WEBVTT

NOTE 3. The Male Chauvinist Pig

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Chapter 3. The Male Chauvinist Pig

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The women's liberation movement is an amalgam of different programs and composed of diverse groups with differing aims.

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The discriminating intellect may accept some of the aims, purposes, motivations and programs of women's liberation and reject others.

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It would be folly to treat as equivalent a host of different values and attitudes merely because they have been packaged together.

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The views of the women's liberation movement can be divided into four major categories, each of which requires a different approach.

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Coercive Actions Taken Against Women

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Apart from murder, the most brutal coercive action taken against women is rape.

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Yet, in this male-dominated society, rape is not always illegal.

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It is not illegal when perpetrated upon a woman by her husband.

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And although rape is illegal when it occurs outside the sanctity of marriage, the way

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in which it is treated by the law leaves much to be desired.

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For one thing, if there was any previous acquaintanceship between the rapist and his victim, the court

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presumes that there was no rape. For another, in order to prove rape, it was necessary in

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many states until recently that there be a witness to the crime. Furthermore, if friends

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of the rapist swore they had sexual intercourse with the victim, she could be characterized

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as immoral, and it becomes virtually impossible to obtain a conviction. If the victim is a

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For a prostitute, it is equally impossible to obtain a conviction.

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The reasoning behind the legal inability for a prostitute to be raped is the ludicrous

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view that it is impossible to compel a person to do that, which she does willingly at other

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times.

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One of the most attractive aspects of the women's liberation movement is its support

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for greater penalties for rape, plus restitution to the victim.

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Previously, people who occupied a comparable position on the political spectrum, as do most of today's feminists, for example, liberals and leftists, urged lighter sentences for rapists and general mollycoddling of criminals.

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In their view, all crime, rape included, was caused mainly by poverty, family breakdown, lack of recreational facilities, etc.

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and their solution followed directly from this insight.

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More welfare, more parks and playgrounds for the underprivileged, counseling, therapy, etc.

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In contrast, the feminist's insistence on stiffer jail sentences for rapists and worse comes like a breath of fresh air.

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Although rape is the most striking instance in which the government acquiesces in coercive actions against women,

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against Women, there are others.

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Consider what is implied by the laws against prostitution.

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These laws prohibit trade between mutually consenting adults.

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They are harmful to women in that they prevent them from earning an honest living.

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If their anti-woman bias is not clear enough, consider the fact that although the transaction

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is just as illegal for the customer as for the seller, the male customer is almost never

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or arrested when the female seller is.

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Abortion is another case in point.

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Although inroads have finally been made, abortion is limited by obstructive rules.

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Both outright prohibition of abortion and abortion under present controls deny the great

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moral principle of self-ownership.

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Thus they are throwbacks to slavery, a situation essentially defined by the barriers put up

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Between People and Their Right of Self-Ownership

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If a woman owns her body, then she owns her womb, and she alone has the complete

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and sole right to determine whether to have a child or not.

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The ways in which the government supports or is itself actively involved in coercing women are manifold.

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Until very recently, for example, women did not have the same rights as men

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to own property or to engage in contracts. There are still laws on the books that prevent

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married women, but not married men, from selling property or engaging in business without the

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permission of their spouses. There are stiffer entrance requirements for women than men at

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some state universities. The infamous tracking system in our public schools shunts young

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It is important to realize that these problems all have two things in common.

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They are instances of aggressive force used against women, and they are all inextricably

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bound up with the apparatus of the State.

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Although not widely appreciated, this is no more true of rape and prostitution than of

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the other actions and activities described.

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For what does it mean to say that women do not have the right to abort, to own property,

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or to set up businesses, except that women who engage in these activities will be stopped

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by state compulsion, fines, or jail sentences?

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Clearly, both the government as well as individuals can discriminate.

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But only state and not private discrimination violate the rights of women.

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When a private individual discriminates, he or she does so with his or her own resources,

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in his or her own name.

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But when the state discriminates, it does so with resources taken from its citizenry

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and in the name of all of its subjects. This is a crucial difference.

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If a private enterprise such as a movie discriminates, it runs the risk of losing money and possible bankruptcy.

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People opposing the discrimination may withhold funds or not patronize the institution.

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However, when the state discriminates, these people do not have this option and there is no risk of bankruptcy.

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Even when people oppose discrimination in a state institution from which they can withhold funds,

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students can, for example, at a state university, the state has other alternatives,

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it can make up for the dwindling funds from tax revenues, and these must be paid under threat of compulsion.

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Even the pinches that women are subject to are inextricably bound up with the state apparatus.

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Contrast what happens when sexual harassment takes place within the confines of a private place, a department store, and when it takes place outside, on a street one block away from the store.

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When a woman is molested within the confines of a private place, the whole force of the profit and loss free enterprise system comes to bear on the problem.

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It is in the entrepreneur's self-interest to apprehend and discourage offensive actions.

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If he does not, he will lose customers.

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There is, in effect, competition between store owners to provide safe and comfortable environments

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for customers.

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The ones who succeed to the greatest degree in their anti-pinching drive will tend to

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reap the greatest profits.

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The ones who fail, whether because they ignore the issue or are unsuccessful in implementing

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their programs, will tend to incur the greatest losses.

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This of course is not a guarantee that pinching and other offensive behavior will cease.

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It will always occur, as long as people remain imperfectly moral.

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But this system does encourage by profits and losses those who are most able to control

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Contrasted with what occurs in the public domain, however, the private system begins

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to look like perfection itself.

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In the public domain, there is almost no incentive to deal with the problem.

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There is no one who automatically loses anything when a woman is pinched or otherwise harassed.

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The city police are supposedly charged with the responsibility, but they function without

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Non-coercive actions taken against women

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Many actions taken against women are not, strictly speaking, coercive.

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For example, whistling, leering, derision, innuendo, unwelcome flirtation, etc.

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Of course, it is often difficult to tell beforehand whether a flirtatious remark will be welcome

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or not.

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Consider the sexual come-ons which continually occur between men and women.

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Although to many people, and especially those in the women's movement, there is no real

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difference between this type of behavior and coercive acts, the distinction is crucial.

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Both may be objectionable to many women, but one is a physically invasive act, the other

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is not.

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There are many other kinds of actions which fall into the same category.

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Examples include the use of sexual vulgarisms, broad or piece of ass, the advocacy of double

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standard mores, certain rules of etiquette, the encouragement of the mental capacity of

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boys and not of girls, the societal opprobrium of women who participate in male athletic

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activities, sexist advertising and the pedestals that women are placed upon.

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There are two important points to be made with regard to these and other attitudes and

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behavior which may be offensive, but not coercive.

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The first is that such non-coercive actions cannot legitimately be outlawed.

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Any attempt to do so would involve the mass violation of the rights of other individuals.

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Freedom of speech means that people have the right to say whatever they like, even to make

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Possibly Reprehensible and Boorish Statements.

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The second point is more complicated, and by no means obvious.

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To a considerable extent, these reprehensible but non-coercive actions are themselves fostered

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and encouraged by coercive statist activities, which operate behind the scenes.

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For example, the widespread incidence of government ownership and management of land, parks, sidewalks,

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walks, roads, businesses, etc. These coercive activities based on illegitimate compulsory

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taxation can be legitimately criticized. If they were eliminated, the unsavory but legal

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behavior they support would diminish with the aid of the free market.

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Consider as an example the case in which a male boss harasses a female secretary in an

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in an objectionable but non-coercive manner.

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We shall compare the situation when such activity takes place on public and private property.

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To analyze this, we must understand what the labor economist calls compensating differentials.

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A compensating differential is the amount of money just necessary to compensate an employee

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for the psychic losses that go with the job.

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For instance, suppose there are two job opportunities. One is in an air-conditioned office with

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a good view, pleasant surroundings and pleasant co-workers. The other is in a damp basement

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surrounded by hostile fellow workers. However, there is usually some wage differential large

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enough to attract an individual to the less pleasant job. The exact amount of the differential

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All varies for different people, but it exists.

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Just as a compensating differential must be paid to hire employees to work in damp basements,

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so it must be paid to female workers in offices where they are subject to sexual harassment.

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This increase in wages comes out of the boss's pocket if he is a private businessman.

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Thus he has a strong monetary incentive to control his behavior and the behavior of those who work for him.

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But the increase in wages is not paid by the boss of a government or government-supported enterprise.

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It is paid by the taxpayer's money, which is not paid upon the deliverance of satisfactory services, but is collected by coercion.

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Thus, the boss has less reason to exercise control.

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It is clear that this type of sexual harassment, in itself offensive but not coercive, is made

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possible by the coercive actions of the government in its role as tax collector.

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If taxes were paid voluntarily, the boss, even in a government office, would be subject

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to meaningful control.

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He would stand to lose money if his behavior offended his employees, but because he is

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supported by money from coercive taxation, his employees are at his mercy.

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In like manner, contrast the situation where a group of men whistle, jeer and make disparaging

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and insulting remarks to and about women passers-by.

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One group does this on a publicly owned sidewalk or street, the other in a privately owned

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place, such as a restaurant or shopping mall.

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Now under which condition is this legal but reprehensible behavior more likely to be ended?

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In the public sector, it is in no business person's financial interest to end the harassment.

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Since by assumption this behavior is legal, the public police forces cannot do anything

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to stop it either.

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But in the realm of private enterprise, every entrepreneur who hopes to employ or sell to

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women, or to men who object to this maltreatment of women, has a strong pecuniary incentive

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to end it.

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This is why it is no accident that such harassment almost always takes place on public sidewalks

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The Male Chauvinist Pig as Hero

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Laws Compelling Equal Wages for Equal Work

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The question is, of course, how to define equal work.

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If equal work is taken literally, it embraces all aspects of the employee's productivity

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in the short run as well as in the long run, including psychic differentials, the discrimination

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and the ability of the employee to mesh with the likes, dislikes and idiosyncrasies of the entrepreneur.

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In short, all these components must be weighted if equal work is exactly the same as equal profitability for the entrepreneur.

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Only then in the free market, workers with such equal abilities will tend to earn equal wages.

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If, for instance, women were paid less than men even though they were equally good workers

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in this sense, forces would be set up which, when carried to their conclusion, would ensure

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equal pay.

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How?

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The employer would be able to make more money by replacing male workers with female workers.

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The demand for male workers would decrease, thus lowering male wages, and the demand for

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for Female Workers would increase, raising female wages.

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Every employer who substituted a woman for a man would have a competitive advantage over

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the one who refused to do so.

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The profit-maximizing employers would continually earn greater profits than would the discriminatory

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employers.

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The profit-maximizers would be able to undersell the discriminators and, other things being

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In actual point of fact, however, the proponents of equal wages for equal work do not have

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this strict type of equality in mind.

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Their definition of equality is equal years of schooling, equivalent skills, equivalent

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college degrees, and perhaps similar scores in qualification tests.

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However, individuals who are virtually identical with respect to such criteria can have vastly

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different abilities to earn profits for employers.

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For example, consider two workers, one male, one female, identical as far as test scores

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and college degrees are concerned.

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It is an indisputable fact that in the event of a pregnancy, it is far more likely for

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for the woman to stay home and raise the child.

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Consideration of whether this custom is fair or not is not relevant.

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What is pertinent is whether it is factual or not.

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If the woman stays at home, interrupting a career or employment, she will be worth less

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to the employer.

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In this case, although the male and female candidates for the job might be identically

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Paradoxically, many pieces of evidence which indicate that men and women are not equally

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productive come from the women's liberation movement itself.

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There are several studies in which women and men were first tested as groups in isolation

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in Competition with One Another.

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In some cases, when the groups were tested in isolation, the women showed clearly that

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they had higher innate abilities than the men.

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Yet, when the two groups were tested in competition, the men invariably scored better than the

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women.

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Again, it should be emphasized that the concern here is not with the fairness of such occurrences,

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with the Effects.

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The point is that in the world of work, women will often find themselves in competition

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with men.

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If they constantly defer to men and cannot do their best in competition with men, they

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are in fact of less help in procuring profits for the entrepreneur.

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If women are equal to men in test scores and are inferior to them when it comes to profit

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maximizing, then the equal pay for equal work law will prove disastrous for women.

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It will be calamitous because the profit maximizing incentives will be turned around.

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Instead of the market exerting a strong steady push toward firing men and hiring women, employers

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will be motivated to fire women and hire men in their place.

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If he is forced to pay men and women the same wages, even though they are not equally productive,

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profits will be increased to the degree that male workers replace females.

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Employers who are inclined to take the feminist view and insist on keeping woman workers will

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have decreased profits and lose their share of the market.

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The employers who prosper will be those who do not hire women.

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It should be stressed that the tendency for women who are truly equal to men in productivity

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to receive equal wages exists only in the profit and loss free market.

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Only in free enterprise are there financial incentives to hire highly productive underpriced

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women to take advantage of their plight and thus to raise their wages.

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In the government and nonprofit sectors, these profit incentives are, by definition, absent.

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It is hardly an accident, then, that virtually all real abuses of women in this respect take

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place in government and nonprofit areas such as schools, universities, libraries, foundations,

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social work and public services.

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There are few allegations of underpayment to women in private enterprise fields, such

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as computers, advertising or the media.

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Laws Compelling Non-Discrimination

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McSorley's is a bar in New York City that catered exclusively to men until it was liberated.

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Under the banner of the new anti-discrimination law in New York State, women were served for

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the first time in the history of the establishment.

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This was hailed as a great progressive step forward by liberal, progressive and women's

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liberation factions.

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The basic philosophy behind the law and the attendant liberation of McSorley's seems to

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be that it is illegitimate to discriminate between potential customers on the basis of

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sex.

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If the problems with this philosophy are not readily apparent, they can be made so by considering

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several reducciones ad absurdum.

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If the philosophy were strictly adhered to, for example, would not separate bathrooms

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for men at public places be considered discriminatory?

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And separate residence halls for men?

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What about male homosexuals?

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They could be accused of discrimination against women.

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And aren't the women who marry men discriminating against other women?

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These examples, of course, are ridiculous, but they are consistent with the philosophy

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of anti-discrimination.

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If they are ridiculous, it is because that philosophy is ridiculous.

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It is important to realize that all human actions imply discrimination in the only sensible

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The definition of that much abused term, picking and choosing from available alternatives,

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the one which best serves his or her interests.

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There is no action taken by human beings which fails to accord with this dictum.

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We discriminate when we choose a toothpaste, decide upon a means of transportation, whom

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to marry.

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The discrimination practiced by the gourmet or wine taster is and can only be the discrimination

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practiced by all human beings.

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Any attack upon discrimination, therefore, is an attempt to restrict the options open

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to all individuals.

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But what of the women's option to drink at McSorley's?

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Was their right to choose being violated?

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No.

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What they experienced was what a man experiences when a woman rejects his sexual advances.

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The woman who refuses to date a man is not guilty of violating his rights, for his rights

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do not include a relationship with her.

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That exists as a possibility, but not a right, unless she is his slave.

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In the same way, a man who wishes to drink in the company of other men is not guilty

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of violating women's rights.

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For women's rights do not include drinking with people who do not wish to drink with

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them.

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It is only in a slave society that this is not so.

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It is only in a slave society that the master can compel the slave to do his bidding.

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If the anti-discriminatory forces succeed in forcing their philosophy on the general

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public, they will also succeed in forcing on the public the cloven hoof of slavery.

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To the extent that the male chauvinist pig succeeds in resisting these trends, he must be looked upon as a hero.
