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NOTE 67. Massachusetts: Nearing the Final Conflict

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Volume 3, Chapter 67, Massachusetts, Nearing the Final Conflict

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The continental association and the mass boycott were all very well. These measures served

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to radicalize the entire continent and to build an intricate network of spontaneous

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grass-roots, revolutionary institutions, often virtually replacing constituted authority

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with quasi-anarchic leadership. But none of these measures dealt directly with the really

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acute focus of conflict, Boston. It was Boston, and Massachusetts, after all, that were being

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punished, oppressed, and militarily occupied. Massachusetts necessarily had to be the focal

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center of struggle. The moral and material support of the other provinces was most welcome.

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But would they join if armed support were necessary?

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At the Congress, Christopher Gadsden had urged initiating armed struggle against the British

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troops in Boston, but it was clear to the sagacious radical strategist of Massachusetts

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that the rest of America would not support such an effort.

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As the Continental Congress made clear, only defensive efforts would be supported against

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outright aggression by British troops. Furthermore, most of the radicals naively thought that

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the Continental Association would suffice to bring Britain to reason. They did not see

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as clearly as the Adamses and the Massachusetts radicals that Britain would not be deflected

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from All-Out Suppression. They would soon learn. Meanwhile, the radicals could only

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wait for that lesson and tell each other in the words of John Adams, I expect no redress

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but increased resentment and double vengeance. We must fight. Even those who expected armed

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conflict did not go so far as to anticipate actual American independence. Conflict was

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to induce Britain to back down from its coercive imperialist policy. Indeed, the Massachusetts

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delegation to the Congress had to reassure even the Virginians that their aim was not

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independence. All the delegation, that is, except for Sam Adams, whose silence on the

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matter was eloquent in itself. Soon after the opening of the Continental Congress, the

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Provincial Congress of Massachusetts assembled in a fateful meeting.

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General Gage had called for a meeting of the General Court in early October, but dared

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not lead the newly appointed mandamus counselors out from under the wings of the British troops.

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It was, furthermore, clear from town instructions to their representatives that the assembly

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would hardly agree to the changes imposed by the Massachusetts Government Act.

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The most radical and frantically revolutionary were the instructions from the town of Worcester.

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These counseled the immediate return to the old Massachusetts Charter of the 17th century,

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the presumably forcible opening of the port and removal of British troops, and a trial

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of the mandamus councillors for treason. In the light of this atmosphere of militancy,

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George Gage called off the meeting of the General Court, but the Americans were prepared,

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and towns sent delegates to the extralegal Provincial Congress that met at Concord on

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October 11, and later in the month at Watertown, the delegates faced a province without ports

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or judges or executives or legislature.

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One daunted, the Massachusetts Provincial Congress made as its operating executive John

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Hancock President, and created a steering committee of fifteen, the Committee on the

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State of the Province, which included Hancock, Dr. Joseph Warren, and such leading radicals

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as Joseph Hawley of Northampton, James Warren of Plymouth, and Elbridge Jerry of Marblehead.

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Later, the four Massachusetts delegates to the Continental Congress were added to the

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province's steering committee.

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As a continuing operating organization, the provincial congress selected a smaller 11-man

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committee of safety, with John Hancock, chairman, and Dr. Joseph Warren among its members.

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The committee was authorized to call out the provincial militia and to collect munitions

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and Supplies in Preparation for Meeting Any Future Aggression by the British Armed Forces.

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Concord and Worcester were selected as the principal depots for military supplies.

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The militia officers, furthermore, were directed to recruit the best-qualified 25 percent of

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the militia, mainly veterans of the French and Indian War, into a ginger group known

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known as MINUTEMEN, so called because they were expected to answer the committee's call

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at a moment's notice.

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The MINUTEMEN were formed into emergency companies of 15 men each, and the men of each company

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had the power of freely electing their own officers, subject to the overall direction

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of the Committee of Safety.

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This project was based on the precedent of emergency units used as early as King Philip's

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War in the mid-1670s. The Committee of Safety proceeded with dispatch and efficiency to

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organized and armed militia to repel any aggressive acts of the British troops. The aim was to

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raise a potential army of 12,000 men in Massachusetts and 20,000 additional troops at the ready

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were requested from the other colonies in New England. Officers were to be democratically

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The Militia Trained Hard This time in contrast to their unpreparedness

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when British troops earlier occupied Boston, the people of Massachusetts would be ready

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to counter any further invasion.

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All the militia of the colony were soon directed to train according to Colonel Timothy Pickering's

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New Book, Easy Plan of Discipline for a Militia, 1775.

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From Salem, Pickering imaginatively simplified the stodgy and ritualistic rules of British

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Army drill and emphasized the American woodsman's habit of individual marksmanship, a practice

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particularly suited to an armed people's guerrilla war.

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Special philosophy and military tactics blended as one, for Pickering stressed that the American

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soldier was an individualist, a freeman, and a property owner, in contrast to professional

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European soldiers trained as obedient machines. Pickering wrote that men must see the reason

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and the use of any action or movement, tis the boast of European commanders that their

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A circular letter sent throughout the colony by the Committee of Safety asked the clergy

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to help raise a volunteer army. The committee, an anarchistic institution without coercive

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governmental powers to tax or to conscript militia, had to rely on volunteers and voluntary

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The Second Provincial Congress of Massachusetts, meeting at Cambridge on February 1, 1775,

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rapidly advanced these measures of defense. It also authorized the militia to collect

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military stores rapidly, either by purchase or by assuming jurisdiction over the stores

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of the Massachusetts government. Consequently, during March and early April, large stores

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were collected by the Americans at Concord. The Congress, consistent with its devotion

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to Liberty refused to levy taxes on the people. It recommended that they voluntarily pay the

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provincial tax to the new revolutionary institutions instead. Addressing the citizens of Massachusetts,

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the Congress exhorted, resistance to tyranny becomes the Christian and social duty of each

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individual, fleets, troops and every implement of war are sent into the province to rest

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from you that freedom which it is your duty even at the risk of your lives to hand in

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violet to posterity. Continue steadfast and defend those rights which heaven gave and

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no man ought to take from us. The Congregational Ministry of Massachusetts was eager to take

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make up the task offered it by the Provincial Congress.

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Eminent ministers like the veteran Charles Chauncey, William Gordon, and Peter Thatcher

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of Boston, Peter Whitney of Northborough, and Timothy Hilliard of Barnstable led the

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clergy in exhorting the right of resistance to the British.

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Eloquent were the calls to rise up and wield the sword of the Lord against oppression and

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and Slavery in Militia Mustering Sermons. In Boothbay, now Maine, the Reverend John

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Murray, a Presbyterian, urged the right and duty of resistance to defend natural, God-given

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and constitutional rights. The Reverend Samuel Eaton of Harpswell, Maine, went so far as

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to declaim at a militia muster, Cursed be he that keepeth back his sword from blood.

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One of the most important expressions of congregational support for the rebel cause came at a convention

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in radical Worcester County in the interior of Massachusetts in late March 1775.

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At this meeting a delegate, the Reverend Ebenezer Chaplain of Sutton, pleaded for liberty and

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separation of church and state.

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And in a widely printed and distributed speech, the Reverend Elisha Fish of Upton defended

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With the right of property as unalienable by man, the right of each individual to enjoy

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his own earnings, Fisch declared, was a corollary of his God-given rights of life and liberty.

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Similar preachments were made by Congregational ministers throughout New England, especially

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New Hampshire and Eastern Connecticut. Termed by Lieutenant Governor Oliver, gutters of

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of Sedition, The Congregational Clergy of New England led the revolutionary cause and

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provided a stark contrast to the relatively non-political clergy of New York and Philadelphia,

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the lukewarm support of the Baptists and the Tory views of the Anglican clergy.

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As tension mounted between the British troops and the swiftly preparing people of Massachusetts

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During the winter of 1774-75, several incidents brought the two sides inextricably closer

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to overt military conflict.

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On December 13, the noted courier and messenger of the Boston leadership, Paul Revere, warned

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the New Hampshire radicals of a British plan to garrison troops at Portsmouth.

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The very next day, a band of troops led by the prominent young lawyer Major John Sullivan

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and the young merchant John Langdon swooped down on the British fort at Portsmouth and

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carried away cannons, small arms and a hundred barrels of powder. Sullivan, a delegate to

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the Continental Congress, was now the major political figure in New Hampshire and leader

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of the Popular Radical Forces there. Soon after the raid, Sullivan and Langdon were

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chosen by the Provincial Congress to be New Hampshire's delegates to the Second Continental

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Congress. The next clash also inflicted humiliation

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upon the proud British troops. On February 26, several hundred British soldiers were

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were shipped clandestinely to Salem to seize military stores from the Americans. Not finding

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them there, the British marched to the stores at Danvers, but there they were forced by

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a larger number of Americans to wait while the stores were removed and then to retreat

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back to their ships. In Boston, another clash occurred soon afterward when Dr. Joseph Warren

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Warren delivered the annual oration in commemoration of the Boston Massacre.

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Gathered illegally at a town meeting moderated by Sam Adams, the townspeople heard Warren

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eloquently champion the liberty of Americans and Englishmen and attack the sending of British

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troops to occupy Boston.

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Then Warren declared, An independence of Great Britain is not our aim, but if pacific measures

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are ineffectual and it appears that the only way to safety is through fields of blood,

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I know you will undauntedly press forward until tyranny is trodden underfoot.

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As Warren concluded, British officers who had been courteously welcomed to the meeting

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began to hiss. In an obvious attempt to provoke the Americans into physical attack, which

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might not carry the support of the other colonies, the troops arrested a man for illegally buying

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a firearm offered by a British soldier. The next day the British arrogantly tarred and

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feathered the man, pinned on his back the label American Liberty or Specimen of Democracy,

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and paraded him through the streets of Boston with an armed guard and military band.
