WEBVTT

NOTE 29. The Fat Capitalist-Pig Employer

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PART VIII. LABOR.

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Chapter 29. The Fat Capitalist Pig Employer.

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If not for the minimum wage law and other progressive legislation, the employers, the fat capitalist pig exploiting employers, to be precise, would lower wages to whatever level they wanted.

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At best, we would be pushed back to the days of the sweatshop.

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At worst, to the days of the Industrial Revolution and before, when mankind waged an often losing battle with starvation.

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So goes the conventional wisdom on the merits of minimum wage legislation.

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It will be shown, however, that this conventional wisdom is wrong, tragically wrong.

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It assumes a villain where none exists.

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What does the law actually accomplish, and what are its consequences?

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The minimum wage law is, on the face of it, not an employment law, but an unemployment

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law.

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It does not force an employer to hire an employee at the minimum wage level, or at any other

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level.

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It compels the employer not to hire the employee at certain wage levels, namely those below

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The Theory of Money and Credit

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How would wages be determined in the absence of minimum wage legislation?

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If the labor market consists of many suppliers of labor, employees, and many demanders of

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labor, employers, then the wage rate will tend to be set in accordance with what the

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economist calls the marginal productivity of labor.

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The marginal productivity of labor is the extra amount of receipts an employer would

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have if he employs a given worker.

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In other words, if by adding a given worker to the payroll, the employer's total receipts

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rise by $60 per week, then the marginal productivity of that worker is $60 per week.

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The wage rate paid to the worker tends to equal the worker's marginal productivity.

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Why is this so, in view of the fact that the employer would prefer to pay the worker virtually

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nothing, no matter what his productivity?

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The answer is competition between employers.

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For example, assume the worker's marginal productivity is equal to $1 per hour.

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If he were hired at $0.05 per hour, the employer would make $0.95 per hour profit.

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Other employers would bid for that worker.

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Even if they paid him $0.06, $0.07 or $0.10 an hour, their profit would still make the

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bidding worthwhile.

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The bidding would end at the wage level of $1 per hour.

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For only when the wages paid equal the worker's marginal productivity will the incentive to

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to Bid for the Worker, Stop.

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But suppose the employers mutually agree not to hire workers at more than 5 cents per hour.

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This occurred in the Middle Ages, when cartels of employers got together with the aid of

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the state to pass laws which prohibited wage levels above a certain maximum.

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Such agreements can only succeed with state aid, and there are good reasons why this is

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So, in the non-cartel situation, the employer hires a certain number of workers, the number

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which he believes will yield the maximum profit.

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If an employer hires only ten workers, it is because he thinks the productivity of the

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tenth will be greater than the wage he must pay, and that the productivity of an eleventh

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would be less than this amount.

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If then a cartel succeeds in lowering the wage of workers with a marginal productivity

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of one dollar to five cents per hour, each employer will want to hire many more workers.

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This is known as the law of downward sloping demand.

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The lower the price, the more buyers will want to purchase.

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The worker whose productivity was, in the eyes of the employer, just below one dollar,

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and therefore not worth hiring at a dollar per hour will be eagerly sought at five cents

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per hour.

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This leads to the first flaw in the cartel.

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Each employer who is a party to the cartel has a great financial incentive to cheat.

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Each employer will try to bid workers away from the others.

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The only way he can do this is by offering higher wages.

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How much higher?

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All the way up to one dollar, as we have seen before, and for the same reason.

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The second flaw is that non-members of the cartel arrangement would want to hire these

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workers at five cents per hour, even assuming no cheating by members.

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This also tends to drive up the wage from five cents to one dollar per hour.

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Others, such as would-be employers in non-cartel geographical areas, self-employed artisans who could not before afford employees,

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and employers who had previously hired only part-time workers, would all contribute to an upward trend in the wage level.

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Even if the workers themselves are ignorant of wage levels paid elsewhere,

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are located in isolated areas where there is no alternative employment.

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These forces will apply.

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It is not necessary that both parties to a trade have knowledge of all relevant conditions.

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It has been said that unless both parties are equally well informed, imperfect competition

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results and economic laws somehow do not apply.

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But this is mistaken.

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Employers usually have little overall knowledge of the labor market, but employers are supposedly

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much better informed.

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And this is all that is necessary.

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While the worker may not be well informed about alternative job opportunities, he knows

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well enough to take the highest paying job.

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All that is necessary is that the employer present himself to the employee who is earning

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and this is exactly what naturally happens.

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The self-interest of employers leads them as if by an invisible hand to ferret out low-wage

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workers, offer them higher wages and spirit them away.

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The whole process tends to raise wages to the level of marginal productivity.

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This applies not only to urban workers but to workers in isolated areas who are ignorant

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of alternative job opportunities and would not have the money to get there even if aware

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of them.

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It is true that the differential between the wage level and the productivity of the unsophisticated

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worker will have to be great enough to compensate the employer for the costs of coming to the

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The Mexican wetbacks are a case in point.

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Few groups have less knowledge of the labor market in the United States and less money

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for traveling to more lucrative jobs.

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Not only do employers from Southern California travel hundreds of miles to find them, but

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they also furnish trucks or travel money to transport them northward.

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In fact, employers from as far away as Wisconsin travel to Mexico for cheap labor, workers

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receiving less than their marginal product.

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This is eloquent testimony to the workings of an obscure economic law they have never

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heard of.

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There are complaints about the poor working conditions of these migrant workers, but these

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complaints are mainly from either well-intentioned people who are unaware of the economic realities,

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or from those not in sympathy with these hapless workers receiving full value for their labors.

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The Mexican workers themselves view the package of wages and working conditions as favorable

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compared to alternatives at home.

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This is seen in their willingness year after year to come to the United States during the

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harvesting season.

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It is not the minimum wage law, therefore, that stands between Western civilization and

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a return to the Stone Age.

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There are market forces and profit-maximizing behavior on the part of entrepreneurs which

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ensure that wages do not fall below the level of productivity.

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The level of productivity is itself determined by technology, education and the amount of

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capital equipment in a society, not by the amount of socially progressive legislation

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enacted.

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Minimum wage legislation does not do what its press claims.

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What does it do?

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What are its actual effects?

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That will be the reaction of the typical worker to a legislated increase in wages from $1

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to $2.

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If he is already fully employed, he may want to work more hours.

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If he is partially employed or unemployed, it is virtually certain that he will want

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to work more.

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The typical employer, on the other hand, will react in the opposite way.

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He will want to fire virtually all of the workers he is forced to give raises to.

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Otherwise he would have granted raises before he was compelled to.

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Now he has to keep production up so he might not be able to adjust this situation immediately.

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But as time passes he will replace his unexpectedly expensive unskilled workers with fewer but

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more skilled workers, and with more sophisticated machinery, so that his total productivity

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remains constant.

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Students of an introductory economics course learn that when a price level above equilibrium

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is set, the result is a surplus.

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In the example, when a minimum wage level above $1 per hour is set, the result is a

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The Surplus of Labor, otherwise called Unemployment. Iconoclastic as it may sound, it is therefore

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true that the minimum wage law causes unemployment. At the higher wage level it creates more people

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willing to work and fewer jobs available. The only debatable question is, how much unemployment

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What does the minimum wage law create? This depends on how quickly the unskilled workers

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are replaced by equivalently productive skilled workers in conjunction with machines.

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In our own recent history, for example, when the minimum wage law increased from 40 cents

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to 75 cents per hour, elevator operators began to be replaced. It has taken some time, but

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But most elevators are now automatic.

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The same thing happened to unskilled dishwashers.

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They have been and are still being replaced by automatic dishwashing machinery, operated

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and repaired by semi-skilled and skilled workers.

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The process continues.

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As the minimum wage law is applied to greater and greater segments of the unskilled population

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and, as its level rises, more and more unskilled people will become unemployed.

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Finally, it is important to note that a minimum wage law only directly affects those earning

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less than the minimum wage level.

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A law requiring that everyone be paid at least $2 per hour has no effect on an individual

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earning $10 per hour.

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But before assuming that the minimum wage law simply results in pay raises for low-wage earners,

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consider what would happen if a $100 per hour minimum wage law went into effect.

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How many of us have such great productivity that an employer would be willing to pay $100

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for an hour of our services?

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Only those thought to be worth that much money would retain their jobs.

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The example is extreme, of course, but the principle which would operate if such a law were passed does operate now.

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When wages are raised by law, the workers with low productivity are discharged.

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Who is hurt by the minimum wage law?

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The unskilled, whose productivity level is below the wage level legislated.

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The unemployment rate of black male teenagers is usually underestimated at 50%,

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three times the unemployment level of the 1933 depression.

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And this percentage does not even begin to take into account the great numbers

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who have given up searching for a job in the face of this unemployment rate.

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The lost income that this represents is only the tip of the iceberg.

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More important is the on-the-job training these young men could be receiving.

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Were they working at $1 per hour, or even less, instead of being unemployed at $2 per hour,

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they would be learning skills that would enable them to raise their productivity and wage rates above $2 in the future.

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Instead, they are condemned to street corners, idleness,

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Learning only those skills which will earn them jail sentences at some early future time.

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One of the greatest hurdles facing a black teenager is looking for his first job.

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Every employer demands work experience, but how can the young black get it if no one will hire him?

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This is not because of some employer conspiracy to denigrate minority teenagers.

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It is because of the minimum wage law.

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If an employer is forced to pay for an experienced level worker, is it any wonder that he demands this kind of labor?

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A paradox is that many black teenagers are worth more than the minimum wage, but are unemployed because of it.

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In order to be employed with a $2 an hour minimum wage law, it is not enough just to be worth $2.

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You have to be thought to be worth two dollars per hour by an employer who stands to lose

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money if he guesses wrong, and may go broke if he guesses wrong too often.

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With a minimum wage law, an employer cannot afford to take a chance, and unfortunately

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black teenagers are frequently viewed as risky as a class.

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When confronted with a reluctant employer, a Horatio Alger hero could stride over manfully

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and offer to work for a token salary, or even for nothing, for a term of two weeks.

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During this time, our hero would prove to the employer that his productivity deserved

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a higher wage rate.

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More important, he would bear with the employer part of the risk of hiring an untried worker.

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The employer would go along with this arrangement because he would be risking little.

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But the Horatio Alger hero did not have to do battle with a minimum wage law, which made

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such an arrangement illegal.

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The law thus ensures that there is less chance for the black teenager to prove his worth

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in an honest way.

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The minimum wage law hurts not only the black teenager, but the black ghetto merchant and

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and Industrialist as well. Without this law he would have access, in a way which his white

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counterpart would not, to a cheap labor pool of black teenager labor. The young black worker

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would be more accessible to him since he tends to live in the ghetto and would have easier

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access to the job site. He would undoubtedly have less resentment toward and a smoother

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Another Work Relationship with a Black Entrepreneur Since this is one of the most important determinants

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of productivity for jobs of this type, the black employer could pay his workers more

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than the white one could and still make a profit.

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Unfortunate as the effects on young black workers are, a greater tragedy of the minimum

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Minimum wage law concerns the handicapped worker, the lame, the blind, the deaf, the amputee,

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the paralyzed and the mentally handicapped.

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The minimum wage law effectively makes it illegal for a profit-seeking employer to hire

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a handicapped person.

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All hopes of even a modicum of self-reliance are dashed.

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The choice the handicapped person faces is between idleness and governmentally supported

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make-work schemes which consist of trivial activities and are as demoralizing as idleness.

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That such schemes are supported by a government which makes honest employment impossible in

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the first place is an irony few handicapped people would find amusing.

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Recently, certain classes of handicapped people, the slightly handicapped, have become exempt

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from the minimum wage law.

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It is therefore in the interest of employers to hire the slightly handicapped, and they

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now have jobs.

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But if it has been realized that the minimum wage law hurts the employment chances of slightly

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handicapped people, surely it should be realized that it hurts the chances of others.

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Why are seriously handicapped people not exempt?

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If the minimum wage law does not protect the individual it seems designed to protect, whose

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interests does it serve?

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Why was such legislation passed?

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Among the most vociferous proponents of minimum wage legislation is organized labor, and this

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must give us pause for thought.

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For the average union member earns much more than the minimum wage level of $2 per hour.

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If he is already earning $10 per hour, as we have seen, his wage level is in accordance

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with the law and is not, therefore, affected by it.

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What then accounts for his passionate commitment to it?

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His concern is hardly with the downtrodden worker.

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His black, Puerto Rican, Mexican-American and American Indian brethren, for his union

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is typically 99.44% white, and he strenuously resists the attempts by members of minority

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groups to enter his union.

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What then stands behind organized labor's interest in minimum wage legislation?

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When the minimum wage law forced up the wages of unskilled labor, the law of downward sloping

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Sloping demand caused employers to substitute skilled labor for unskilled labor.

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In the same way, when a labor union composed mainly of skilled laborers obtains a wage

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increase, the law of downward sloping demand causes employers to substitute unskilled laborers

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for skilled laborers.

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In other words, because skilled and unskilled laborers are, within certain bounds, substitutable

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for each other, they are actually in competition with one another.

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It might well be that it is 10 or 20 unskilled workers who are in competition with, and hence

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substitutable for, two or three skilled workers, plus a more sophisticated machine.

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But of the substitutability itself, especially in the long run, there can be no doubt.

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What better way to get rid of your competition than to force it to price itself out of the

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market?

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What better way for a union to ensure that the next wage hike will not tempt employers

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to hire unskilled, non-union scabs, especially minority group members?

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The tactic is to get a law passed that makes the wage of the unskilled so high that they

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cannot be hired, no matter how outrageous the wage demands of the union are.

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If minority groups could get a law passed requiring all union wages to rise ten times

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their present amount, they could virtually destroy the unions.

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Union membership would decline precipitously.

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Do the unions purposefully and knowingly advocate such a harmful law?

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It is not motives that concern us here.

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It is only acts and their effects.

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The effects of the minimum wage law are disastrous.

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It adversely affects the poor, the unskilled and minority group members, the very people

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It was supposedly designed to help.
