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NOTE 70. Robert Morris and the Public Debt

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Volume 4, Chapter 70, Robert Morris and the Public Debt

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Even more important than Morris's monetary program was his fiscal policy, the key to which was taking the Revolutionary War public debt,

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loan certificates, which had been going the way of the continentals and making it a permanent burden upon the body politic.

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In Morris' phrase, he wanted to bind the national government to powerful private interest, to the interest of moneyed men.

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In 1780, Congress had been forced by its financial difficulties to suspend payment of the interest on its debt, payable on paper money, the loan certificates issued after March 1778.

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1888. Morris frankly told Congress that the securing of adequate revenue to pay the interest

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and eventually the principal of the certificates would cause the highly depreciated market

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value of these securities to rise. This windfall at the taxpayers' expense would, according

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to Morris, cause wealth to flow into those hands which could render it most productive.

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of debt and centralized government were mutually reinforcing.

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On the one hand, public creditors lobbied for a strong central government in order to

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raise the value of their securities.

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On the other, now that the war was about over, only the alleged sanctity of the public debt

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remained as an argument for strong central government by those who wanted such a government

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for many reasons of power and health.

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If the Revolutionary War debt was to be funded, its ultimate redemption secured, there were

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two ways to go about doing it.

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One way was compatible with the decentralized system of the United States, to apportion

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the Congressional debt among the states, and to allow the states to pay their quotas by

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raising their own taxes.

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The other way meant an upheaval of the existing system and the eagerly sought completion of

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The Nationalist Counter-Revolution, Keeping the Debt National and Giving to the Central

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Government the Crucial Power to Tax.

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The Conservatives had been able during the Morris regime to stretch the powers of Congress

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far beyond what had been envisioned by the framers of the Articles, but one crucial power

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of coercive sovereignty the Congress still lacked, the power of taxation.

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As yet it could only requisition, ask the states to supply funds with no power to enforce

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its request.

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To Morris and his cohorts, of course, state apportionment of the public debt was anathema

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even though the debt could still have been paid, for then the seizure of the tax power

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vital to their cherished principles of national aggrandizement would have been lost.

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As of the vital political nature of the public debt, both the states and Congress began a

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seemingly ludicrous race to liquidate, formally assume at a certain specie value a mass of

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undigested paper certificates as their official debt.

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The more public debt the states or Congress could accrue, the stronger each of their claims

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to be the source of taxation and repayment.

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For their part, the states had already been asked by Congress in 1780 before the conservative

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takeover to assume all back pay debts to the Continental soldiers.

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This, most of them did, and they also assumed the burden of army pay for the years 1781

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and 1782.

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In order to make these payments, they issued interest-bearing military certificates, which

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which became the largest item of state debts after the Revolution.

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Robert Morris's zeal to pay government debts stopped short of paying the exploited Continental

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soldiery and his refusal to pay them any salaries in 1781-82 impelled the states to continue

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assuming the burden.

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Morris proved far more interested in paying his administrative personnel in order to build

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The States also assumed the great bulk of Congress's quartermaster and commissary debt.

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In 1780, they began to accept in taxes the very highly depreciated quartermaster and commissary certificates, absorbing about $130 million in the nominal value of the currency in taxes.

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In addition, many of the states began to convert the remainder of these certificates into state debts.

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Generally, the state assumption of federal certificates arose from pressure by the people who demanded that the states accept both federal and state certificates in taxes.

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As a result, many of the states at the end of the war liquidated, formally adjusted to specie value, these federal certificates as part of the state debt and gave the public-state securities in exchange.

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These securities were soon absorbed in state taxes.

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Thus, they not only assumed, but quickly absorbed these Federal debts in taxes,

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and left little or none as a permanent burden on the citizens.

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This process went furthest in the Southern states.

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As a result of the almost complete liquidation of Federal quartermaster and commissary certificates by the Southern states,

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Very few southern citizens came to hold the remaining federal certificates. By the mid-1780s there was over $3.7 million outstanding in federal quartermaster and commissary debt, of which only 7% was held by citizens of the states from Maryland southward. In contrast, the greatest concentration of the debt was in New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania, which held $80 million.

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The result of this process of state assumption was therefore to increase the concentration of Federal debt held in the northern as opposed to the southern states.

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Meanwhile, Morris pushed Congress to assume all possible remaining public debt.

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In February 1782, Congress resolved to liquidate all existing unliquidated Federal debt.

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Federal Debt. Commissioners were appointed to travel around and verify all the extant

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quartermaster and commissary notes, to revalue them at their market value and specie, and

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to exchange them for final settlement certificates amounting to over $3.7 million. The following

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year Morris insisted on assuming all Federal Army debts, which the liberals wanted the

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The states to assume, and 11 million dollars of final settlement certificates were issued

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to the soldiery.

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The southern states, however, had assumed the Continental Army debts within their borders.

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The effect of all this was to raise the federal public debt from 11 million dollars, the specie

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value of the assumed loan certificates in 1780, to over 27 million dollars at the end

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of the War in 1783. Of this total, the citizens of the South held only 16%, even though their

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proportion to the white population was well over twice that amount.

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Robert Morris won his point also. Under the Articles, the procedure agreed upon was that

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authorized federal and state expenses during the war would be lumped together as common

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and Charges, of which each state would pay its proper share according to the value of

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its land.

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In the final settlement, the war expenses of the various states would be reimbursed

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by the other states.

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Thus, states which had made heavy expenditures for the common war effort would be reimbursed

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by those that had made less.

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But Morris firmly established the federal debt, now greatly expanded, as payable by

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Congress alone and not by the separate states. In the various and often fuzzy and confused

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state claims for repayment by the other states for their war expenditures, Morris saw another

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opportunity to aggrandize central government power. During the invasion in the latter years

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of the war, the southern states were forced to incur large military expenditures without

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without observing the formal niceties of Congressional authorization.

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Now the Northern states balked at repaying the Southerners in interstate settlements

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for their wartime burdens.

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With apparent generosity to the hard-pressed Southern states, Morris proposed in 1783 that

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all claims be admitted without cavil, but that the payment be made to them in newly

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issued Federal securities.

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Furthermore, states which had incurred debts during the course of the war, including the

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debts for assuming the quartermaster and commissary warrants, could then eliminate the debt by

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simply paying their creditors in federal securities.

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In short, he was graciously willing to multiply the federal public debt still further, and

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to assume all state debts and expenses incurred during the war.

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His plan was premature at the time, but as the states continued to wrangle over the narrow

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technicalities versus the equity of the southern wartime expenditures, the way remained open

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for the seeming Deus ex machina of a federal assumption of all the war-born debts of the

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states.

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Until his cherished dream of a federal taxing power to pay for the public debt and for other

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If other purposes could be achieved, Morris did the best he could with the extant requisition system to build up a powerful Federal bureaucracy.

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The states had been accustomed to collecting requisitions for Congress in paper money and, in fact, to disbursing the money themselves in Congress's name.

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Congress's loan officers were state appointees and hence the states could control the expenditures as well as the revenues they raised.

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As soon as Morris assumed office, he persuaded Congress to insist that all revenues must be paid either in specie or in Morris notes.

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Even quartermaster and commissary certificates were no longer to be acceptable for the huge requisitions of $8 million in 1781

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in 1781 and 9 million in 1782. Furthermore, he very shrewdly relegated the state-appointed

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loan officers to clerical duties and appointed his own new staff of tax receivers, who took

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charge of all monies paid by the states to Congress. Appointed by and beholden to Morris,

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the tax receivers were usually not residents of the states in which they served, and they

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were also delegated as Morris's agents to lobby in the state legislatures. They were

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designed as the eager core awaiting the hoped-for federal taxing system.

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Of the appointments as tax receiver, the most important was in the spring of 1782, that

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of 27-year-old Alexander Hamilton, who had already made his mark as the outstanding theoretician

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of the American Right.

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During 1781 and the first half of 1782, he had published the Continentalist Essays, which

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called for stronger, central government, especially for congressional powers of taxation.

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Of all the conservative leaders, Hamilton was one of the first to realize fully the

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sharp conflict between their program and the liberal policy of laissez-faire that was growing

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in Adherence at Home and Abroad, putting himself squarely on the side of tradition as against

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speculative ideas, Hamilton wrote that there are some who maintain that trade will regulate

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itself and is not to be benefited by the encouragements or restraints of government.

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Such persons will imagine that there is no need of a common directing power.

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This is one of those wild speculative paradoxes which have grown into credit among us, contrary

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to the uniform practice and sense of the most enlightened nations.

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Hamilton explicitly invoked the tradition of the supreme French mercantilist Colbert,

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and he declared that to preserve the balance of trade in favor of a nation ought to be

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be a leading aim of its policy, even to forcibly preventing individuals from thwarting this

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aim.

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It should be noted that Hamilton considered the adoption of the Articles of the Confederation

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as a happy event, unless the people would be lulled into believing that the powers they

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gave to Congress would be enough.

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After his appointment as tax receiver for New York in July 1782, Hamilton and his father-in-law

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Philip Shuler, the leader of the New York Senate, drove through the legislature a call

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for a national constitutional convention to strengthen the Articles, a call probably drafted

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by Hamilton and approved by Governor Clinton.

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Meanwhile, Morris suggested to the public creditors that they form an organization in

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the states to demand the resumption of interest payments on loan office certificates and to

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The Call for the Establishment of Federal Taxation

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Inspired by Morris, the Philadelphia public creditors met and urged these demands.

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But Morris privately dressed them down for intemperate remarks and for their obviously

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sole concern for their own vested economic interest.

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Instead, he urged a broader alliance with the Quartermaster Commissary and other public

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creditors.

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Hamilton also organized meetings of public creditors to pressure the federal government

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and to enlarge their demands to call for stronger central government overall.

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In September 1782, Hamilton and Shuler organized a meeting of New York public creditors at

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Albany that petitioned the state legislature and Congress and planned a statewide convention

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at Poughkeepsie to be followed by a national public creditor convention at Philadelphia.

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Thus, they aimed at organizing the nation's public creditors as a vital pressure group

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for the nationalist program.

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But Morris and his confreres soon found that pressure by public creditors could be a two-edged

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sword.

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While the creditors preferred the nationalist solution of federal assumption and payment,

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They also preferred state redemption to no payment at all.

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The Pennsylvania meeting of public creditors therefore also petitioned the legislature to

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join the southern states in assuming unliquidated federal obligations.

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The legislature in response protested to Congress at the stoppage of interest payment and then

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warned that it would assume the interest payments due to its own citizens.

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The following year, 1783, Pennsylvania carried out its threat and gave to the public creditors

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resident in the state new certificates of interest receivable in taxes.

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At the same time, Pennsylvania created new taxes payable half in the interest certificates

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and half in specie.

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Thus, Pennsylvania created a new state paper money as well as assuming and funding part

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of the Federal Public Debt. Worse yet for the Nationalist, New Hampshire and New Jersey

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soon followed Pennsylvania's example.
