistles and horns,

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and shouting enthusiastically for liberty and property. Then, revealing striking discipline

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and coordination, the mob, under the generalship of Ebenezer Macintosh, split into several

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sections, each with its assigned tasks. One group went to the home of William Story, Deputy

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Registrar of the Admiralty Court. Stories suspected of writing reports to England denouncing the

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Boston merchants received treatment benefiting his actions and status. The mob destroyed

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his papers, including his public papers, that would list the violators of customs regulations

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and wrecked his home and office. Another group went after another key enemy, Benjamin Hollowell,

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The Controller of the Customs, who had angered the Boston merchants by rigorous enforcements

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of the trade laws. Hallowell's house was also wrecked and his papers, containing written

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records relevant to enforcement of the British regulations, carried away. Macintosh now united

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two sectors of the mob and marched on to the pièce de résistance of the evening, the

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and the Home of Thomas Hutchinson.

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Before the 26th, several opportunities had been given to Hutchinson by the liberals to deny his complicity in passing the Stamp Act.

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But Hutchinson stood on his offended dignity and repeatedly refused to make the denial.

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Even on the day of the 26th, Hutchinson was given a final opportunity to deny the charge,

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but he refused to do so. The people could only interpret the lieutenant governor's lofty

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silence as assent, so they proceeded to wreck his house with a zeal and thoroughness, surpassing

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their ardent work of the night of August 14. The attack on the home of Thomas Hutchinson

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served to polarize the political conflict in Massachusetts. It was one thing to use

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the mob to put the fear of God into the stamp distributor and the customs collector. No

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one, after all, could sympathize with these bureaucrats but their own families. But an

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attack upon Hutchinson was a different story. Hutchinson was the nucleus and the leader

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of the Small but Powerful Clique of Oligarchs who were privileged by the Royal Government.

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An attack against him could only be interpreted as an attack upon the clique as a whole.

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The struggle against Great Britain had now become, as a corollary, a domestic struggle

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as well, and this was not surprising since the domestic ruling clique governed as a creature

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of the Crown.

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The government grew emboldened by the protests of the Hutchinson cabal at the treatment to

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his home, and was fooled by the tactical camouflage of Adams and the Boston town meeting in publicly

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repudiating the riot at Hutchinson's.

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The council therefore boldly ordered the arrest of McIntosh, only to find that Adams, backed

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by the leading merchants of the city promptly demanded Macintosh's immediate and unconditional

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release. If not, they warned, no one would stand guard in the whole town of Boston, and

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the Customs House would be pulled to the ground. The disillusioned rulers saw that Adams and

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the liberals were still fully in control of the town of Boston and of the hearts of its

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People, Ebenezer Macintosh was set free and rewarded by the people of Boston with a town

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office.

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The class struggle view that the Boston riots were lower class outburst directed against

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the rich is rebutted by the multi-class nature of the liberal movement, wealthy merchants

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No revolution advances in uniform, straight-line fashion.

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and Human Action. Instead, it always proceeds in zigs and zags. Adams and his allies saw

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clearly that it was now in order to slow down the movement. After all, the point had been

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beautifully made. Mass action had virtually forced the stamp master to resign and intimidated

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any potential successor. It had intimidated the royal officers, Governor Bernard having

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This occurred at the end of September, when Governor Bernard received the stamped papers from England and housed them in Castle William.

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The Loyal Nine threatened to storm the castle and destroy the papers, but the group was mollified when the Governor assured it that he had no power whatever to distribute the stamped papers.

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Adams spent the intervening weeks constructively, perfecting his organization and strengthening

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his apparatus. The Loyal Nine expanded its organization into the Sons of Liberty, a name

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proudly taken from the great speech of Colonel Isaac Barre, which had warmly referred to

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the Americans by this noble name. The Sons of Liberty consisted of a cross-section of

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and the Occupations of the Town, from Poor Laborers to Wealthy Merchants.

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For its mass base, Adams induced the North End and the South End to channel their rambunctious

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energies into more constructive deeds and united them to the Suns.

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For Guy Fawkes Day 1765, coming at a strategic time for the Stamp Tax, Adams prepared to

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to Hold a Union Feast, Celebrating the New Found Unity of the Two Sections. Macintosh

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was given a cadre of 150 militarily trained men to lead his mobs. The Sons of Liberty

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busied themselves by drawing up a list of Tory oligarchs whose homes might be sacked

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should the need arise. Governor Bernard now placed his hopes on the assembly convening

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at the end of September. Remembering the Sugar Act agitation, Bernard believed that the rural

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farmers would again prove a conservative force, but he found, to his astonishment, that the stamp

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tax had truly radicalized and unified the whole colony. He wrote home that the rural people

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seemed even more violent than the annoying Bostonians. They talk of revolting from Great

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Britain in the most familiar manner, and declare that the British forces never will subdue

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the inland. Furthermore, Oxenbridge Thatcher had died, and Bernard now found his nemesis,

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Sam Adams, in the House as leader of the liberal forces. To Bernard's urging of the General

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Court to enforce the Stamp Act as the law of the Supreme Parliament, the House replied

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said firmly that only the Massachusetts assembly had the right to tax and to make internal

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laws for the American colonies. By mid-October, Governor Bernard was wailing to the Crown

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that Massachusetts was in a state of outright rebellion. The militia refused to obey his

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orders. The real authority of the government is at an end. Some of the principal ringleaders

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If Patrick Henry had sounded the clarion call for resistance, Sam Adams, the loyal nine,

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and the Sons of Liberty had now blazed the path for action.

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August 14 raised the standard for mass rebellion against the enforcers of the Stamp Act.
