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NOTE 25. The Profiteer

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Chapter 25 The Profiteer

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It is clear that profits and everything associated with them have been under attack for a long time.

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What is not so clear is the reason for these attacks.

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Several different patterns can be discerned.

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The objection most often made is that profits, unlike other sources of income such as wages, rents or even interest,

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payment for weighting risk are unearned.

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There is no honest labor or effort associated with profit-making to justify the benefits.

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Most people do not understand the process by which profits are attained

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and assume that there is something untoward going on.

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It isn't fair to make profits without having to work for them.

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Another objection often voiced against prophets and especially against profiteering, unreasonable

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prophets, is that such prophets impoverish the rest of mankind.

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The notion is that there is only a finite amount of wealth available, and if the profiteers

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get more of it, there is less for everyone else.

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Thus, not only are prophets undeserved because they are unearned, but they actually harm

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from People by diverting funds from the rest of society.

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It also appears to many that profits are earned by taking advantage of the helplessness of

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others.

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This view constitutes a third type of objection, and is reflected in the scornful popular expression

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that profiteers earn their income from the misery of others.

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When the helplessness consists of a lack of knowledge, the critics of profits are especially

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is particularly vociferous in their condemnation. For example, the case where a profit is earned solely because the customer is unaware that the same commodity is being sold close by at a lower price is particularly vexing. When the customer is poor, the profiteer is even more condemned.

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The usual defenses of the idea and practice of earning a profit leave a great deal to be desired.

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They have in the past been limited to pointing out, one, profits are patriotic,

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and that to attack them is un-American, or perhaps communistic.

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Two, they are not very big anyway.

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And three, they are used in many cases for charitable contributions.

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Needless to say, these are not very formidable defenses.

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Consideration must be given to the function of profits in a modern economy and an effort

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made to provide a somewhat more spirited defense for the ancient and honorable vocation of

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profiteering.

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First, profits are earned by entrepreneurs who see and seize upon opportunities which

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are not readily apparent to other people.

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The opportunity grasped by the entrepreneur may vary from case to case, but in all cases

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people are offered trades which they hold to be in their advantage, and which would

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not be offered in the absence of the entrepreneur.

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In the most usual case, the entrepreneur sees a discrepancy between different prices, strawberries

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is selling at 25 cents per jar in New Jersey and 45 cents in New York.

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As long as the costs associated with the transport of strawberries—transportation, insurance,

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storage, breakage, spoilage, etc.—are less than the price differential of 20 cents per

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jar, the enterprising entrepreneur is in a position to offer two sets of trades.

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He can offer to buy strawberries in New Jersey at a price slightly higher than the prevailing

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25 cents per jar, and then offer to sell strawberries to New Yorkers at a price below the 45 cents

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per jar that prevails in that market.

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In both cases, if he finds any takers, he will benefit those he deals with, either by

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by offering a higher price for their goods than they have been accustomed to receiving,

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or by offering to sell them goods at a lower price than they are accustomed to paying.

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In addition to the intratemporal price discrepancy case, there is the intertemporal case, where

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a price discrepancy between present goods and future goods is perceived.

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Take frisbees as an example.

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Consider all the factors of production, land, labor and capital, which are embodied in the

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final good of the frisbees offered for sale.

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The factors of production are goods of a sort themselves, and therefore have prices attached

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to them.

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After taking due account of the time it will take to convert these factors into the final

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good, three possibilities emerge.

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1. There is no price discrepancy between the prices of the factors and the price of the

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future good. 2. There is a discrepancy and the factor prices are high relative to the

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price of the good. And 3. There is a discrepancy and the price of the final good is high relative

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to the prices of the factors. If there is no price discrepancy, the successful

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A valuable entrepreneur will not act. But if the factor prices are relatively high, the entrepreneur will withdraw from production.

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It would be wasteful to devote relatively valuable resources on a final good that will be relatively valueless.

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He might sell his shares in the companies which engage in such production.

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Or, if he does not hold shares, he can contract to sell them in the future at their present

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high price, which does not yet reflect the production error of manufacturing frisbees

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with resources that are more valuable than the frisbees themselves will be.

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He can cover these sales by purchases of the same amount of shares in the future, when

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he expects their value to be lower because of the production error.

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There are many people who are mystified by this process, often called selling short.

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They wonder how it is possible to sell something that you do not own, in the future, but at

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today's prices.

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Strictly speaking, one cannot sell anything that one does not own, but it is certainly

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possible to promise to sell something in the future that one does not yet own, on the understanding

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If, on the other hand, the entrepreneur thinks that the price of the final good is like a

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The third type of hidden opportunity which the entrepreneur can seize upon does not involve any price discrepancies, either inter or intra-temporal.

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This type of opportunity involves goods that have not yet been produced and therefore have no prices at all.

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Consider in this regard the frisbee before it was produced or invented.

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There was no guarantee at that time that the public would accept it.

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In cases of this kind, the entrepreneur feels, thinks or devines that there is something,

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The lack of which may not even be apparent to anyone else, that consumers would greatly

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value if they could but be told of its existence and convinced of its beneficial attributes.

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In this case, the entrepreneur plays nursemaid to the idea through the processes of invention,

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financing, advertising and all other steps necessary to bring an idea to public acceptance.

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After having considered some of the types of activities profit-making entrepreneurs

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are likely to engage in, the results of profit-seeking can be assessed.

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One result is immediately apparent, the collection and dissemination of knowledge.

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The knowledge of hitherto unproduced products is an obvious and dramatic example, but as

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As we have seen, the knowledge engendered by profit-seeking behavior is by no means

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limited to such exotic occurrences.

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On a daily basis, the profit-seeker is constantly bringing to the market knowledge about price

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differentials, both inter- and intra-temporal.

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This knowledge is of great benefit to all concerned.

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Without it, people in New Jersey would be eating strawberries which they would much

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The New Jerseyans only eat the berries because of their lack of knowledge of people who value

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them more than they themselves.

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In addition, without this knowledge, there would be people in New York not eating strawberries

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because they assume that the only way to get them is to pay 45 cents a jar, when in truth

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they could be had for less.

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Of course, the profit seeker does not bring this knowledge to bear as a teacher might.

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He is not one who goes about the countryside explicitly imparting information.

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As a matter of fact, after his work is done, none of the people in New Jersey and New York

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may even be aware of the relative prices of strawberries in those markets.

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What the prophet-seeker does is make sure that the effects of knowledge of prices in

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the different areas are felt.

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The prophet-seeker does not directly spread the knowledge himself.

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He merely spreads the strawberries, which in the absence of knowledge of their prices

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would not have been so allocated.

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It is perfectly true, then, that the prophet-seeker takes advantage of the ignorance of other

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people.

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If the relevant knowledge were present, the entrepreneur could hardly earn profits by

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shipping strawberries from New Jersey to New York.

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Although true, however, it is hardly reprehensible.

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Anyone whose function it is to sell a commodity must sell it to those who lack it.

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The fact that the lack is determined by ignorance does not make the lack or the need any less

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real.

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The profit-seeker takes advantage of the lack of knowledge of his customers in the same

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way that the farmer takes advantage of the hunger of his customer, by providing that

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which his customer lacks.

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The profits of the entrepreneur, therefore, are not made at the expense of anyone else.

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It is not true that there must be losses elsewhere in the economy equal to the gains of the entrepreneur,

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It is not true that the entrepreneur fails to create anything.

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The entrepreneur does create.

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He creates the possibility of cooperation between disparate and, in many cases, widely

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separated groups.

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He is a broker or intermediary in opportunities, as it were.

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It is his function to see to it that mutually beneficial opportunities are not bypassed.

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Why this type of effort should be singled out and denigrated as not honest work is beyond

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the scope of reason.

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In addition to serving as a focal point for the utilization of knowledge, the profit-seeking

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entrepreneur benefits people by offering them choices otherwise not open to them.

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The case in which the entrepreneur presents the public with an entirely new product is

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again an obvious example.

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But the principle has applications even in the more mundane case of intertemporal price

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discrepancies.

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For society benefits when valuable resources are not committed to final products which

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are less valuable than the resources themselves.

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Such resources can be used in the production of more valuable final products, that is to

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It should be borne in mind that all entrepreneurial transactions are strictly voluntary. The people

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with whom the entrepreneur deals are just as free to reject as to accept his offers.

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If they accept, therefore, it can only be because they feel that they benefit from trading

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be made on behalf of government transactions, because they cannot be said to be fully voluntary.

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Another result of the profit-making process is that after it is undergone in any given market,

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there is less scope for its continuation. Its success sows the seeds for its demise.

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Once the opportunity has been pointed out and fulfilled by the entrepreneur,

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However, his function is completed. Like the lone ranger of a bygone era, the lone entrepreneur

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must move on to make other pastures greener. However, if imbalances in prices should arise

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shortly thereafter, the profit-seeker will return. The incentive behind the entrepreneur's

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attempt to hold together the disparate parts of the economy is, of course, the profits

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he hopes to gain thereby.

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This is an excellent example of the beneficial effects of a profit and loss system.

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For the successful entrepreneur, the one who earns profits, holds the economy together

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by decreasing price discrepancies.

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But the entrepreneur who buys when he should sell, or sells when he should buy, who instead

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of Decreasing Price Discrepancies and Holding the Economy Together, Increases Them and Disrupts

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the Economy, Loses Money.

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The more mistakes he makes, the less able he is to continue in his error.

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We cannot hope to completely rid the economy of errors, but a mechanism that automatically

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tends to improve the performance of the entrepreneurial class at every given instant is not to be

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be dismissed lightly.

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Although a case has been made for the beneficial effects of profits, profiteering has not

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been mentioned.

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It is important to do so, for there are many who would contend in the spirit of the Aristotelian

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golden mean that profits in moderation are acceptable, perhaps even beneficial, but that

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the extremism of profiteering can only be deleterious.

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The word profiteering has always been used in a smear context.

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Profits plus I hate the son of a bitch equals profiteering, in the same way that firmness

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plus I think he is wrong equals stubbornness.

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Bertrand Russell has said, to illustrate this point, I'm firm, you're stubborn and he's

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a pig-headed son of a bitch.

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We do not have an equivalent term of opprobrium for the wage earner, wageer, who seeks exorbitant

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or unconscionable wage rates, perhaps because public opinion, the mass media establishment,

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favors high wages, but not high profits.

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Semantics aside, it would appear that if profits are a benefit to our society, then profiteering

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is of even greater benefit.

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The possibility of profits, as has been demonstrated, is a sign that something is amiss in the economy,

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indicating that people are not taking advantage of mutually beneficial trades.

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The actualization of profits indicates that something is being done about these missed

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opportunities.

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Entrepreneurs are seeing to it that the strawberries get properly spread around.

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But if the possibility of profits indicates something amiss, then the possibility of profiteering

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signifies even greater gaps in the economic fabric.

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And if mere profits indicate an economic cure in progress, then profiteering is a sign that

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something of a substantial magnitude is operating to rectify the situation.

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of Moderate Profits being acceptable and profiteering being exploitative, we can see that the greater

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the profits and the greater the profiteering, the better off the economy is.

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A medical analogy comes to mind.

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If band-aids are good because the body can be cared for by them, then surgery, profiteering

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is better because it shows that a much more needy patient is being cared for.

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The most important defense of profit-making is based on political freedom.

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There are basically only two ways to run an economy.

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The first, voluntaristically, with decentralism and reliance on the price and profit and loss

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system to provide information and incentive.

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The second, compulsorily, with central planning, economic orders and directives, reliance on

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the initiative of the economic dictators and the obedience of everyone else.

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These two systems are the two polar extremes.

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All other economic systems are permutations and combinations of these two pure types.

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The compulsory or command economy is simplicity itself in outlook.

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The economic leaders simply decide what is to be produced, who is to produce it and how,

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and who is to reap the benefits of such production.

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By contrast, the voluntary or free market economy is quite complex.

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The individual must decide what to produce and how to produce it.

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The incentive is his own enjoyment of the product and what he may get for it by trading

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it with other people.

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Instead of being coordinated by economic directives, the free market economy, as we have seen,

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is coordinated by the profit and loss mechanism.

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Now consider this paradox.

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Those who are frequently the most virulent critics of profiteers, and by extension of

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the whole free market system, are frequently also vociferous champions of decentralism

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and the Rights of the Individual in Personal Matters.

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Yet insofar as they attack profits and profiteering, they are attacking not only the right of individuals

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to function freely in the economic domain, but the very foundation for freedom in every

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other area of human life.

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In their attacks on profits and profiteering, indeed, on all things profitable, they show

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show themselves to be in league with despots and dictators.

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If they were to have their way, and profits were severely restricted or outlawed entirely,

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coercive collectivism would be to that degree strengthened.

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Personal liberties would be washed away in a tide of orders from the top.

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The individual cannot be free if his economic existence is based on the decree of an economic

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Dictator, from whose dictates there is no appeal. In a free market, if you quit your job, an

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employee leaves your service, a customer refuses to buy from you, or a supplier refuses to

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sell to you, there are other actual or potential bosses, employees, customers or suppliers.

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But in a controlled economy there are no other alternatives.

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Deviations, eccentricities or non-orthodox inclinations are not tolerated.

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The champions of civil liberties have a uniquely brilliant insight and a truly humane dictum

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which they apply assiduously in the area of sexual morality.

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Nothing goes between consenting adults, and, implicitly, nothing goes but that which is

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between consenting adults.

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But they steadfastly refuse to apply this rule to any area other than that of sexual

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morality.

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Specifically, they refuse to apply it to the economic arena.

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But this humane dictum should be applied to all parts of human life, including the profiteer

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as well as the sexual pervert or deviant, to the entrepreneur as well as the fetishist,

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to the speculator as well as the sadomasochist.

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To argue that perverts, deviants and others of this ilk have been unjustly denigrated

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is one of the main burdens of this book.

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We cannot, therefore, be accused of having played fast and loose with the deviant community.

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But it is just as unfair to treat members of the profiteering community as pariahs.

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One last criticism of profiteering and the free market is the view that in the distant

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past, when there was an agrarian economy and life was simpler, perhaps a free enterprise

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system was viable.

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Today, what might have been appropriate for farmers and small tradesmen simply will not

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do.

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In our complex industrial society we cannot afford to leave things to the anachronistic

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whims of individuals.

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We need the strong central control of an economic planning board and the elimination of profits

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and profiteering from our transactions.

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This view is widespread.

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In some circles it is thought to be self-evident.

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But the analysis of profits as intimately tied up with a lack of knowledge must lead

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to the opposite view.

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The institution of profits is an invaluable aid in the gathering and dissemination of

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knowledge and the effects of knowledge.

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If anything can be taken as a mark of a highly complex, modern, non-agrarian economy, it

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is this self-same lack of economic knowledge and the utilization of it.

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It would therefore seem to follow that the profit system becomes more valuable as the

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economy becomes more complex.

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For in such an economy the information provided by the automatic price and profit and loss

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system is essential.

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Dictatorship, if it is ever viable, which it is not, is so only in a simple economy,

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one which can be easily managed by one group of bureaucrats.

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In conclusion, a sharp, rigid and basic distinction must be drawn between the profits that can

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be earned in the marketplace, and the profits that can be earned through government subsidies

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Profits and Influence, in short, through the system of corporate state capitalism.

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In the market place, all transfers of funds must be voluntary, therefore all profits must

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be based on the voluntary choices of the economic actors, and must hence be indicative of, and

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bring about solutions for, the wants of the economy.

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Thus, the assertion that the possibility of profits shows the scope of unrequited trades,

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and that the actual earning of profits indicates that these gaps are being filled, applies

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only to the free market economy.

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These assertions cannot be made in the absence of the free market.

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Profits in the mixed economy, an economy that has elements of the free market as well as

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The elements of coercion might well be due to no more than the prohibition of competition.

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For example, a tariff on imports will increase the demand for the domestic product, and profits

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in the domestic industry will rise.

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But it can hardly be concluded from this that any new information was uncovered, or that

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consumer satisfaction was in any way increased.

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If anything, the opposite would be the case. The tie between profits and well-being is

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thus sundered, and we can no longer infer the latter from the former.
