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NOTE 19. The Curmudgeon

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PART 6. BUSINESS AND TRADE

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CHAPTER 19. THE CURMUGIN

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Imagine, if you will, the problems of the real estate developer who is trying to supplant a city block of crumbling tenements with a modern residential complex, replete with gardens, swimming pools, balconies, and other accoutrements of comfortable living.

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Many problems arise, some by governmental obstacles, zoning laws, licensing requirements, bribes for acceptance of architectural plans.

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Nowadays, these are widespread and stultifying.

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However, in some cases, an even greater problem is posed by the curmudgeon who owns and lives in the most decrepit tenement on the block.

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He is overly fond of his building and refuses to sell at any price.

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The builder offers preposterous sums of money, but the curmudgeon steadfastly refuses.

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The curmudgeon, who may be a little old lady or a bitter old man, has long been active

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defending his homestead against the inroads of highway builders, railroad magnets, mining

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companies or dam and irrigation control projects.

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Indeed, the plots of many western movies are based on this resistance.

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The curmudgeon and his spiritual soulmates served as the inspiration for the enactment

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of eminent domain legislation.

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He has been portrayed as a staunch human barrier to progress, with feet planted firmly at the

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crossroads, and his motto, a strident, defiant, no.

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Prices like this abound and are said to demonstrate the curmudgeon's interference with the progress

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and well-being of the multitude.

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This popular view, however, is mistaken.

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The curmudgeon, who is depicted as standing in the way of progress, actually represents

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one of the greatest hopes that progress ever had, the institution of property rights.

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For the abuse heaped upon him is a disguised attack on the concept of private property itself.

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Now if private property means anything, it means that owners have the right to make decisions

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with regard to the use of their property, as long as this does not interfere with other

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property owners and their rights to the use of their own property.

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In the case of eminent domain, when the state forces the property owner to give up the rights

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The two primary arguments for private property are the moral and the practical.

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According to the moral argument, each man is, first of all, the complete owner of himself

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and of the fruits of his labor.

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The principle behind his ownership of himself and his artifacts is the principle of homestead

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Homesteading, or Natural Governance.

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Each person is the natural owner of himself, because, in the nature of things, his will

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controls his actions.

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According to the principle of homesteading, each man owns his own person, and he therefore

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owns the things which he produces, those parts of nature hitherto unowned, and which, when

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and mixed with his labor are transformed into productive entities.

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The only moral ways for these entities to change ownership are voluntary trade and voluntary

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gift-giving.

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These ways are consistent with the original owner's natural homesteading rights, for they

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are methods by which ownership is given up voluntarily in accordance with the owner's

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will.

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Let us assume that the property owned by the curmudgeon was gained by this process of natural

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homesteading.

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If so, there was an original homesteader, there were voluntary sales of the land or

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the land may have been given in the form of a gift at one time or another.

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The land then passed into the control of the curmudgeon through an unbroken chain of voluntary

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events, all consistent with the principle of homesteading.

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In other words, his land title would be legitimate.

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Any attempt to wrest it from him without his consent thus violates the principle of homesteading

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and hence is immoral.

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It is an act of aggression against an innocent party.

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The question will be raised regarding land which has been stolen.

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In fact, most of the earth's surface meets this criteria.

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In such cases, if there is evidence that, one, the land has been stolen, and, two, another

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individual can be found who is the rightful owner or heir, this person's right of ownership

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must be respected.

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In all other cases, the actual owner must be considered the rightful owner.

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De facto ownership is sufficient when the owner is the original homesteader, or when

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and no other legitimate claimant can be found.

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Many recognize this when the curmudgeon resists the demands on his property by private business.

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It is clear that one private interest does not have the right to intrude upon another

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private interest.

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However, when it is the state, as represented by eminent domain laws, the case seems different.

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For the state, it is assumed, represents all the people, and the curmudgeon purportedly

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is blocking progress.

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Yet in many cases, if not all, government laws of eminent domain are used to further

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private interests.

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Many urban relocation programs, for example, are at the behest of private universities

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and hospitals.

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Much of the condemnation of private property by eminent domain laws is accomplished for

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for the special interests of lobbies and other pressure groups.

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The condemnation of the land on which Lincoln Center for the Performing Arts in New York

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City was built is a case in point.

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This tract of land was condemned to make way for high culture.

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People were forced to sell their land at prices the government was willing to pay.

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Whose culture this center serves is clear to anyone who reads the list of subscribers

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to Lincoln Center.

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It is a who's who of the ruling class.

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In considering the second set of arguments for private property rights, the practical

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arguments, there is one based on the concept of stewardship.

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Under private stewardship, it is claimed, property receives the best possible care.

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Who controls the piece of property is not important.

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What is important is that all property be privately owned, that precise delineations

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between the properties be clearly marked off, and that no forced or involuntary transfers

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of property be allowed.

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If these conditions are met, and a laissez-faire market is maintained, those who mishandle

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their property lose profits they could otherwise earn, and those who nurture their property

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can accumulate funds.

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Thus, those better able to maintain a good stewardship eventually become responsible

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for more and more, since they can afford to buy up extra property with their earnings,

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while the poor stewards will have less and less.

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The general level of stewardship, therefore, will rise, and better care will be taken of

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property in general.

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The stewardship system, by rewarding good stewards and penalizing poor ones, increases

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the average level of stewardship.

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It does so automatically, without political votes, without political purges, and without

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fuss or fanfare.

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What happens when the government steps in and props up, by means of loans and subsidies,

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failing enterprises managed by incompetence?

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The effectiveness of the stewardship system is vitiated, if not destroyed altogether.

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The failing enterprises are protected by government subsidies from the consequences of their mismanagement.

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Such government infringements take many forms.

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The granting of franchises, licenses and other types of monopoly advantages to one select

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individual or group, the granting of tariffs and quotas to protect inefficient domestic

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Caretakers against competition from more efficient foreign stewards, and the awarding of government

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contracts which pervert the original consumption wishes of the public.

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All perform the same function.

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They enable the government to interpose itself between a bad caretaker and a public which

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has chosen not to patronize him.

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What if the government interposes itself in the opposite way?

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Why if it tries to hasten the process by which good stewards acquire more and more property?

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Since the sign of good stewardship in a free market is success, why can't the government

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simply analyze the present distribution of property and wealth, ascertain who the successes

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and the failures are, and then complete the transfer of property from poor to wealthy?

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The answer is that the market system works automatically, making day-to-day adjustments

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in immediate response to the competence of the various stewards.

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Governmental attempts to hasten the process by transferring money and property from the

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poor to the rich can only be done on the basis of the past behavior of the stewards in question.

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But there is no guarantee that the future will resemble the past, that those who were

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successful entrepreneurs in the past will be successful entrepreneurs in the future.

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Similarly, there is no way of knowing who among the present poor have the innate competence

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to eventually succeed in a free market.

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Governmental programs, based as they would have to be on past accomplishments, would

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could be arbitrary and inherently contrived.

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Now the curmudgeon is a prototype of a backward, poor individual who is by all standards a

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bad manager.

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Thus he is a prime candidate for a governmental scheme whose goal is to speed up the market

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process by which good stewards acquire more property and bad stewards lose theirs.

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But this, as we have seen, is a scheme bound to fail.

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The second practical defense of private property may be called the praxeological argument.

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This view focuses on the question of who is to evaluate transactions.

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According to it, the only scientific evaluation that can be made of a voluntary trade is that

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all parties to it gain in the ex ante sense.

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That is, at the time of the trade, both parties value what they will gain more than they value

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what they will give up in exchange.

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The parties would not voluntarily make the trade unless, at that time, each valued what

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is to be received more than what is to be given up.

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Thus, a mistake in a trade will not be made in the ex ante sense.

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However, a mistake can be made in the ex post sense.

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After the trade has been completed, one can change one's evaluation.

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However, in most instances, the trade usually reflects the desires of both parties.

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How is this relevant to the situation of the curmudgeon, who is charged with blocking progress

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and thwarting the natural transfer of property from the less able to the more able?

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According to the praxeologist, the answer to the question, shouldn't he be forced to sell his property to those who can manage it more productively, is a resounding no.

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The only evaluation that can be made from a scientific perspective is of a voluntary trade.

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A voluntary trade is, in the ex ante sense, good.

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If the curmudgeon refuses to trade, no negative evaluation is possible.

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All that can be said is that the curmudgeon values his property at more than the developer

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was willing or able to pay.

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Since no interpersonal comparisons of utility or welfare have scientific foundation, there

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is no unit by which such things can be measured, let alone compared between different people.

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There is no legitimate basis on which to say that the curmudgeon's refusal to sell his

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property is harmful or causes problems.

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True, the curmudgeon's choice serves to obstruct the real estate developer's goal, but then

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the goals of the real estate developer are just as obstructive of the goals of the old

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curmudgeon.

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Clearly, the curmudgeon is under no obligation to frustrate his own desires in order to satisfy

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and others. Yet the curmudgeon is usually the object of unjustified censure and criticism

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as he continues to act with integrity and courage in the face of enormous social pressures.

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This must stop.
