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NOTE 9. Reaction in Rhode Island and Connecticut

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Volume 3, Chapter 9, Reaction in Rhode Island and Connecticut.

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As the Revenue Act was being passed, Colonel Eliphelet Dyer of Wyndham, a member of the

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Connecticut Council, attacked the revenue bill for supporting the standing army and

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called on the colonies to unite in protest. If they failed to do so, they may bid farewell

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Did farewell to freedom and liberty, burn their charters, and make the best of thraldom

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and slavery, for if we can have our interests and estates taken away and disposed of without

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our consent, and by those whose interest as well as inclination it may be to shift the

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burden off from themselves under pretence of protecting and defending America, then

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And England can insist on America's paying the expenses of any wars, past or present.

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Connecticut's legislature of May-June 1764 appointed a protest committee that included

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Governor Thomas Fitch. The committee's address to England, approved by the legislature in

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October, strongly protested the molasses tax, but again it retreated from principle to the

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to the artificial distinction between internal and external taxation.

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Once again, Connecticut's perfidious London agent, Richard Jackson,

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was instrumental in ensuring a suitably weak stand in the colonies.

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Rhode Island, with its large interest in trade,

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took a similar but a more bitter stance toward the molasses tax.

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In July, the legislature chose a committee to confer with other colonies on protesting the tax.

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The committee included the merchant Nicholas Brown and was headed by Governor Stephen Hopkins.

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Hopkins, a prominent storekeeper and popular politician, had founded the Providence Gazette

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and as early as January had written an essay on the trade of the northern colonies,

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Urging United Colonial Action for Repeal of the Old Malasses Act

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The Hopkins Committee, however, took no action until instructed by the legislature in September to confer with neighboring colonies.

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The committee then wrote to other colonies, significantly suggesting an inter-colonial conference to launch a united protest.

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In October, the legislature also appointed a committee to frame a protest and sent it to England the following month, along with a draft of Governor Hopkins' pamphlet, The Rights of the Colonies Examined.

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The address in Hopkin's pamphlet strongly protested the trade restrictions and enforcement provisions of the Revenue Act, but explicitly denied only the right of Parliament to levy internal taxes.

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However, both Hopkins and the Assembly went beyond other colonies by denying the right of Parliament to legislate for the colonies except for the general good of the whole Empire.

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The Hopkins pamphlet was popular in America and was soon reprinted in every colony. The

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Radical Massachusetts Gazette hailed it as a pamphlet that breathes a true spirit of

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liberty. The following February, however, the Hopkins

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essay was attacked in a pamphlet by Martin Howard, Jr., a leading Rhode Island Tory,

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who invoked the transcendent sovereignty of Parliament.

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Under pressure, Hopkins retreated from his denial of the right of Parliament to pass

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laws governing America, and also hinted that colonial representation in Parliament after

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the Manor of Scotland would remove colonial grievances.

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Not only was Hopkins pressed into retreat, so too was James Otis of Massachusetts.

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In March 1765, Otis, in A Vindication of the British Colonies, attempting to defend Hopkins,

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wound up retreating to a repudiation of his own pamphlet of a few months earlier. Otis's

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virtual surrender to Howard was soon completed in another pamphlet, Brief Remarks. But in

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the same pamphlet, Otis lashed out in bitter and hard-hitting denunciation of Howard and

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and his small but powerful clique of Tories known as the Newport Junto.

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Otis attacked the Junto as that little, dirty, drinking, drabbing, contaminated knot of thieves,

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beggars and transports, or the worthy descendants of such, made up of Turks, Jews and other

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infidels with a few renegade Christians and Catholics.

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The formation of the Newport Junto in late 1764 was, undoubtedly, one of the reasons

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for Governor Hopkins' precipitate retreat from liberal principle. The Junto had had

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the gall to petition England for revocation of Rhode Island's precious liberal and self-governing

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charter. Leader of the Tory Junto was Martin Howard, Jr., an Anglican lawyer, the son of

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Samuel Hall, printer of the Newport Mercury, one of the two newspapers in the colony, supported the Junto and made his paper a spokesman for Junto Views.

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Other leading members were Dr. Thomas Moffatt of Edinburgh, George Rome, an agent and debt collector for an English mercantile firm,

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Probably Augustus Johnston, Attorney General of Rhode Island, and the King's officers in the colony, especially John Robinson and his roommate, Lieutenant Benjamin Wickham.

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The Junto called for strict Crown control over fractious and democratic Rhode Island and for suppression of the abusive protests against English measures.

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The citizens of Rhode Island were understandably incensed at the Junto and at Howard's pamphlet against Hopkins.

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Freedom of speech and press was hardly, purely upheld in 18th century America,

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and Deputy Governor Joseph Wanton Jr. urged the Assembly to move against the Tory pamphlet and its printer.

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Fortunately, the Assembly voted down the zealots.

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The Superior Court under Governor Hopkins' control did call up and intimidate the printer,

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Samuel Hall, for a while, but did nothing further. Hall's Mercury, in reply, thundered

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that liberty of the press and freedom itself were in grave danger.

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Rhode Island and Connecticut were uniquely fortunate. Both had democratically elected

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Executives and therefore were free of an appointed oligarchy of royal officials, their friends

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and their favorites. In Rhode Island, the New Port Junto had nuisance value but not

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political power. Instead, Rhode Island was torn between two political factions, both

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of which were relatively liberal and opposed to British exactions. One faction was led

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by Stephen Hopkins of Providence and the other by Samuel Ward of Westerly in South Rhode

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Island. Historians have unfortunately woven around the Ward-Hopkins controversy, the neo-Marxian

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myth that the two sides waged a class struggle. The Hopkins group representing the radical

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Federal Farmers and the ward faction, the conservative merchants. Actually both parties

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had similar liberal principles and both were equally democratic in a highly democratic

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colony where nearly 80 percent of the adult males were eligible to vote. In addition to

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personal disputes, the two factions roughly represented sectional interest. The Hopkins

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Business forces represented Providence and the North, and the Wardites, Newport and the

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South. The controversy was sectional, but not class. Each group represented a similar

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economic congrease of agriculture, trade and finance. This should not be surprising when

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we remember that on the market, farmers, merchants and financiers are not in conflict or even

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Each occupational group is interdependent, and together they form a harmoniously integrated network of production and exchange, each benefiting from the other's activities.

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Competition, not conflict, existed between two such commercial complexes as rising Providence and relatively declining Newport.

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Both factions, then, were inter-class. Thus, Hopkins was backed by the influential Brown brothers, leading merchants of Providence, and by the wealthy and aristocratic wantons of Newport. Samuel Ward, on the other hand, was a farmer and small-town merchant who was no more wealthy than his rival Hopkins.

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As Professor Lovejoy puts it, farmers and merchants alike supported ward or Hopkins for reasons not directly related to the position either candidate or voter held in society.

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What then did the Hopkins and ward groups quarrel about? About the essentials of government in any era or any country.

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Allocation of the privileges to be derived from government and of the burdens to pay for these privileges.

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The essence of government is an exploitative rob-peter-to-pay poll process,

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and the jockeying of factions is to become as much of the poll and as little of the peter as possible.

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The perquisites of government in the Rhode Island of that day were largely public funds

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for bridges, lighthouses, schools and public works, letters of marque to allow ships to

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be privateers upon the enemy during wartime, grants of monopolies to businesses, and grants

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of permission to businesses to build dams or to towns to hold lotteries.

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Particularly important was the allocation of the tax burden. When the Hopkins faction

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came to power, the colonies' taxes fell more heavily upon the southern towns and more lightly

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on the northern. And the reverse was true when the ward group was in the saddle. A general

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atmosphere of local rebellion against taxation then began to permeate the colony. The northern

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Southern towns began to refuse tax payments during a warred regime, and the southern towns

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became delinquent during a Hopkins period. Each set of towns could wait for an ex post

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facto vindication when political fortunes would change. Seeing this, the towns of the

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factions in power began to take advantage of the situation and quietly cease to pay.

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As a result, tax refusal and tax delinquency permeated Rhode Island.

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Here was a particularly strong reason for Rhode Island's bitter resistance to the prospect

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of parliamentary taxation.

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The Rhode Islanders were paying very little colonial taxes at all, and neither the Ward

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nor the Hopkins faction had any wish to disturb this idol by becoming subject to levies from

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in England.
