WEBVTT

NOTE 21. The Ghetto Merchant

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Chapter 21 The Ghetto Merchant

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How dare he charge such outrageously high prices for such shoddy merchandise?

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The store is filthy, the service horrible and the guarantee is worthless.

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The installment buying will keep you in debt to them for the rest of your life.

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The customers of these leeches are among the poorest, the most financially naive to be found anywhere.

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The only remedy is to prohibit the high prices, low quality products, the devious installment plans, and the general exploitation of poor people.

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Such is the view of a majority of those who have spoken out on the ghetto merchant problem.

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And indeed it has a certain plausibility.

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After all, ghetto merchants are mainly rich and white, and their customers are mainly poor minority group members.

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Merchandise sold in ghetto shops is often more expensive than that sold in other areas,

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and of inferior quality.

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However, the proposed solution to compel ghetto merchants to follow the practices of non-ghetto

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neighborhoods will not work.

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Rather, such compulsion will hurt the people it is designed to help, the poor.

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It is easy to argue that if you prohibit something that is bad, something good will follow.

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It is simple, but not always true, and it is clearly untrue in the case of the ghetto

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merchant and his business practices.

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This facile argument blithely ignores the causes of the problem, why prices are really

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higher in the ghetto.

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Although at first glance it might appear that prices are higher in luxury neighborhoods

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As in the ghetto, this is due to the fact that stores in the ghettos and the luxury

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neighborhoods do not really sell the same goods.

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The quality of the merchandise sold is lower in the ghetto.

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This holds even in the case of seemingly identical merchandise.

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A bottle of Heinz ketchup, for example, might be priced higher in the luxury neighborhood,

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But the product being sold there is the ketchup, plus the decor of the store, delivery and

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other services, and the convenience of shopping close to home, or at all hours of the day

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and night.

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These amenities are either lacking altogether in the ghetto shop, or are present in a lesser

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form.

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When they are taken into account, it is clear that the ghetto consumer gets less for his

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is money than the consumer in a luxury neighborhood.

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This must be true because the price charged by the ghetto merchant reflects hidden operating

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expenses which the non-ghetto merchant does not have to contend with.

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In the ghetto, there are higher rates of theft and crime of all types.

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There is more damage by fire and greater chance of damage from riots.

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All this increases the insurance premiums that the merchant must pay, and it increases the

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necessary expenditures on burglar alarms, locks and gates, guard dogs, private policemen,

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etc. Given that the costs of doing business are higher in the ghetto, the prices charged

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there must be greater. If they were not, ghetto merchants would earn a smaller profit than

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and those outside the ghetto and they would abandon the area for greener pastures.

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What keeps prices in the ghetto high is not the greed of the ghetto merchant.

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All merchants inside the ghetto and out are greedy.

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What keeps the prices in the ghetto high are the high costs of doing business in these

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areas.

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In fact, there is a constant tendency for profits in different fields of endeavor to

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to become equalized, or to come to equilibrium, given the expected variation in the profit

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risk and other non-pecuniary advantages or disadvantages.

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And the situation of ghetto merchants exemplifies this tendency.

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When profits in area A are higher than those in area B, merchants are drawn from B to A.

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When as a result only a few merchants are left in area B, competition there decreases

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and profits rise.

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And as more and more merchants arrive in area A, competition increases and profits fall.

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Thus, even if at some point ghetto merchants realized greater profits than others, they

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could not continue to earn greater profits for long.

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If there were more profits to be made in the ghetto, merchants would be drawn there, and

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the resulting competition would tend to drive profits down to equilibrium.

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And in response to the lessened competition outside the ghetto, profits there would rise

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to equilibrium.

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The Ghetto Merchant as Benefactor

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The question of non-pecuniary advantages and disadvantages have not yet been dealt with,

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But they exist, and all the non-pecuniary advantages are on the side of the merchant

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located outside the ghetto.

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The ghetto merchant, apart from the risk he faces to life and property, must bear in addition

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the scorn of an outraged public who are angry and resentful at him for, among other things,

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selling shoddy merchandise at high prices.

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Because of the indignities suffered by the ghetto merchant, the equilibrium profit rate

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will be higher in the ghetto than outside.

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In other words, profits will remain stable at a point at which ghetto merchants earn

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a greater profit than other merchants, but not so much greater that it tempts other merchants

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to enter the ghetto.

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The merchants outside the ghetto will not be attracted to the ghetto by this extra profit

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because it will be less than sufficient to compensate them for the extra indignities

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and risks they would suffer as ghetto merchants.

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The merchants who remain in the ghetto are those who are least put off by the indignities

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and risks involved.

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For them, the extra profit is enough compensation.

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In other words, there will be, and always is, a self-selection procedure whereby those

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Those with the greatest tolerance for the risks and indignities of the ghetto will be

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swayed by the extra profit to remain there.

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Those with the least tolerance will not be compensated by the extra profits and will

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head for greener, whiter fields.

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If the tolerance of the ghetto merchants decreases, the equilibrium profit rate will have to rise.

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If it does not rise, those among the ghetto merchants who have the least capacity to bear

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the indignities will leave.

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Competition will decrease, and the remaining merchants will be able to raise their prices

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and, hence, their profits.

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This rising profits will be just enough to compensate the remaining merchants in the

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face of their heightened sensitivities.

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The reason, then, that prices are not higher than they are in the ghetto is that these

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merchants have a great ability to bear the risks, scorn and abuse.

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In the light of this, the ghetto merchant who charges outrageously high prices can be

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considered a benefactor, for it is his ability to withstand the pressures placed upon him

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that keeps prices in the ghetto no higher than they are.

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Except for this ability, prices would be even higher.

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Another startling aspect should be considered.

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The villain, if anyone, is not the ghetto merchant whose tolerance for outrages keeps

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prices down.

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The villain is, rather, those who heap scorn and abuse upon him and revile him for charging

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high prices for shoddy merchandise.

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It is these nattering nabobs of negativism who are instrumental in keeping ghetto prices up.

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It is these grumblers, usually local politicians and community leaders seeking power and a

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political base, who raise the equilibrium profit differential necessary to keep merchants

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in the ghetto.

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If they were to cease their ill-advised condemnations, the non-pecuniary disadvantages of merchandising

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in the ghetto would diminish, along with the equilibrium price differential, and hence,

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ghetto prices.

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Paradoxical, though it may be, those who are most vociferous in their complaints about

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the high prices charged by ghetto merchants are actually responsible for keeping those

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prices higher than they would otherwise be.

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This analysis is not restricted to cases in which the ghetto community is Hispanic or

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black and the merchants are white, for the risks of theft, fire and damage by vandalism

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and riots would cause a black or Puerto Rican merchant to charge higher prices too, and

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the resulting abuse to which he would be subject would drive the prices even higher.

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If anything, the minority member merchant would have a more painful criticism to bear, the

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charge that he is a traitor to his ethnic group.

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The analysis then will become even more applicable when and if blacks and Puerto Ricans begin

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to replace whites as ghetto merchants.

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Restrictions can only be harmful.

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The effect of a law prohibiting the ghetto merchant from charging higher prices than

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those charged elsewhere can now be appreciated.

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It would simply drive merchants out of the ghetto.

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Higher costs of doing business with no opportunity to recoup them through higher prices means

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lower profits.

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No merchant would voluntarily remain in such a business situation.

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In fact, merchants will not remain in ghettos unless they can earn a higher profit than

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can be earned elsewhere to compensate them for the non-pecuniary disadvantages.

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If the prohibition was strictly enforced, virtually all the merchants would leave the

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ghetto and seek their fortunes elsewhere, with a minute fraction remaining.

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Customers would then be forced to queue up at whatever shops were available, thereby

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by reducing costs and increasing revenues to the point at which the merchants might be

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compensated for the higher costs of operating in the ghetto.

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But this would mean that residents of the ghetto would have to wait in line for long

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periods of time in order to make a purchase.

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And it is more than likely that customers would heap even greater abuse upon ghetto

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merchants for the even poorer service they would be receiving.

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Such crowds might even prove uncontrollable.

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In such a situation, the few remaining merchants would be forced to shut down.

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The citizens of the ghetto, the community leaders, pundits and commentators, would then

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blame the ghetto merchants for leaving the community.

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The departure of the ghetto merchants would cause pain and suffering on a truly monumental

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scale.

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Ghetto residents would be compelled to travel great distances to make purchases which were

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formerly made in their neighborhoods.

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They would pay slightly lower prices for goods of slightly higher quality, but these gains

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would be more than counteracted by the increased car fare and time lost in transit.

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We know this because these options are always open to ghetto inhabitants.

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Since local people patronize neighborhood stores presently, they must feel they do better

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closer to home.

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The ghetto dwellers could not even make deals with one another by which some would do the

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shopping for the rest.

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This would implicitly convert some of them to ghetto merchants, and the same choice would

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be open to these new ghetto merchants as were available to the old ones.

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There is no reason to suppose that they would be oblivious to the financial incentives which

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would sweep the old ones out of the ghetto.

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The only reasonable way for ghetto dwellers to handle this unruly situation would be to

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form a shopping collective, with members helping one another in the arduous task of shopping.

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But to do this would be to revert to a way of life in which food gathering becomes a

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very time-consuming activity.

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Instead of developing skills as producers and pulling themselves out of poverty, ghetto

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dwellers would be reduced to working on collectivist schemes made necessary by the disappearance

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of the ghetto merchants.

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The proof that this is an inefficient alternative is that it is not presently used in the face

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of competition from the ghetto merchant.

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If this came to pass, the progressive forces of city planning would undoubtedly come forth

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Both with an alternative solution of letting the government take over by nationalizing

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the ghetto merchant business.

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The logic here defies analysis.

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For since it is clear that government intervention would create the chaos by prohibiting price

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differentials in the ghetto in the first place, how can the solution lie in still more government

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intervention?

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The first problem with the suggested solution is that it is immoral.

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It involves forcing everyone to pay for a nationalized food industry whether or not

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they wish to.

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It also curtails the freedom of citizens by prohibiting them from entering this industry.

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The second problem is pragmatic.

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Based on the evidence available, such a solution would be unworkable.

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Up to the present time, all government involvement in the economy has been marked by inefficiency,

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venality and corruption, and the evidence suggests that this is not merely accidental.

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The inefficiency is easy to explain and rather widely understood.

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A government enterprise can be expected to be inefficient because it is immune to the

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selective process of the marketplace.

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In the market, the entrepreneurs who are most able to satisfy consumer desires reap the

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greatest profits.

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Obversely, the entrepreneurs who are least efficient, who provide the fewest satisfactions

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to consumers, suffer losses.

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They tend, therefore, to drop out of the market and make it possible for those most adept

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at consumer satisfaction to grow and expand.

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This continual process of the selection of the fittest ensures the efficiency of entrepreneurs.

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Since the government is immune to it, it fails to regulate governmental economic activity.

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The venality and corruption of the government is, if anything, even easier to see.

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What is difficult, however, is to realize that corruption is a necessary part of governmental

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operation of business.

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This is more difficult to comprehend because of our basic assumption about the motivations

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of those who enter government.

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We readily concede that people enter business in order to gain money, prestige or power.

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These are basic human drives.

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But when it comes to government, we lose contact with this basic insight.

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We feel that those who enter government service are above the fray, they are neutral and objective.

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We may acknowledge that some government officials are venal, corrupt and profit-seeking, but

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these are considered exceptions to the rule.

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The basic motive of those in government is, we insist, selfless service to others.

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It is time to challenge this erroneous concept.

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Individuals who enter government are no different from any other group.

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They are heir to all the temptations that flesh is heir to.

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We know we can assume self-seeking on the part of businessmen, unionists and others.

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It can be assumed just as clearly to be operative in government officials.

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Not in some of them, but in all of them.

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It is hardly necessary to point out the significance of all the government failures in the food

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area.

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Agricultural subsidies, tariffs, minimum prices, maximum prices and the don't grow on this

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and Land Policies.

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Clearly, these programs are not merely inefficient attempts to provide for the public wheel,

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although they are that.

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But the giveaways to big business farmers and the payments for not growing food

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are also thinly disguised attempts on the part of government bureaucrats to bilk the public.

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If the government became the merchant of the ghetto,

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The situation would be far worse than that under private ghetto merchants.

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Both groups are seeking profits.

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The only difference is that one has the power to compel us to obey, the other does not.

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The government can compel our patronage.

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Private merchants can only compete for it.
