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NOTE 32. The Employer of Child Labor

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Chapter 32. The Employer of Child Labor.

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High on the list of the enemies of society, one can always find the employer of child labor.

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Cruel, cold-hearted, exploitative, cunning and evil.

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In the public mind, child labor is almost equivalent to slave labor,

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and the children's employer is no better than the slave owner.

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It is important to correct this view. Simple justice demands it, for the majority opinion on this question is completely fallacious.

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The archetypical child labor employer is as kindly, benevolent and filled with the milk of human kindness as anyone else.

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Moreover, the institution of child labor is an honorable one with a long and glorious history of good works.

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and the villains of the piece are not the employers, but rather those who prohibit the free market in child labor.

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These do-gooders are responsible for the untold immiseration of those who are thus forced out of employment.

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Although the harm done was greater in the past when great poverty made widespread child labor necessary,

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there are still people in dire straits today.

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The present prohibitions of child labor are thus an unconscionable interference with their lives.

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The first plank in the defense is that the employer of child labor has not forced anyone to join his employ.

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Any and all labor agreements are completely voluntary.

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As such, unless they were thought to be mutually beneficial, they would not be agreed to.

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But in what sense can a labor contract with a child be completely voluntary? Does not complete volunteerism imply an awareness that a child is not capable of?

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To answer this question, consideration should be given to a proper definition of what a child is.

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This is an ancient question, which has never been fully resolved.

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Nevertheless, we shall consider several ages which have been suggested as dividing the

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child from the adult, analyze them, and then offer an alternative.

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Among the earliest ages for the cut-off point between childhood and adulthood are those

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proposed by the various religions.

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The age of confirmation into the religion, which usually occurs in the very early teens

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is the age at which many religions define adulthood.

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But the person, child, at, for example, age 13, also is, except in rare instances, still

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immature, relatively helpless, and ignorant of the skills necessary to care for himself.

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So it must be rejected.

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The next candidate for adulthood is age 18.

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We may start off by questioning whether or not fighting in wars is an adult action.

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All too often, going to war is virtually the opposite of behavior usually indicative of

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adulthood.

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Also, merely following orders, the be-all and end-all of the enlisted soldier, cannot

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be considered an adult paradigm.

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In addition, there is the problem that the draft, an involuntary institution if ever

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there was one, serves as the very basis for the order-taking that follows.

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At least if the original decision to obey orders was made on a voluntary basis, such

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Such as the decision to join an orchestra, and then to follow all musical orders of the

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conductor, there might be some adult-like behavior involved in the draft.

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However, based as it is on original involuntarism, even so much cannot be said for the 18-year-old

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draftable age.

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Another problem with the 18-year cut-off point is that the original reason for our search

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was the fear that a mere child would be unable to make voluntary contracts on his own.

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How then can we base such an age on a patently involuntary institution such as the draft?

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Perhaps the latest candidate for adulthood is the voting age, 21 years old.

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But even this is open to harsh criticism.

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There is, first, the problem that several, if not many, ten-year-olds have a greater

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grasp of political, social, historical, psychological and economic factors, presumably the factors

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that enable one to vote wisely than do many people over the age of 21.

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One would then think that if this were true, there would be some recognition of the fact

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in the form of a movement to enfranchise all bright 10-year-olds, or rather, all bright

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children of any age.

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But this would defeat the original goal of allowing only adults to vote.

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Through this circularity of reasoning, we can see that the age of 21 is only an arbitrary

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cut-off point.

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We can likewise see all other arbitrary definitions of adulthood to be without merit.

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What is needed is not an arbitrary age limit which will apply to all people regardless

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of ability, temperament and behavior, but rather a criteria which can take all these

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qualities into account.

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Moreover, the criteria should be consistent with the libertarian principle of self-ownership

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of property, namely homesteading.

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What is wanted is an application of the principle of homesteading, which establishes self-ownership

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and ownership of property, but applied now to the perplexing problem of when a child

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becomes an adult.

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Such a theory has been put forth by Professor Murray N. Rothbard.

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According to Rothbard, a child becomes an adult not when he reaches some arbitrary age

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Age Limit, but rather when he does something to establish his ownership and control over

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his own person, namely when he leaves home and becomes able to support himself.

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This criteria, and only this criteria, is free of all the objections to arbitrary age

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limits.

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Moreover, not only is it consistent with the libertarian homesteading theory, it is but

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The Theory has several implications.

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If the only way a child may become an adult is by picking himself up and establishing

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It should be noted that this theory of the passage from childhood to adulthood is the

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only one consistent with the problem of mental deficiency.

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According to the specific arbitrary theories of adulthood, a mental incompetent aged 50

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ought to be considered an adult, even though he manifestly is not.

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These theories then come up with further arbitrary ad hoc exceptions to fit the case.

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But the mental incompetent is no embarrassment to the homesteading theory.

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Since he has not been able to seize ownership and adulthood of and for himself, the mental

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incompetent of whatever age is simply not an adult.

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The most important implication of the homesteading theory of adulthood is, of course, the one

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regarding the prohibition of so-called child labor, where a child is defined as someone

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with less than a certain arbitrary number of years.

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For this prohibition of so-called child labor, as in the case of parental interference with

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the child's decision to leave home, will effectively remove the possibility of voluntarily becoming

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an adult.

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If a person of tender years is effectively prohibited from working, the option to leave

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home and to support himself is removed from him.

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He is then excluded from homesteading his own adulthood and must perforce wait until the

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arbitrary number of years defining adulthood has been reached.

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However, the adult homesteading theory does not require employers to hire young persons

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who are trying to establish their adulthood.

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It is of course true that unless some employer hires such a person, he will find it as difficult

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to Become an Adult as in the case where his parents forbade his departure, or the government

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prohibited it.

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But the key difference is that the voluntaristic nature of the passage from childhood to adulthood

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will not be infringed upon by employers refusing to hire young people.

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This is so because true voluntarism requires voluntary action on the part of both parties

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to an Agreement.

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The employer as well as the employee must agree.

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In any case, since there can be no positive obligations unless the individual himself

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contracts for them, and the employer has made no advance commitment to employ the youngster,

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there is no moral obligation on the part of the employer.

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Teachers will, of course, employ young people when they feel it is to their advantage to

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do so, as they have always done when not prohibited by law.

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Not only is it important to end prohibitions of employment of children for the sake of

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their peaceful and voluntaristic transition into adulthood, it is also of overriding importance

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to the small but growing kid liberation movement.

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The prohibition against job opportunities will have to be ended if children are to be

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truly liberated from their parents while in residence in the parental abode.

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Of what value is the right to leave the family household and seek a living outside if a youngster

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is prohibited from supporting himself?

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The right of every kid to fire his parents if they become too onerous is completely compromised

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by the Laws Against Child Labor.

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Can a labor contract with a mere child be truly voluntary, given his tender years, lack

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of experience, etc.?

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The answer is yes.

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A person, any person who has had the ability to leave home and to attempt to earn his own

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living is mature enough to enter into a contract on a voluntary basis, since such a person

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Man is a child no longer.

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The opposite answer, as we have seen, would effectively bar young people from striking

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out on their own and becoming adults through homesteading.

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Their only alternative would be to wait until they have reached whatever arbitrary number

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of years society in its infinite wisdom has determined to be necessary for adulthood.

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There are other objections, however, to the legalization of child labor.

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It will be said that a destitute youngster, even though an adult through homesteading,

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will be taken advantage of by employers, that the employer will make profit from the plight

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the youngster happens to find himself in.

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But it would be far more harmful if his one source of support, however bleak, were legislated

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out of existence.

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Despite the fact that the employer might be cruel, the job menial and the salary low,

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it would be far more injurious to forbid him the opportunity.

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If there are other, more favorable alternatives, the young person will avail himself of them,

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even if the law allows the choice of accepting or rejecting the unfavorable job.

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If there are no other opportunities, the laws prohibiting child labor will take from him

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this one opportunity, however unfavorable.

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In a free market society, the employer will not be able to take advantage of the misery

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of the young worker, if by this it is meant that he will not be able to pay him less than

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his marginal product.

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As we have seen in the chapter on the capitalist pig employer, there exist powerful forces

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on an open market which will tend to force all wages up toward the level of productivity

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of the worker in question.

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However destitute and helpless the youngster who is looking for work may be, it is not

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the fault of the potential employer.

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Even if the destitution and lack of bargaining power of the worker were very extreme, and

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even if the employer were able to take advantage of this, as we have seen is not the case,

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it would still not be the fault of the employer.

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If anything, the unfortunate situation would have to be blamed on the background of the

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ex-child.

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The question arises as to what degree the parent is obligated to support the child.

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As a general principle, the parent has no positive obligations whatsoever in regard

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to the child.

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The argument to the contrary, that a parent does have some positive obligations toward

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the child, based upon the supposed contractual nature or voluntary decision on the part of

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1. All children are equal in rights due them from their parents, regardless of the way

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in which they were conceived. 2. Specifically, the child who is a product of rape has as

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many obligations due him from his female parent as any other child. We assume that the male

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Well parent, the rapist, has gone.

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No matter what views we have on rape, the child who is a product of such rape is entirely

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guiltless of this crime or any other crime.

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3.

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The voluntary nature of child-rearing and conception does not apply in the case of rape.

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4.

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Therefore, the argument that the parent owes some obligations to the child, which arise

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is out of the voluntary nature of the conception, or out of an implicit contract, cannot apply

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in the case of rape.

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That is, in the case of rape at least, the female parent owes no positive obligation

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to the child because she did not consent to its inception.

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Five, all children being equally guiltless of any crime in spite of any theory to the

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and the contrary, such as original sin, have equal rights due them from their parents.

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Since all such rights supposedly flow from the voluntary nature of conception, and the

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children born of rape manifestly lack this voluntary aspect, they at least have no rights

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due them from their female parent.

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But their rights are equal to those of all other children.

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Therefore, no child whosoever has any positive obligations due him from his parents.

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Nor is it immediately or intuitively obvious that there are any other grounds for establishing

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any parental duties to children.

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Given then that nothing but a voluntary agreement on the part of the parent could establish

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No positive obligations to children, and that this argument fails, it is obvious that there

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are no positive obligations incumbent upon parents toward their children.

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No positive obligations implies that the parent has no more of an obligation to feed, clothe

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and shelter his own child than he has to serve the children of other people, or for that

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matter than to serve other adults who are completely unrelated to him by birth, agreement,

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etc.

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This is not to suggest, however, that the parent may kill the child.

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Just as the parent has no right to kill the children of other parents, he has no right

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to kill his own children, or rather children he has given birth to.

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The parent, when he assumes the role of parenthood, is a sort of caretaker for the child.

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If ever the parent wishes to relinquish this role that he or she has voluntarily adopted,

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or not assume this obligation in the first place, she is completely free to do so.

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She can offer the baby for adoption, or, in the old tradition of the natural law, leave

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Leave the baby on the steps of a church or charitable institution specializing in the

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care of children.

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But the parent may not secret the baby in a hidden corner of the house without food,

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or refuse to offer it for adoption and wait for it to die.

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To do this would be equivalent to murder, a crime which must always be severely condemned.

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The parent who keeps the child hidden while starving it so as not to actually commit violent

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murder upon it has renounced his caretakership or the parental relationship others might

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be willing to assume.

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Perhaps the parental caretaker role may be made clearer by entering it into a hierarchy

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of homesteading.

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The child falls into a realm between that of another adult and that of an animal.

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If one adult helps another, he cannot, by that help alone, come to be the owner of the

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other person.

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If an adult domesticates an animal and, through his own efforts, brings the animal into productive

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use, productive for mankind, he can thereby come to own it.

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The child, an intermediate case, can be owned through homesteading, but only on a caretaker

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for example, be an absentee landlord or animal owner.

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If he discontinues his homesteading operations with the child, he must then either offer

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it for adoption if it is too young and helpless to fend for itself, or he must allow it to

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run away to set up its own life if it is able and willing.

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If the parent brought up the child with just enough help and aid to qualify as a continuance

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of Homesteading, but no more.

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And if the child is in a relatively deprived background, this cannot be laid at the door

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of the prospective employer.

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Prohibiting an employer from hiring such a youngster will in no way improve his lot.

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It can only worsen it.

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True, there are parents who make unwise decisions concerning children, unwise from the vantage

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The State, too, makes unwise and even unhealthy decisions concerning children, and a child can much more easily leave his parent than leave his government, which rules us all.

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It does not follow, however, that the welfare of children will be raised by placing them in the hands of the State apparatus.

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The State, too, makes unwise and even unhealthy decisions concerning children, and a child can much more easily leave his parent than leave his government, which rules us all.

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We must conclude then that all labor contracts concerning young people are valid as long as they are voluntary, and they can be voluntary.

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Either the young person is an adult, whatever his age, who has earned his adulthood and hence is able to consent to contracts,

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Or else, he is still a child and is able to work on a voluntary basis through the intermediation of parental consent.
