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NOTE 6. The Blackmailer

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Part 3. Free Speech

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Chapter 6. The Blackmailer

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At first glance, it is not hard to answer the question, is blackmail really illegitimate?

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The only problem it would seem to pose is, why is it being asked at all?

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Do not blackmailers, well, blackmail people? And what could be worse?

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First, blackmailers prey on people's dark hidden secrets.

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They threaten to expose and publicize them.

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They bleed their victims and often drive them to suicide.

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We will find, however, that the case against the blackmailer cannot stand serious analysis,

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that it is based upon a tissue of unexamined shibboleths and deep philosophical misunderstandings.

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What exactly is blackmail?

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Blackmail is the offer of trade.

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It is the offer to trade something, usually silence, for some other good, usually money.

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If the offer of the trade is accepted, the blackmailer then maintains his silence, and

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the blackmailee pays the agreed-upon price.

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If the blackmail offer is rejected, the blackmailer may exercise his rights of free speech and

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publicize the secret.

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There is nothing amiss here.

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All that is happening is that an offer to maintain silence is being made.

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If the offer is rejected, the blackmailer does no more than exercise his right of free

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speech.

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The sole difference between a gossip and a blackmailer is that the blackmailer will refrain

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from speaking for a price.

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In a sense, the gossip is much worse than the blackmailer, for the blackmailer has given

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Can the blackmailee a chance to silence him?

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The gossip exposes the secret without warning.

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Is not the person with a secret better off at the hands of a blackmailer than a gossip?

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With the gossip, all is lost.

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With the blackmailer, one can only gain, or at least be no worse off.

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If the price requested by the blackmailer is lower than the secret is worth, the secret

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Holder will pay the blackmailer, this being the lesser of the two evils.

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He thus gains the difference to him between the value of the secret and the price of the

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blackmail.

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When the blackmailer demands more than the secret is worth, his demand will not be met,

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and the information will become public.

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However, in this case, the person is no worse off with the blackmailer than he would have

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been with the inveterate gossip.

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It is indeed difficult, then, to account for the vilification suffered by the blackmailer,

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at least compared to the gossip, who is usually dismissed with slight contempt and smugness.

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Blackmail need not entail the offer of silence in return for money.

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This is only the best-known form.

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But blackmail may be defined without reference to either.

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And in general terms, blackmail is the threat to do something, anything which is not in

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itself illegal, unless certain demands are met.

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Many actions in the public arena qualify as acts of blackmail, but instead of being vilified,

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they have often attained a status of respectability.

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For example, the recent lettuce boycott is a form of blackmail.

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Through the lettuce boycott, or any boycott, threats are made to retailers and wholesalers

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of fruits and vegetables.

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If they handle non-union lettuce, the boycotters assert, people will be asked not to patronize

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their establishments.

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This conforms perfectly to the definition—a threat that something not in itself illegal

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will take place unless certain demands are met.

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But what about the threats involved in blackmail? This, perhaps more than anything else, is

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the aspect of blackmail that is most misunderstood and feared. At first glance, one is inclined

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to agree that threats are immoral. The usual dictum against aggression, for example, warns

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not only against aggression per se, but also against the threat of aggression. If a highwayman

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When it costs a traveler, it is usually the threat of aggression alone that will compel obedience.

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Consider the nature of threats.

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When what is threatened is aggressive violence, the threat is condemnable.

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No individual has the right to initiate aggressive violence against another.

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In blackmail, however, what is being threatened is something that the blackmailer does have

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a right to do.

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Whether it be exercising the right of free speech, or refusing to patronize certain stores,

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or persuading others to do likewise.

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What is being threatened is not in itself illegitimate.

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It is, therefore, not possible to call the threat an illegitimate threat.

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Blackmail can only be illegitimate when there is a special, foresworn relationship between

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the blackmailer and the blackmailee.

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A secret keeper may take a lawyer or a private investigator into his confidence on the condition

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that the confidence be maintained in secrecy.

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If the lawyer or private investigator attempts to blackmail the secret keeper, that would

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be in violation of the contract and therefore illegitimate.

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However, if a stranger holds the secret without contractual obligations, then it is legitimate

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to offer to sell his silence.

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In addition to being a legitimate activity, blackmail has some good effects, litanies

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to the contrary notwithstanding.

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Apart from some innocent victims who are caught in the net, whom does the blackmailer usually

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prey upon?

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In the main, there are two groups.

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One group is composed of criminals, murderers, thieves, swindlers, embezzlers, cheaters,

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The other group consists of people who engage in activities not illegitimate in themselves, but which are contrary to the mores and habits of the majority.

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Homosexuals, sadomasochists, sexual perverts, communists, adulterers, etc.

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The institution of blackmail has beneficial but different effects upon each of these groups.

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In the case of criminals, blackmail and the threat of blackmail serves as a deterrent.

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They add to the risks involved in criminal activity.

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How many of the anonymous tips received by the police, the value of which cannot be overestimated,

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can be traced directly or indirectly to blackmail?

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How many criminals are led to pursue crime on their own,

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by their own, eschewing the aid of fellow criminals in jobs that call for cooperation out of the fear of possible blackmail.

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Finally, there are those individuals who are on the verge of committing crimes, or at the margin of criminality, as the economist would say,

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where the least factor will propel them one way or another.

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The additional fear of blackmail may be enough, in some cases, to dissuade them from crime.

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If blackmail itself were legalized, it would undoubtedly be an even more effective deterrent.

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Legalization would undoubtedly result in an increase in blackmail, with attendant depredations upon the criminal class.

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It is sometimes said that what diminishes crime is not the penalty attached to the crime, but the certainty of being caught.

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Although this controversy rages with great relevance in current debates on capital punishment,

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it will suffice to point out that the institution of blackmail does both.

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It increases the penalty associated with crime as it forces criminals to share part of their loot with the blackmailer.

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It also raises the probability of being apprehended as blackmailers are added to police forces,

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Police Forces, Private Citizen and Vigilante groups, and other anti-crime units.

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Blackmailers, who are often members in good standing in the criminal world, are in an advantageous position to foil crimes.

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Their inside status surpasses even that of the spy or infiltrator who is forced to play a role.

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Legalizing blackmail would thus allow anti-crime units to take advantage of two basic crime-fighting

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adages at the same time, divide and conquer, and lack of honor among thieves.

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It is quite clear that one important effect of legalizing blackmail would be to diminish

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crime, real crime, that is.

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The legalization of blackmail would also have a beneficial effect upon actions which do

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do not involve aggression, but are at variance with the mores of society as a whole.

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On these actions, the legalization of blackmail would have a liberating effect.

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Even with blackmail still illegal, we are witnessing some of its beneficial effects.

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Homosexuality, for instance, is technically illegal in some instances, but not really

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criminal since it involves no aggression.

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For individual homosexuals, blackmail very often causes considerable harm and can hardly

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be considered beneficial.

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But for the group as a whole, that is, for each individual as a member of the group,

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blackmail has helped by making the public more aware and accustomed to homosexuality.

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Forcing individual members of a socially oppressed group into the open or out of the closet cannot,

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of course, be considered a service.

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The use of force is a violation of an individual's rights.

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But still, it does engender an awareness on the part of members of a group of one another's

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existence.

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In forcing this perception, blackmail can legitimately take some small share of the

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in liberating people, whose only crime is a deviation from the norm in a non-criminal way.

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In reflecting on the old aphorism, the truth shall make you free.

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The only weapon at the disposal of the blackmailer is the truth.

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In using the truth to back up his threats, as on occasion he must, he sets the truth free,

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truth free, very often without intent, to do whatever good or bad it is capable of doing.
