WEBVTT

NOTE Economic Depressions: Their Cause and Cure

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Economic Depressions, Their Cause and Cure, by Murray N. Rothbard, narrated by Harold

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L. Fritchie.

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This essay was originally published as a mini-book by the Constitutional Alliance of Lansing,

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We live in a world of euphemism. Undertakers have become morticians, press agents are now

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public relations counselors, and janitors have all been transformed into superintendents.

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In every walk of life, plain facts have been wrapped in cloudy camouflage. No less has

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this been true of economics. In the old days, we used to suffer nearly periodic economic

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Crises, the sudden onset of which was called a panic and the lingering trough period after

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the panic was called depression.

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The most famous depression in modern times, of course, was the one that began in a typical

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financial panic in 1929 and lasted until the advent of World War II.

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After the disaster of 1929, economists and politicians resolved that this must never

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happen again.

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The easiest way of succeeding at this resolve was simply to define depressions out of existence.

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From that point on, America was to suffer no further depressions, for when the next

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sharp depression came along in 1937-38, the economists simply refused to use the dread

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name and came up with a new, much softer sounding word, recession.

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From that point on we have been through quite a few recessions, but not a single depression.

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But pretty soon the word recession also became too harsh for the delicate sensibilities of

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the American public.

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It now seems that we had our last recession in 1957-58, for since then we have only had

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downturns or even better slowdowns or sidewise movements.

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So be of good cheer.

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From now on, depressions and even recessions have been outlawed by the semantic fiat of

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economists.

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From now on, the worst that can possibly happen to us are slowdowns.

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Such are the wonders of the new economics.

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For 30 years, our nation's economists have adopted the view of the business cycle held

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by the late British economist John Maynard Keynes, who created the Keynesian, or the

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New Economics in his book, The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money, published in 1936.

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Beneath their diagrams, mathematics and inchoate jargon, the attitude of Keynesians towards booms

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and busts is simplicity, even naivete itself. If there is inflation, then the cause is supposed

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to be excessive spending on the part of the public. The alleged cure is for the government,

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The self-appointed stabilizer and regulator of the nation's economy to step in and force people to spend less, sopping up their excess purchasing power through increased taxation.

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If there is recession, on the other hand, this has been caused by insufficient private spending, and the cure now is for the government to increase its own spending, preferably through deficits, thereby adding to the nation's aggregate spending stream.

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The idea that increased government spending or easy money is good for business and that budget cuts or harder money is bad permeates even the most conservative newspapers and magazines.

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These journals will also take for granted that it is a sacred task of the Federal Government to steer the economic system on the narrow road between the abyss of depression on one hand and inflation on the other,

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for the free market economy is supposed to be ever liable to succumb to one of these evils.

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All current schools of economists have the same attitude.

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Note, for example, the viewpoint of Dr. Paul W. McCracken,

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the incoming chairman of President Nixon's Council of Economic Advisers.

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In an interview with the New York Times shortly after taking office, January 24, 1969,

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Dr. McCracken asserted that one of the major economic problems facing the new administration

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is how you cool down this inflationary economy without, at the same time, tripping off unacceptably

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high levels of unemployment.

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In other words, if the only thing we want to do is cool off the inflation, it could

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be done.

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But our social tolerances on unemployment are narrow, and again, I think we have to

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feel our way along here.

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We don't really have much experience in trying to cool an economy in orderly fashion.

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We slammed on the brakes in 1957, but, of course, we got substantial slack in the economy.

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Note the fundamental attitude of Dr. McCracken toward the economy, remarkable only in that

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it is shared by almost all economists of the present day.

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The economy is treated as a potentially workable but always troublesome and recalcitrant patient

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with a continual tendency to hive off into greater inflation or unemployment.

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The function of the government is to be the wise old manager and physician, ever watchful,

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ever tinkering to keep the economic patient in good working order.

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In any case, here the economic patient is clearly supposed to be the subject, and the

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government as physician, the master.

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It was not so long ago that this kind of attitude and policy was called socialism, but we live

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We live in a world of euphemism, and now we call it by far less harsh labels such as moderation

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or enlightened free enterprise.

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We live and learn.

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What then are the causes of periodic depressions?

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Must we always remain agnostic about the causes of booms and busts?

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Is it really true that business cycles are rooted deep within the free market economy

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and that therefore some form of government planning is needed if we wish to keep the

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The economy within some kind of stable bounds?

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Do booms and then busts just simply happen, or does one phase of the cycle flow logically

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from the other?

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The currently fashionable attitude towards the business cycle stems, actually, from Karl

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Marx.

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Marx saw that before the Industrial Revolution, in approximately the late 18th century, there

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were no regularly occurring booms and depressions.

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There would be a sudden economic crisis whenever some king made war or confiscated the property

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of his subject, but there was no sign of the peculiarly modern phenomena of general and

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fairly regular swings in business fortunes of expansions and contractions.

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Since these cycles also appeared on the scene at about the same time as modern industry,

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Marx concluded that business cycles were an inherent feature of the capitalist market

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economy.

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All the various current schools of economic thought, regardless of their other differences

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and the different causes that they attribute to the cycle, agree on this vital point, that

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these business cycles originate somewhere deep within the free market economy.

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The market economy is to blame.

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Karl Marx believed that the periodic depressions would get worse and worse until the masses

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would be moved to revolt and destroy the system, while the modern economist believes that the

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The government can successfully stabilize depressions and the cycle.

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But all parties agree that the fault lies deep within the market economy and that if

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anything can save the day, it must be some form of massive government intervention.

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There are, however, some critical problems in the assumption that the market economy

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is the culprit.

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For general economic theory teaches us that supply and demand always tend to be in equilibrium

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in the Market and that therefore prices of products as well as the factors that contribute

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to production are always tending towards some equilibrium point.

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Even though changes of data, which are always taking place, prevent equilibrium from ever

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being reached, there is nothing in the general theory of the market system that would account

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for regular and recurring boom and bust phases of the business cycle.

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Modern economists solve this problem by simply keeping their general price and market theory

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and their Business Cycle Theory in separate, tightly sealed compartments with never the

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twain meeting much less integrated with each other.

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Economists, unfortunately, have forgotten that there is only one economy and therefore

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only one integrated economic theory.

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Neither economic life nor the structure of theory can or should be in watertight compartments.

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Our knowledge of the economy is either one integrated whole or it is nothing, yet most

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Most economists are content to apply totally separate and indeed mutually exclusive theories

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for general price analysis and for business cycles.

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They cannot be genuine economic scientists so long as they are content to keep operating

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in this primitive way.

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But there are still graver problems with the currently fashionable approach.

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Economists also do not see one particularly critical problem because they do not bother

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to Square Their Business Cycle and General Price Theories, The Peculiar Breakdown of

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the Entrepreneurial Function at Times of Economic Crisis and Depression.

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In the market economy, one of the most vital functions of the businessman is to be an entrepreneur,

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a man who invests in productive methods, who buys equipment and hires labor to produce

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something which he is not sure will reap him any return.

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In short, the entrepreneurial function is the function of forecasting the uncertain future.

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Before embarking on any investment line or line of production, the entrepreneur or enterpriser

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must estimate present and future costs and future revenues, and therefore estimate whether

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and how much profits he will earn from the investment.

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If he forecasts well and significantly better than his business competitors, he will reap

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profits from his investment.

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The better his forecasting, the higher the profits he will earn.

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If on the other hand he is a poor forecaster and overestimates the demand for his product,

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he will suffer losses and pretty soon be forced out of the business.

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The market economy then is a profit and loss economy in which the acumen and ability of

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business entrepreneurs is gauged by the profits and losses they reap.

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The market economy, moreover, contains a built-in mechanism, a kind of natural selection that

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ensures the survival and the flourishing of the superior forecaster and the weeding out

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of the inferior one.

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For the more profits reaped by the better forecasters, the greater become their business

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responsibilities and the more they will have available to invest in the productive system.

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On the other hand, a few years of making losses will drive the poorer forecasters and entrepreneurs

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If then the market economy has a built-in natural selection mechanism for good entrepreneurs,

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this means that generally we would expect not many business firms to be making losses.

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And in fact, if we look around at the economy on an average day or year, we will find that

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losses are not very widespread.

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But in that case, the odd fact that needs explaining is this.

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How is it that, periodically, in times of the onset of recessions and especially in

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steep depressions, the business world suddenly experiences a massive cluster of severe losses?

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A moment arrives when business firms, previously highly astute entrepreneurs in their ability

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to make profits and avoid losses, suddenly and dismayingly find themselves, almost all

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of them, suffering severe and unaccountable losses.

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How come?

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Here is a momentous fact that any theory of depressions must explain.

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An explanation such as underconsumption, a drop in total consumer spending, is not sufficient.

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For one thing, because what needs to be explained is why businessmen, able to forecast all manner

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of previous economic changes and developments, prove themselves totally and catastrophically

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unable to forecast this alleged drop in consumer demand.

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Why this sudden failure in forecasting ability?

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An adequate theory of depressions then must account for the tendency of the economy to

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move through successive booms and busts, showing no sign of settling into any sort of smoothly

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moving or quietly progressive approximation of an equilibrium situation.

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In particular, a theory of depression must account for the mammoth cluster of errors

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which appears swiftly and suddenly at a moment of economic crisis and lingers through the

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And there is a third universal fact that a theory of the cycle must account for.

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Invariably the booms and busts are much more intense and severe in the capital goods industries.

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The industries making machines and equipment, the ones producing industrial raw materials

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are constructing industrial plants than in the industries making consumer goods.

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There is another fact of business cycle life that must be explained and obviously can't

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be explained by such theories of depression as the popular under-consumption doctrine

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that consumers aren't spending enough on consumer goods.

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For if insufficient spending is the culprit, then how is it that retail sales are the last

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and the least to fall in any depression, and that depression really hits such industries

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as machine tools, capital equipment, construction and raw materials?

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Conversely, it is these industries that really take off in the inflationary boom phase of

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the business cycle, and not those businesses serving the consumer.

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An adequate theory of the business cycle, then, must also explain the far greater intensity

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of booms and busts in the non-consumer goods or producer goods industries.

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Fortunately, a correct theory of depression and of the business cycle does exist, even

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It is universally neglected in present-day economics.

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It too has a long tradition in economic thought.

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This theory began with the 18th century Scottish philosopher and economist David Hume and with

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the eminent early 19th century English classical economist David Ricardo.

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Essentially, these theorists saw that another crucial institution had developed in the mid-18th

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century alongside the industrial system.

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This was the institution of banking, with its capacity to expand credit and the money

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supply, first in the form of paper money or banknotes, and later in the form of demand

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deposits or checking accounts that are instantly redeemable in cash at the banks.

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It was the operations of these commercial banks which, these economists saw, held the

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key to the mysterious recurrent cycles of expansion and contraction, of boom and bust,

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at Puzzled Observer since the mid-18th century.

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The Ricardian analysis of the business cycle when something as follows.

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The natural monies emerging as such on the world's free markets are useful commodities,

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generally gold and silver.

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If money were confined simply to these commodities, then the economy would work in the aggregate

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as it does in particular markets.

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A smooth adjustment of supply and demand and therefore no cycles of boom and bust.

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But the injection of bank credit adds another crucial and disruptive element, for the banks

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expand credit and therefore bank money in the form of notes or deposits which are theoretically

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redeemable on demand in gold, but in practice clearly are not.

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For example, if a bank has 1,000 ounces of gold in its vaults and it issues instantly

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redeemable warehouse receipts for 2,500 ounces of gold, then it clearly has issued 1,500

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Money Supply of the country by 1,500 gold ounces, more than it can possibly redeem.

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But so long as there is no concerted run on the bank to cash in these receipts, its warehouse

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receipts function on the market as equivalent to gold, and therefore the bank has been able

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to expand the money supply of the country by 1,500 gold ounces.

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The banks then happily begin to expand credit, for the more they expand credit the greater

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will be their profits.

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As the supply of paper and bank money in England increases, the money incomes and expenditures of Englishmen rise, and the increased money bids up prices of English goods.

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The result is inflation and a boom within the country. But this inflationary boom, while it proceeds on its merry way, sows the seeds of its own demise.

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and Demise

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For as English money supply and incomes increase, Englishmen proceed to purchase more goods

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from abroad. Furthermore, as English prices go up, English goods begin to lose their competitiveness

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with the products of other countries which have not inflated or have been inflating to

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a lesser degree. Englishmen begin to buy less at home and more abroad while foreigners buy

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by Less in England and More at Home.

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The result is a deficit in the English balance of payments with English exports falling sharply

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behind imports, but if imports exceed exports this means that money must flow out of England

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to foreign countries, and what money will this be?

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Surely not English banknotes or deposits for Frenchmen or Germans or Italians have little

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or no interest in keeping their funds locked up in English banks.

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These foreigners will therefore take their banknotes and deposits and present them to

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the English banks for redemption in gold.

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And gold will be the type of money that will tend to flow persistently out of the country

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as the English inflation proceeds on its way.

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But this means that English bank credit money will be, more and more, pyramiding on top of

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a dwindling gold base in the English bank vaults.

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As the boom proceeds, our hypothetical bank will expand its warehouse receipts issued

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from say 2,500 ounces to 4,000 ounces while its gold base dwindles to say 800.

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As this process intensifies, the banks will eventually become frightened, for the banks

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after all are obligated to redeem their liabilities in cash and their cash is flowing out rapidly

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as their liabilities pile up.

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Hence, the banks will eventually lose their nerve, stop their credit expansion, and in

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in order to save themselves, contract their bank loans outstanding.

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Often, this retreat is precipitated by bankrupting runs on the banks touched off by the public

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who had also been getting increasingly nervous about the ever more shaky condition of the

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nation's banks.

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The bank contraction reverses the economic picture.

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Contraction and bust follow boom.

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The banks pull in their horns and businesses suffer as the pressure mounts for debt repayment

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and Contraction.

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The fall in the supply of bank money in turn leads to a general fall in English prices.

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As money supply and incomes fall and English prices collapse, English goods become relatively

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more attractive in terms of foreign products and the balance of payments reverses itself

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with exports exceeding imports.

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As gold flows into the country and as bank money contracts on top of an expanding gold

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Base, the condition of the banks becomes much sounder.

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This then is the meaning of the depression phase of the business cycle.

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Note that it is a phase that comes out of, and inevitably comes out of, the preceding

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expansionary boom.

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It is the preceding inflation that makes the depression phase necessary.

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We can see, for example, that the depression is the process by which the market economy

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adjusts, throws off the excesses and distortions of the previous inflationary boom, and reestablishes

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a sound economic condition.

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The depression is the unpleasant but necessary reaction to the distortions and excesses of

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the previous boom.

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Why then does the next cycle begin?

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Why do business cycles tend to be recurrent and continuous?

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When the banks have pretty well recovered and are in a sounder condition, they are then in a confident position to proceed to their natural path of bank credit expansion and the next boom proceeds on its way, sowing the seeds for the next inevitable bust.

250
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But if banking is the cause of the business cycle, aren't the banks also a part of the private market economy?

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And can't we therefore say that the free market is still the culprit, if only in the banking segment of that free market?

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The answer is no, for the banks for one thing would never be able to expand credit in concert were it not for the intervention and encouragement of government.

253
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For if the banks were truly competitive, any expansion of credit by one bank would quickly pile up the debts of that bank and its competitors,

254
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and its competitors would quickly call upon the expanding bank for redemption in cash.

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In short, a bank's rivals will call upon it for redemption in gold or cash in the same

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way as do foreigners, except that the process is much faster and would nip any incipient

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inflation in the bud before it got started.

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Banks can only expand comfortably in unison when a central bank exists, essentially a

259
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government bank enjoying a monopoly of government business and a privileged position imposed

260
00:22:16.420 --> 00:22:20.060
by government over the entire banking system.

261
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It is only when central banking got established that the banks were able to expand for any

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00:22:24.780 --> 00:22:30.400
length of time and the familiar business cycle got underway in the modern world.

263
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The central bank acquires its control over the banking system by such governmental measures

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as making its own liabilities legal tender for all debts and receivable in taxes, granting

265
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the central bank monopoly of the issue of bank notes as contrasted to deposits.

266
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In England, the Bank of England, the governmentally established central bank, had a legal monopoly

267
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of banknotes in the London area, or through the outright forcing of the banks to use the

268
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central bank as their client for keeping their reserves of cash, as in the United States

269
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in its Federal Reserve system.

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Not that the banks complain about this intervention, for it is the establishment of central banking

271
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that makes long-term bank credit expansion possible, since the expansion of central bank

272
00:23:15.660 --> 00:23:21.280
Notes provides added cash reserves for the entire banking system and permits all the

273
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commercial banks to expand their credit together. Central banking works like a cozy compulsory

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bank cartel to expand the bank's liabilities and the banks are now able to expand on a

275
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larger base of cash in the form of central bank notes as well as gold. So now we see

276
00:23:38.960 --> 00:23:43.640
at last that the business cycle is brought about not by any mysterious failings of the

277
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of the Free Market Economy, but quite the opposite, by systematic intervention by government

278
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in the market process.

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Government intervention brings about bank expansion and inflation, and when the inflation

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00:23:56.860 --> 00:24:02.100
comes to an end, the subsequent depression and adjustment comes into play.

281
00:24:02.100 --> 00:24:07.800
The Ricardian Theory of the Business Cycle grasps the essentials of a correct cycle theory.

282
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The recurrent nature of the phases of the cycle, depression as adjustment, intervention

283
00:24:13.040 --> 00:24:17.000
in the Market rather than from the free market economy.

284
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But two problems were as yet unexplained.

285
00:24:20.320 --> 00:24:24.760
Why the sudden cluster of business error, the sudden failure of the entrepreneurial

286
00:24:24.760 --> 00:24:30.360
function and why the vastly greater fluctuations in the producer's goods than in the consumer's

287
00:24:30.360 --> 00:24:32.600
goods industries.

288
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The Ricardian theory only explained movements in the price level in general business.

289
00:24:37.640 --> 00:24:42.480
There was no hint of explanation of the vastly different reactions in the capital and consumer's

290
00:24:42.480 --> 00:24:55.480
The correct and fully developed theory of the business cycle was finally discovered and set forth by the Austrian economist Ludwig von Mises when he was a professor at the University of Vienna.

291
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Mises developed hints of his solution to the vital problem of the business cycle in his monumental Theory of Money and Credit, published in 1912 and still nearly 60 years later, the best book on the theory of money and banking.

292
00:25:10.480 --> 00:25:36.480
Mises developed his cycle theory during the 1920s, and it was brought to the English-speaking world by Mises' leading follower, Friedrich A. von Hayek, who came from Vienna to teach at the London School of Economics in the early 1930s, and who published, in German and in English, two books which applied and elaborated the Mises cycle theory, Monetary Theory and the Trade Cycle, and Prices and Production.

293
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Since Mises and Hayek were Austrians, and also since they were in the tradition of the great 19th century Austrian economists, this theory has become known in the literature as the Austrian, or the monetary overinvestment theory of the business cycle.

294
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Building on the Ricardians on general Austrian theory and on his own creative genius, Mises developed the following theory of the business cycle.

295
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Without bank credit expansion, supply and demand tend to be equilibrated through the free-price system and no cumulative booms or busts can then develop.

296
00:26:12.480 --> 00:26:24.480
But then government, through its central bank, stimulates bank credit expansion by expanding central banks' liabilities and therefore the cash reserves of all the nation's commercial banks.

297
00:26:24.480 --> 00:26:31.480
The banks then proceed to expand credit and hence the nation's money supply in the form of check deposits.

298
00:26:31.480 --> 00:26:44.480
As the Ricardians saw, this expansion of bank money drives up the prices of goods and hence causes inflation, but, Mises showed, it does something else and something even more sinister.

299
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Bank credit expansion by pouring new loan funds into the business world artificially lowers the rate of interest in the economy below its free market level.

300
00:26:55.480 --> 00:27:16.480
On the free and unhampered market, the interest rate is determined purely by the time preferences of all the individuals that make up the market economy, for the essence of a loan is that a present good, money which can be used at present, is being exchanged for a future good, an IOU which can only be used at some point in the future.

301
00:27:16.480 --> 00:27:21.240
Since people always prefer money right now to the prospect of getting the same amount

302
00:27:21.240 --> 00:27:26.600
of money sometime in the future, the present good always commands a premium in the market

303
00:27:26.600 --> 00:27:28.580
over the future.

304
00:27:28.580 --> 00:27:33.080
This premium is the interest rate, and its height will vary according to the degree to

305
00:27:33.080 --> 00:27:39.840
which people prefer the present to the future, that is, the degree of their time preferences.

306
00:27:39.840 --> 00:27:44.800
People's time preferences also determine the extent to which people will save and invest

307
00:27:44.800 --> 00:27:48.040
as compared to how much they will consume.

308
00:27:48.040 --> 00:27:52.420
If people's time preferences should fall, that is, if their degree of preference for

309
00:27:52.420 --> 00:27:59.240
present over future falls, then people will tend to consume less now and save and invest

310
00:27:59.240 --> 00:28:00.980
more.

311
00:28:00.980 --> 00:28:06.480
At the same time and for the same reason, the rate of interest, the rate of time discount,

312
00:28:06.480 --> 00:28:08.960
will also fall.

313
00:28:08.960 --> 00:28:13.560
Economic growth comes about largely as a result of falling rates of time preference, which

314
00:28:13.560 --> 00:28:18.420
which lead to an increase in the proportion of savings and investment to consumption and

315
00:28:18.420 --> 00:28:21.640
also to a falling rate of interest.

316
00:28:21.640 --> 00:28:26.160
But what happens when the rate of interest falls not because of lower time preferences

317
00:28:26.160 --> 00:28:32.540
and higher savings, but from government interference that promotes the expansion of bank credit?

318
00:28:32.540 --> 00:28:37.640
In other words, if the rate of interest falls artificially due to intervention rather than

319
00:28:37.640 --> 00:28:42.420
and naturally as a result of changes in the valuations and preferences of the consuming

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00:28:42.420 --> 00:28:43.960
public.

321
00:28:43.960 --> 00:28:46.100
What happens is trouble.

322
00:28:46.100 --> 00:28:50.960
For businessmen, seeing the rate of interest fall, react as they always would and must

323
00:28:50.960 --> 00:28:53.940
to such a change of market signals.

324
00:28:53.940 --> 00:28:56.980
They invest more in capital and producer goods.

325
00:28:56.980 --> 00:29:03.380
Investments, particularly in lengthy and time-consuming projects, which previously looked unprofitable,

326
00:29:03.380 --> 00:29:14.060
In short, businessmen react as they would react if savings had genuinely increased.

327
00:29:14.060 --> 00:29:20.700
They expand their investment in durable equipment, in capital goods, in industrial raw material,

328
00:29:20.700 --> 00:29:26.180
in construction as compared to their direct production of consumer goods.

329
00:29:26.180 --> 00:29:30.260
Businesses in short happily borrow the newly expanded bank money that is coming to them

330
00:29:30.260 --> 00:29:31.820
at cheaper rates.

331
00:29:31.820 --> 00:29:36.660
They use the money to invest in capital goods and eventually this money gets paid out in

332
00:29:36.660 --> 00:29:42.100
higher rents to land and higher wages to workers in the capital goods industries.

333
00:29:42.100 --> 00:29:47.220
The increased business demand bids up labor costs, but businesses think they can pay these

334
00:29:47.220 --> 00:29:51.620
higher costs because they have been fooled by the government and bank intervention in

335
00:29:51.620 --> 00:29:56.380
the loan market and its decisively important tampering with the interest rate signal of

336
00:29:56.380 --> 00:29:58.480
the marketplace.

337
00:29:58.480 --> 00:30:03.820
The problem comes as soon as the workers and landlords, largely the former since most gross

338
00:30:03.820 --> 00:30:08.740
business income is paid out in wages, begin to spend the new bank money that they have

339
00:30:08.740 --> 00:30:13.380
received in the form of higher wages, for the time preferences of the public have not

340
00:30:13.380 --> 00:30:14.980
really gotten lower.

341
00:30:14.980 --> 00:30:19.700
The public doesn't want to save more than it has, so the workers set about to consume

342
00:30:19.700 --> 00:30:26.940
most of their new income, in short, to reestablish the old consumer savings proportions.

343
00:30:26.940 --> 00:30:31.640
This means that they redirect the spending back to the consumer goods industries and

344
00:30:31.640 --> 00:30:37.380
they don't save and invest enough to buy the newly produced machines, capital equipment,

345
00:30:37.380 --> 00:30:40.660
industrial raw materials and so forth.

346
00:30:40.660 --> 00:30:45.380
This all reveals itself as a sudden, sharp and continuing depression in the producer's

347
00:30:45.380 --> 00:30:47.380
goods industries.

348
00:30:47.380 --> 00:30:52.440
Once the consumers reestablish their desired consumption investment proportions, it is

349
00:30:52.440 --> 00:30:57.560
Mises thus revealed that business had invested too much in capital goods and had under-invested

350
00:30:57.560 --> 00:31:00.160
in consumer goods.

351
00:31:00.160 --> 00:31:04.000
Business had been seduced by the government tampering and artificial lowering of the rate

352
00:31:04.000 --> 00:31:10.400
of interest and acted as if more savings were available to invest than were really there.

353
00:31:10.400 --> 00:31:14.560
As soon as the new bank money filtered through the system and the consumers re-established

354
00:31:14.560 --> 00:31:19.320
their old proportions, it became clear that there was not enough savings to buy all the

355
00:31:19.320 --> 00:31:25.080
of Producers' Goods and that business had misinvested the limited savings available.

356
00:31:25.080 --> 00:31:30.840
Business had over-invested in capital goods and under-invested in consumer products.

357
00:31:30.840 --> 00:31:37.160
The inflationary boom thus leads to distortions of the pricing and production system.

358
00:31:37.160 --> 00:31:41.800
Prices of labor and raw materials in the capital goods industries had been bid up during the

359
00:31:41.800 --> 00:31:47.720
boom too high to be profitable once the consumers reassert their old consumption investment

360
00:31:47.720 --> 00:31:54.620
The Depression is then seen as the necessary and healthy phase by which the market economy

361
00:31:54.620 --> 00:32:00.760
sloughs off and liquidates the unsound, uneconomic investments of the boom, and reestablishes

362
00:32:00.760 --> 00:32:07.000
those proportions between consumption and investment that are truly desired by the consumers.

363
00:32:07.000 --> 00:32:12.160
The Depression is the painful but necessary process by which the free market sloughs off

364
00:32:12.160 --> 00:32:17.680
the excess and errors of the boom, and reestablishes the market economy in its function of efficiency,

365
00:32:17.680 --> 00:32:21.680
Efficient Service to the Mass of Consumers

366
00:32:21.680 --> 00:32:26.440
Since prices of factors of production have been bid too high in the boom, this means

367
00:32:26.440 --> 00:32:32.240
that prices of labor and goods in these capital goods industries must be allowed to fall until

368
00:32:32.240 --> 00:32:35.800
proper market relations are resumed.

369
00:32:35.800 --> 00:32:40.900
Since the workers receive the increased money in the form of higher wages fairly rapidly,

370
00:32:40.900 --> 00:32:46.440
how is it that booms can go on for years without having their unsound investments revealed,

371
00:32:46.440 --> 00:32:50.960
Where errors due to tampering with market signals become evident, and the depression

372
00:32:50.960 --> 00:32:54.520
adjustment process begin its work?

373
00:32:54.520 --> 00:32:59.720
The answer is that booms would be very short-lived if the bank credit expansion and subsequent

374
00:32:59.720 --> 00:33:05.000
pushing of the interest rates below the free market level were a one-shot affair.

375
00:33:05.000 --> 00:33:09.000
But the point is that the credit expansion is not one-shot.

376
00:33:09.000 --> 00:33:13.940
It proceeds on and on, never giving consumers the chance to re-establish their preferred

377
00:33:13.940 --> 00:33:19.500
Proportions of Consumption and Saving, never allowing the rise in costs in the capital

378
00:33:19.500 --> 00:33:24.460
goods industries to catch up to the inflationary rise in prices.

379
00:33:24.460 --> 00:33:29.680
Like the repeated doping of a horse, the boom is kept on its way and ahead of its inevitable

380
00:33:29.680 --> 00:33:35.280
comeuppance by repeated doses of the stimulant bank credit.

381
00:33:35.280 --> 00:33:40.240
It is only when bank credit expansion must finally stop, either because the banks are

382
00:33:40.240 --> 00:33:44.640
are getting into shaky condition or because the public begins to balk at the continuing

383
00:33:44.640 --> 00:33:49.440
inflation that retribution finally catches up with the boom.

384
00:33:49.440 --> 00:33:55.240
As soon as credit expansion stops, then the piper must be paid and the inevitable readjustments

385
00:33:55.240 --> 00:34:00.160
liquidate the unsound over-investments of the boom with the reassertion of a greater

386
00:34:00.160 --> 00:34:04.080
proportionate emphasis on consumer goods production.

387
00:34:04.080 --> 00:34:09.580
Thus, the Misesian theory of the business cycle accounts for all of our puzzles.

388
00:34:09.580 --> 00:34:15.460
The repeated and recurrent nature of the cycle, the massive cluster of entrepreneurial error,

389
00:34:15.460 --> 00:34:21.260
and the far greater intensity of the boom and bust in the producers' goods industries.

390
00:34:21.260 --> 00:34:26.680
Mises then pinpoints the blame for the cycle on inflationary bank credit expansion propelled

391
00:34:26.680 --> 00:34:30.440
by the intervention of government and its central bank.

392
00:34:30.440 --> 00:34:35.900
What does Mises say should be done, say by government, once the depression arrives?

393
00:34:35.900 --> 00:34:39.820
What is the governmental role in the cure of depression?

394
00:34:39.820 --> 00:34:44.780
In the first place, government must cease inflating as soon as possible.

395
00:34:44.780 --> 00:34:49.620
It is true that this will inevitably bring the inflationary boom abruptly to an end and

396
00:34:49.620 --> 00:34:53.240
commence the inevitable recession or depression.

397
00:34:53.240 --> 00:34:57.980
But the longer the government waits for this, the worse the necessary readjustments will

398
00:34:57.980 --> 00:34:59.940
have to be.

399
00:34:59.940 --> 00:35:04.560
The sooner the depression readjustment has gotten over with, the better.

400
00:35:04.560 --> 00:35:10.040
This means also that the government must never try to prop up unsound business situations.

401
00:35:10.040 --> 00:35:15.020
It must never bail out or lend money to business firms in trouble.

402
00:35:15.020 --> 00:35:20.160
Doing this will simply prolong the agony and convert a sharp and quick depression phase

403
00:35:20.160 --> 00:35:23.640
into a lingering and chronic disease.

404
00:35:23.640 --> 00:35:29.100
The government must never try to prop up wage rates or prices of producer goods.

405
00:35:29.100 --> 00:35:33.820
Doing so will prolong and delay indefinitely the completion of the depression adjustment

406
00:35:33.820 --> 00:35:35.360
process.

407
00:35:35.360 --> 00:35:40.580
It will cause indefinite and prolonged depression and mass unemployment in the vital capital

408
00:35:40.580 --> 00:35:42.780
goods industries.

409
00:35:42.780 --> 00:35:47.300
The government must not try to inflate again in order to get out of the depression, for

410
00:35:47.300 --> 00:35:53.380
even if this reinflation succeeds, it will only sow greater trouble later on.

411
00:35:53.380 --> 00:35:57.860
The government must do nothing to encourage consumption and it must not increase its own

412
00:35:57.860 --> 00:36:03.200
and Expenditures, for this will further increase the social consumption investment ratio.

413
00:36:03.200 --> 00:36:07.380
In fact, cutting the government budget will improve the ratio.

414
00:36:07.380 --> 00:36:12.900
What the economy needs is not more consumption spending, but more saving, in order to validate

415
00:36:12.900 --> 00:36:16.060
some of the excessive investments of the boom.

416
00:36:16.060 --> 00:36:21.740
Thus, what the government should do according to the Misesian analysis of the Depression

417
00:36:21.740 --> 00:36:24.260
is absolutely nothing.

418
00:36:24.260 --> 00:36:28.700
should, from the point of view of economic health and ending the Depression as quickly

419
00:36:28.700 --> 00:36:34.860
as possible, maintain a strict hands-off laissez-faire policy.

420
00:36:34.860 --> 00:36:39.160
Anything it does will delay and obstruct the adjustment process of the market.

421
00:36:39.160 --> 00:36:44.000
The less it does, the more rapidly will the market adjustment process do its work and

422
00:36:44.000 --> 00:36:47.520
sound economic recovery ensue.

423
00:36:47.520 --> 00:36:51.640
The Misesian prescription is thus the exact opposite of the Keynesian.

424
00:36:51.640 --> 00:36:57.560
It is for the government to keep absolute hands off the economy and to confine itself to stopping

425
00:36:57.560 --> 00:37:01.360
its own inflation and to cutting its own budget.

426
00:37:01.360 --> 00:37:07.160
It has today been completely forgotten, even among economists, that the Misesian explanation

427
00:37:07.160 --> 00:37:12.240
and analysis of the Depression gained great headway precisely during the Great Depression

428
00:37:12.240 --> 00:37:17.600
of the 1930s, the very Depression that has always held up to advocates of the free market

429
00:37:17.600 --> 00:37:23.580
Economy as the greatest single and catastrophic failure of laissez-faire capitalism.

430
00:37:23.580 --> 00:37:25.360
It was no such thing.

431
00:37:25.360 --> 00:37:31.340
1929 was made inevitable by the vast bank credit expansion throughout the Western world

432
00:37:31.340 --> 00:37:37.520
during the 1920s, a policy deliberately adopted by the Western governments and most importantly

433
00:37:37.520 --> 00:37:41.560
by the Federal Reserve system in the United States.

434
00:37:41.560 --> 00:37:46.140
It was made possible by the failure of the Western world to return to a genuine gold

435
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Everyone now thinks of President Coolidge as a believer in laissez-faire and an unhampered

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market economy.

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He was not, and tragically, nowhere less so than in the field of money and credit.

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Unfortunately, the sins and errors of the Coolidge intervention were laid to the door

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of a non-existent free market economy.

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If Coolidge made 1929 inevitable, he would not have been able to do so in 1929.

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If Coolidge made 1929 inevitable, it was President Hoover who prolonged and deepened the Depression,

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transforming it from a typically sharp but swiftly disappearing Depression into a lingering

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and near-fatal malady, a malady cured only by the Holocaust of World War II.

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Hoover, not Franklin Roosevelt, was the founder of the policy of the New Deal, essentially

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is clearly the massive use of the state to do exactly what Misesian theory would most

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warn against, to prop up wage rates above their free market levels, prop up prices,

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inflate credit, and lend money to shaky business positions.

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Roosevelt only advanced to a greater degree what Hoover had pioneered.

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The result for the first time in American history was a nearly perpetual depression

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and nearly permanent mass unemployment.

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The Coolidge Crisis had become the unprecedentedly prolonged Hoover-Roosevelt Depression.

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Ludwig von Mises had predicted the Depression during the heyday of the great boom of the

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1920s, a time, just like today, when economists and politicians, armed with a new economics

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of perpetual inflation and with new tools provided by the Federal Reserve System, proclaimed

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a perpetual new era of permanent prosperity guaranteed by our wise economic doctors in

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Washington.

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Ludwig von Mises, alone armed with the correct theory of the business cycle, was one of the

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few economists to predict the Great Depression, and hence the economic world was forced to

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listen to him with respect.

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F. A. Hayek spread the word in England, and the younger English economists were all, in

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the early 1930s, beginning to adopt the Misesian cycle theory for their analysis of the depression,

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and also to adopt, of course, the strictly free-market policy prescription that flowed

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with this theory.

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Unfortunately, economists have now adopted the historical notion of Lord Keynes, that

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no classical economist had a theory of the business cycle until Keynes came along in

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1936.

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There was a theory of the Depression.

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It was the classical economic tradition.

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Its prescription was strict, hard money and laissez-faire, and it was rapidly being adopted

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in England and even in the United States as the accepted theory of the business cycle.

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A particular irony is that the major Austrian proponent in the United States in the early

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and mid-1930s was none other than Professor Alvin Hansen, very soon to make his mark as

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the outstanding Keynesian disciple in this country.

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What swamped the growing acceptance of Misesian cycle theory was simply the Keynesian Revolution,

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The amazing sweep that Keynesian theory made of the economic world shortly after the publication

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of the General Theory in 1936.

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It is not that Misesian theory was refuted successfully, it was just forgotten in the

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rush to climb on the suddenly fashionable Keynesian bandwagon.

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Some of the leading adherents of the Mises theory, who clearly knew better, succumbed

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to the newly established winds of doctrine and won leading American university posts

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as a consequence.

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But now, the once arch-Keynesian London economist has recently proclaimed that Keynes is dead.

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After over a decade of facing trenchant theoretical critiques and refutation by stubborn economic

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facts, the Keynesians are now in general and massive retreat.

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Once again, the money supply and bank credit are being grudgingly acknowledged to play

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a leading role in the cycle.

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The time is ripe for a rediscovery, a renaissance of the Mises theory of the business cycle.

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It can come none too soon.

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If it ever does, the whole concept of a council of economic advisors would be swept away and

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we would see a massive retreat of government from the economic sphere.

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But for all this to happen, the world of economics and the public at large must be made aware

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of the existence of an explanation of the business cycle that has lain neglected on

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The Ludwig von Mises Institute hopes you have enjoyed this audio book.

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For a world of free market literature, media and discussion, visit Mises.org.

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The Theory of Money and Credit
