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NOTE 68. Conservative Counter-Revolution: Massachusetts and Pennsylvania

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Volume 4, Chapter 68, Conservative Counter-Revolution, Massachusetts and Pennsylvania in 1780

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Ironically, just as the great havoc wreaked by the flood of paper money was fading away, with the money collapsing and passing out of circulation,

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In this generation, the conservatives, especially those of New York and Pennsylvania, were preparing to use the paper emergency to put through a veritable counterrevolution in the American economy and society.

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These men had long yearned for the reestablishment, in America, of the British system without Great Britain, a strong centralized government dictating to the people of the various states, centralizing and controlling the vital money power through a central system of taxation.

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Now that the financial oligarchy had unto itself so much of the federal public debt,

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it was newly inspired to found a strong central government so that its greatly depreciated

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securities might be redeemed in full and so that they could establish a new form of paper

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inflation which they could control.

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Instead of continental paper, which after its emission traveled haphazardly into the

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The way was paved for the triumph of conservatism in the latter years of the war, but in the

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by changes in two pivotal states, Massachusetts and Pennsylvania.

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In Massachusetts, the people in a referendum had overwhelmingly rejected the conservative

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constitution of 1778.

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Bowing to the inevitable, the conservatives realized that they would have to accede to

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the long-standing radical demand for a constitutional convention for the state separate from the

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and the existing legislature, the General Court.

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The towns, for example, had urged a separate convention by a majority greater than two

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to one.

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In June 1779, therefore, the General Court called such a convention for early September,

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with voting for delegates by universal manhood suffrage.

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In another concession to radical demands, the various articles of any proposed constitution

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would have to be ratified by two-thirds vote at a popular referendum.

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The Constitution of 1780 was drafted at the convention by three people, the extremely

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wealthy conservative James Bowden and the two Adams cousins with John Adams as the major

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author.

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Like its aborted predecessor, the Constitution was a highly conservative document, a reflection

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of the willingness of Sam Adams to tag along with John, despite the former's radical instincts.

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A high property value qualification for voting, 60 pounds, was imposed for all state elections.

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This was substantially higher than that called for by either the old colonial charter or

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the rejected constitution of 1778.

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Furthermore, the sole qualification for office holders was now to be in real estate, so that money, or other personal property, would not suffice to be eligible for holding office.

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A strong independent executive and upper house were imposed, and the governor could veto a legislative act, which could be overridden only by a two-thirds vote.

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A Bill of Rights was appended to the new Constitution, but it was rather weak.

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Part of this Declaration of Rights authorized the legislature to require the towns to tax

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the public for church support, thus giving a constitutional mandate for a religious,

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that is a congregational, establishment in Massachusetts.

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The military was to be under the complete control of the governor, who could also appoint

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and all Judges. The Governor was to be fully as powerful as in the New York Constitution

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where he had a right of veto. Furthermore, judicial tenure was to be on good behavior

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for all practical purposes for life, thus setting up an unchecked and long-lasting judicial

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oligarchy.

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The heaviest opposition to the Constitution came over the Declaration of Rights and its

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This weakness in ensuring freedom of speech or habeas corpus.

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Many towns opposed the property qualifications as well as the appointive power of the executive

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and the oligarchy of independent judges.

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Also bitterly fought in the press and in the towns was the clause on establishment of religion.

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The conservatives insisted that a government religion was crucial to the government's own

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and Existence, as well as to the existence of religion.

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As one clergyman fulminated, let the restraints of religion once be broken down, as they infallibly

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would be by leaving the subject of public worship to the humor of the multitude, and

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we might well defy all human wisdom and power to support and preserve order in government

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and state.

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One rightist attributed much of the opposition to religious establishment to profane and

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licentious deists and avaricious worldlings. Even so, many towns rebuffed the religious

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establishment clause, including Boston, Bristol, Granville, and eight towns in Berkshire, as

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well as seven in Middlesex County. The towns objecting to the high property qualifications

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were concentrated in the West. They cogently raised the all too familiar issue of taxation

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without representation. Entering the list once more for battle against the restricted

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suffrage of the new Constitution was Joseph Hawley, the only leading Massachusetts radical

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at the outbreak of the revolution to keep firmly to the left path. He pointed out that

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that the suffrage requirement was in direct contradiction to the Constitution's professed

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devotion to the equal natural rights of all, the provision violated the principle of taxation

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only with representation.

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Other demands by opposition towns were for election of local officials, a tight rein

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on the governor, a unicameral legislature, and a loosening of the highly restrictive

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Provisions for Amendment of the Constitution. Even though such articles as the Bill of Rights

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really failed to receive the required two-thirds ratification by the people, the Massachusetts

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Convention fraudulently declared the entire Constitution ratified. On June 16, 1780, the

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precedent of popular ratification was thus continued, but with a heavy admixture of chicanery.

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The first American constitution formed and ratified by democratic processes was therefore

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a highly conservative one, more conservative indeed than the one it replaced.

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In part this reflected and foreshadowed the growing conservative sentiment in America

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beginning in 1780.

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In part two it reflected the absence of radical leadership in Massachusetts to give a statewide

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Lead and Cohesion to the Opposition Towns.

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Sam Adams' complete adherence to the conservative line of John is a case in point.

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Of the eminent leaders in the state, only the Aileen Hawley could give even partial leadership

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to the radical cause.

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Even the town of Pittsfield, the Reverend Thomas Allen and the Berkshire Constitutionalists,

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The theory of their long struggle yielded now and meekly submitted to the new constitution, eliminating their own raison d'etre.

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But old Hawley did his best, as his biographer states, unlike most of his old colleagues, he had not turned away from political liberalism.

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Bitterly critical of the religious establishment and the constitution's requirement that all legislators take a church oath,

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He was not allowed to take a seat in the Massachusetts Senate because he refused to take the oath.

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Hawley decried this as an infringement on free elections and on the rights of the individual.

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The Constitution of 1780 disoriented what remained of the Massachusetts left, and conservatism

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swept into power in the state.

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The opportunistic conservative John Hancock, personally very popular in the state as a

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and the charismatic symbol of the revolution was easily elected governor.

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His efforts to drive Sam Adams from political power culminated in Adams's ouster from the Continental Congress in 1782.

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Conservatives also took control of the pivotal state of Pennsylvania during 1780.

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The high water mark of radical control of Pennsylvania had come on October 4, 1779, when radical hatred of the leading conservative Republicans erupted in mob action.

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For some time before, the radicals had been planning to seize the families of all defecting Tories and to deport them to British-occupied New York City.

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But at a Philadelphia militia meeting on October 4, their goal spontaneously changed to ousting the major conservative leaders from Philadelphia.

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This mob of militia seized three Tories and advanced upon the house of the hated James Wilson.

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Wilson, General Thomas Mifflin, and other Republican leaders gathered there with arms, and a battle ensued at the Wilson home.

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The mob broke in and several persons were killed at this Battle of Fort Wilson, but

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Pennsylvania President Joseph Reed managed to arrive with a silk-stocking troop of lighthorse

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militia and they carried the day.

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As the war dragged on, the radical leadership of Pennsylvania was inevitably saddled with

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all the errors and excesses of the war effort, including the Battle of Fort Wilson, but more

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or particularly the economic chaos caused by inflation and price controls.

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Even so, the upheaval of the October 1780 elections in Pennsylvania came as a sudden surprise.

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Philadelphia in particular turned out its radical constitutionalist representatives

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and swept the conservatives into power by a three-to-one vote.

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With the overthrow within Pennsylvania as their base,

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The conservatives were able to change drastically the ideological complexion of that state's delegation in Congress.

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The stage was set for Robert Morris's accession to almost supreme power in the United States.

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In Virginia, the moderate administration of Governor Thomas Jefferson was discredited by the British invasion and by the defeats in the war.

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These led to his replacement by the ultra-conservative Thomas Nelson, who had opposed independence.

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Thus Virginia, too, was ripe for a swing to conservatism.

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The old Adamsley radical Junto was no more, Richard Henry Lee having abandoned Congress

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during 1781.

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As for the remainder of the South, invaded, war-torn and battered, it was hardly in any

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position to play a leading role in national politics. And in New York, George Clinton's

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centrist administration permitted the conservative oligarchs plenty of room for maneuver, while

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at the same time, its existence frightened the conservatives sufficiently to turn to

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national centralization as a refuge against political insecurity in New York.
