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NOTE 13. Physiocracy in Mid-Eighteenth Century

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Chapter 13. Physiocracy in Mid-18th Century France

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1. The Sect

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The first self-conscious school of economic thought developed in France shortly after the publication of Cantillon's essay.

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They called themselves The Economists, but later came to be called The Physiocrats,

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after their prime politico-economical principle, physiocracy, the rule of nature.

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The physiocrats had an authentic leader, the creator of the physiocratic paradigm,

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a leading propagandist and several highly placed disciples and editors of journals.

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The physiocrats promoted each other, reviewed each other's prolific works in glowing terms,

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met frequently and periodically in salons to deliver papers and discuss each other's essays,

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and generally behaved as a self-conscious movement.

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They had a cadre of hard-core physiocrats and a penumbra of influential fellow travelers and sympathizers.

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Unfortunately, the physiocrats soon took on the dimensions of a cult as well as a school,

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People, heaping lavish and uncritical praise upon their leader, who thus became a guru,

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as well as the creator of an important paradigm in economic thought.

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The founder, leader and guru of physiocracy was Dr. François Kenet, 1694-1774, a restless,

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charismatic and intellectually curious soul who was typical of Enlightenment intellectuals

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of the 18th Century. Smitten with the physical sciences, as so many intellectuals were in

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the shadow of the great Isaac Newton, Keney, son of a well-to-do farmer, read widely in

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his chosen profession of medicine. Gaining fame as a surgeon and physician, Keney wrote

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medical works and also became expert in agricultural science, writing on its technology.

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In 1749, at the age of 55, Kene became personal physician to King Louis XV's mistress, Madame

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de Pompadour, and a few years later also became personal physician to the king himself.

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It was in the late 1750s, when in his mid-60s, that Dr. Kene began to dabble in economic

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topics.

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The founding of the physiocratic movement may be dated precisely at the moment in July 1757

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when the guru met his chief adept and propagandist.

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For it was then that Dr. Canet met the restless, flighty, enthusiastic and slightly crackpot

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Victor Ricchetti, the Marquis de Mirabeau, 1715-1789.

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in 1989. Mirabeau, a disgruntled aristocrat with plenty of leisure time on his hands,

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had just published the first several parts of a multi-part work, a grandiloquently entitled

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best-seller, L'Ami des hommes, The Friend of Man. This work had charmed many Frenchmen

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through its very flamboyance and lack of system, as well as its curious use of an archaic 17th

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century style.

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While writing L'Ami des hommes, Mirabeau was a quasi-disciple of the later Cantillon, glossing

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and publishing the essay.

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But contact with Canet soon converted him into the doctor's leading fugleman and propagandist.

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The ruminations of one seemingly harmless eccentric physician had now become a school

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of thought, a force to be reckoned with.

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The high placement of the two founding physiocrats served their cause well.

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Canet's crucial place at court, as well as Mirabeau's fame and aristocratic position,

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gave the movement power and influence.

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Still, political economy was dangerous in that age of absolutism and censorship, and

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Canet prudently published his work under pseudonyms or through his disciples.

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Indeed, Mirabeau was imprisoned for a couple of weeks in 1760 for his book, Theory of Taxes,

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specifically for his blistering attack on oppressive taxation and on the financial system

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of tax farming, in which the king sold the rights to tax to private firms or farmers.

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He was released, however, by the good offices of Madame de Pompadour.

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The physiocrats conducted their operations through a succession of journals and through

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periodic salons, some conducted at the home of Dr. Canet, the most prominent in regular

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Tuesday evening seminars at the home of the Marquis de Mirabeau.

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The chief physiocratic figures were Pierre-Francois Mercier de la Rivière, 1720 to 1793, whose

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The Natural and Essential Order of Political Societies, 1767, was the major work on political

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philosophy of the school.

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The Abbé Nicolas Bodeau, 1730-1792, the editor and journalist of the Physiocrats.

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Guillaume François Le Trône, 1728-1780, jurist and economist, and the youngest member

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In no way did the cult aspect of the physiocratic group show itself more starkly than in the

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adjectives used about their master.

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His followers claimed that Kene looked like Socrates and they habitually referred to him

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as the Confucius of Europe.

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Indeed, despite the fact that Adam Smith and others spoke of his great modesty, Dr. Kene

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identified himself with the alleged wisdom and glory of the Chinese sage.

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Mirabeau went so far as to proclaim that the three greatest inventions in the history of

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of Mankind were writing, money, and Canet's famous diagram, the tableau économique.

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The sect lasted for less than two decades, going rapidly downhill after the mid-1770s.

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Several factors accounted for the precipitate decline.

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One was the death of Canet in 1774, and the fact that in his later years the physician

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Men had lost much interest in his cult and had shifted to work on mathematics, where

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he claimed to have solved the age-old problem of squaring the circle.

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Furthermore, the fall from grace as finance minister of their fellow traveler, A. R. J.

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Turgot, two years later, and the disgrace heaped upon Mirabeau by a public smear campaign

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launched by his wife and children at about the same time caused physiocracy to fall from

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influence, and the advent of Smith's wealth of nations in the same year soon led to the

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unfortunate habit of ignoring all pre-Smithian thought as if the new science of political

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economy had been created single-handed and ex nihilo by Adam Smith.

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2. Laissez-faire and free trade

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The main stress of the physiocrats was in two areas, political economy and technical

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economic analysis, and the difference in the quality of their respective contributions

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is so great as to be almost stupefying. For in general political economy they were usually

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In political economy, the physiocrats were among the first laissez-faire thinkers, casting

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aside contemptuously the entire mercantilist baggage.

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They called for complete internal and external free enterprise and free trade, unfettered

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by subsidies, monopoly privileges or restrictions.

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By removing such restrictions and exactions, commerce, agriculture and the entire economy

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would flourish.

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On international trade, while the physiocrats lacked the specie flow price mechanism of

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of the Brilliant and Sophisticated Cantillon. They were far bolder than he in laying down

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the gauntlet to all mercantilist fallacies and restrictions. It is absurd and self-contradictory,

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they pointed out, for a nation to attempt to sell a great deal to foreign countries

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and to buy very little. Selling and buying are only two sides of the same coin. Furthermore,

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The physiocrats anticipated the classical economic insight that money is not crucial,

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that in the long run commodities, real goods, exchange for each other, with money simply

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an intermediary.

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Therefore, the key goal is not to amass bullion or to follow the chimera of a permanently

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to have a favorable balance of trade, but to have a high standard of living in terms

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of real products.

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Seeking to amass species means that people in a nation are giving up real goods in order

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to acquire mere money.

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Hence they are losing rather than gaining wealth in real terms.

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Indeed, the whole point of money is to exchange it for real wealth, and if people insist on

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When piling up an unused hoard of specie, they will lose wealth permanently.

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When Turgot became finance minister of France in 1774, his first act was to decree freedom

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of import and export of grain.

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The preamble of his edict, drawn up by his aide, Dupont de Nemours, summed up the laissez-faire

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The New Free Trade Policy, it declared, was designed to animate and extend the cultivation of the land, whose produce is the most real and certain wealth of a state, to maintain abundance by granaries and the entry of foreign corn, to prevent corn from falling to a price which would discourage the producer, to remove foreign grain from the land, to prevent corn from falling to a price which would discourage the producer, to remove foreign grain from the land,

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of Monopoly by shutting out private license in favor of free and full competition, and

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by maintaining among different countries that communication of exchange of superfluities

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for necessities which is so comfortable to the order established by divine providence.

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Although the physiocrats were officially in favor of complete freedom of trade, their

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Their besetting passion, and this reflects their often bizarre economics, were repealing

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all restrictions on free export of grain.

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It is understandable that they would concentrate on the elimination of a long-standing restriction,

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but they seemed to show little zeal for the freedom of importation of grain, or for the

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freedom of export of manufacturers.

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All this was wrapped up in the physiocrats' unremitting enthusiasm for high agricultural

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prices, almost as a good in itself.

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Indeed, the physiocrats frowned on exports of manufactured products as competing with

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and lowering the price of agricultural exports.

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Dr. Kanae went so far as to write that, happy the land which has no exports of manufacturers,

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Because agricultural exports maintain farm prices at too high a level to permit the sterile class to sell its products abroad.

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As we shall see below, sterile, by definition, meant everyone outside agriculture.

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3. Laissez-faire forerunner, the Marquis d'Argenson

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While the physiocrats were the first economists to stress and develop the case for laissez-faire, they had distinguished forerunners among statesmen and merchants in France.

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As we have seen, the laissez-faire concept developed among classical liberal oppositionists to the absolutism of late 17th century France.

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They included merchants, such as Thomas Legendre, and utilitarian officials like Belébat and Bois-Gilbert.

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Bridging the gap between turn-of-the-18th-century laissez-faire writers and the physiocrats of the 1760s and 1770s was the eminent statesman René-Louis de Voyer de Poulmi, Marquis d'Argenson, 1694 to 1757.

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The heir of a long line of ministers, magistrates and entendants, D'Argenson's ambition was

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to become prime minister and save France from what he saw as impending revolution by instituting

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laissez-faire.

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A voracious reader and prolific writer throughout his life, D'Argenson only published in his

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In his lifetime, a few articles in his Economic Journal in the early 1750s, and these were

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not printed but widely circulated in manuscript form.

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For a long while, d'Argenson was erroneously credited by historians with originating the

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phrase laissez-faire in one of the articles in his Journal of 1751.

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While d'Argenson did not originate the term, laissez-faire was his repeated cry to the

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French authorities, a cry he continued to stress even though his ideas were dismissed

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as eccentric by all his governmental colleagues.

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As entendant in his early years on the Flemish border, d'Argenson was struck with what he

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saw to be the economic and social superiority of free people and free markets across the

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of Order in Flanders. He then became greatly influenced by the writings of Fenelon, Belébat,

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and Bois-Gilbert.

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Darjean Sainte saw self-love and self-interest as the mainspring of human action, as bringing

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about energy and productivity in the pursuit of each man's happiness. Human social life,

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to D'Argent-Saint has the natural tendency to inherit harmony when artificial constraints

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and artificial harmony and artificial stimuli are removed.

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Looking to an enlightened monarch to remove these artificial subsidies and restrictions,

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D'Argent-Saint pointed out that in the ideal society the sovereign would have very little

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to do.

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One spoils everything by meddling too much.

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The best government is that which governs least.

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Thereby the Marquis anticipated the famous phrase attributed to Thomas Jefferson.

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Darjean Sainte concluded that each individual should be left alone to labor on his own behalf

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instead of suffering constraint and ill-conceived precautions.

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Then everything will go beautifully.

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Then, continuing the proto-Hayekian point made by Beleba, it is precisely this perfection

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of liberty that makes a science of commerce impossible, in the sense that our speculative

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thinkers understand it.

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They want to direct commerce by their orders and regulations, but to do this one would

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need to be thoroughly acquainted with the interests involved in commerce, from one individual

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to another. In the absence of such knowledge, it, a science of commerce, can only be much

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worse than ignorance in its bad effects. Therefore, laissez-faire.

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4. Natural Law and Property Rights

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Not only were the physiocrats generally consistent advocates of laissez-faire, but they also

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also supported the operation of a free market and the natural rights of person and property.

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John Locke and the Levellers in England had transformed the rather vague and holistic

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notions of natural law into the clear-cut, firmly individualistic concepts of the natural

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rights of every individual human being.

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But the physiocrats were the first to apply natural rights and property rights concepts

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fully to the free market economy.

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In a sense, they completed the work of Locke and brought full Lockeanism to economics.

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Keney and the others were also inspired by the typically 18th century enlightenment version

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of natural law, where the individual's rights of person and property were deeply embedded

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in a set of natural laws that had been worked out by the Creator and were clearly discoverable

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in the light of human reason.

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In a profound sense, then, eighteenth-century natural rights theory was a refined variant

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of medieval and post-medieval scholastic natural law.

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The rights were now clearly individualistic and not societal or pertaining to the State,

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and the set of natural laws was discoverable by human reason.

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The 17th century Dutch Protestant, and in essence Protestant scholastic Hugo Grotius,

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deeply influenced by the late Spanish scholastics, developed a natural law theory which he boldly

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declared was truly independent of the question of whether God had created them.

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The seeds of this thought were in St. Thomas Aquinas and in later Catholic scholastics,

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but never had it been formulated as clearly and as starkly as by Grotius.

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Or to put it in terms that had fascinated political philosophers since Plato, did God

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love the good because it was in fact good, or is something good because God loves it?

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The former has always been the answer of those who believe in objective truth and objective

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ethics, that is, that something might be good or bad in accordance with the objective laws

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of nature and reality.

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The latter has been the answer of fideists, who believe that no objective rights or ethics

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exist and that only the purely arbitrary will of God, as expressed in Revelation, can make

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make things good or bad for mankind.

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Grotius was the definitive statement of the objectivist, rationalist position, since natural

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laws for him are discoverable by human reason, and the 18th century enlightenment was essentially

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the spinning out of the Grotian framework.

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To Grotius the enlightenment added Newton and his vision of the world as a set of harmonious,

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precisely, if not mechanically, interacting natural laws.

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And while Grotius and Newton were fervent Christians, as was almost everyone in their

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epoch, the eighteenth century, starting with their premises, easily fell into deism, in

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which God, the great clockmaker or creator of this universe of natural laws, then disappeared

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from the Scene and allowed his creation to work itself out.

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From the standpoint of political philosophy, however, it mattered little whether Kene and

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the others, Dupont was of Huguenot background, were Catholics or deists, for given their

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world outlook, their attitude toward natural law and natural rights could be the same in

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either case.

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Mercier de la Rivière pointed out in his Natural Order that the general plan of God's

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creation had provided natural laws for the government of all things, and that man could

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surely not be any exception to that rule.

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Man needed only to know through his reason the conditions that would lead to his greatest

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happiness and then follow that path.

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All ills of mankind follow from ignorance or disobedience of such laws.

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In human nature, the right of self-preservation implies the right to property, and any individual

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property in man's products from the soil requires property in the land itself.

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But the right to property would be nothing without the freedom of using it, and so liberty

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is derived from the right to property.

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People flourish as social animals, and through trade and exchange of property, they maximize

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the happiness of all. Furthermore, since the faculties of human beings are by nature diverse

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and unequal, an inequality of condition arises naturally from an equal right to liberty of

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every man. In this way, property rights and free markets, concluded Mercier, is a social

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is a fundamental order that is natural, evident, simple, immutable, and conducive to the happiness of all.

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Or, as Keney declared in his Natural Law, every man has a natural right to the free exercise of his faculties,

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provided he does not employ them to the injury of himself or others.

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This right to liberty implies as a corollary the right to property, and the only function of the government is to defend that right.

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Many rulers of Europe were either entranced or intrigued by this fashionable new doctrine of physiocracy, and endeavored to find out about it from its major theorists.

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The Dauphin of France once complained to Canet of the difficulty of being a king, and the

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physician replied that it was really quite simple.

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What, then, asked the Dauphin, would you do if you were king?

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Nothing, was the straightforward, stark, and magnificently libertarian answer of Dr. Canet.

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But then, who would govern, sputtered the Dauphin?

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The law, that is, the natural law, was Keney's accurate but no doubt unsatisfying reply.

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A similar reply was certainly unsatisfactory to Catherine the Great, Tsarina of all the

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Russia's, who sent for Mercier de la Rivière, jurist and at one time entendant, governor

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of Martinique, to instruct her on how to govern.

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Just as to what the law should be grounded on, Mercier answered the Empress, On one thing

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alone, madam, the nature of things and of man.

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But how then can a king know what laws to give to a people, the Tsarina continued.

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To which Mercier replied sharply, To give or make laws, madam, is a task which God has

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left to no one.

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Ah, what is man to think himself capable of dictating laws to beings whom he knows not?

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The science of government, Mercier added, is to study and recognize the laws which God

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has so evidently engraven in the very organization of man when he gave him existence.

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Mercier added the pertinent warning, to seek to go beyond this would be a great misfortune

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and a Destructive Undertaking.

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The Tsarina was polite, but was definitely not amused.

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Monsieur, she replied curtly, I am very pleased to have heard you.

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I wish you good day.

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5.

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The Single Tax on Land

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Natural rights laissez-faire libertarians always confront several problems, or lacunii,

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in their theory.

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One is taxation.

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If every individual is to have inviolable property rights and those rights are to be

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guaranteed by the government, taxation itself, an infringement of property rights, presents

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an immediate problem to laissez-faire theorists.

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For how high should taxes be and who should pay them?

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Social liberalism, however inchoate, had been born in France as an opposition to the statist

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absolutism of King Louis XIV in the latter decades of the seventeenth and the early years

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of the eighteenth century.

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A favorite program of these liberals, as set forth by Marshal Vaubin and by the Sûre de

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de Bois-Gilbert, among others, was a single tax, a proportional tax on all income or property.

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The idea was that this simple, direct, universal tax would replace the monstrous and crippling

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network of taxation that had grown up in 17th century France.

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To solve the problem of taxation, Dr. Canet and the physiocrats came up with their own

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Original Single Tax, A Single Tax on Land. The idea was that the tax would be low and

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that it would be proportional and confined only to a tax on land and on landlords. The

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rationale of the single tax stems from the singular physiocratic view that only land

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is Productive.

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Land produces because it creates matter, whereas all other activities, such as trade, commerce,

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manufacturing, services, etc., are sterile, although admittedly useful because they only

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shuffle around or transform matter without creating it.

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Since only land is productive and all other activities are sterile, it follows, according

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According to the physiocrats, that any other taxes will wind up being shifted onto land,

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through the price system.

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Therefore, the choice is to tax the land indirectly and remotely while crippling and distorting

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economic activities, or taxing the land openly and uniformly through the single tax, thereby

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freeing economic activity from a fearsome tax burden.

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From the standpoint of economic theory, the famous physiocratic tenet that only land is

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productive must be considered bizarre and absurd.

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It is certainly a tremendous loss of insight compared to Catillon, who identified land

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and labor as original productive factors and entrepreneurs as the motor of the market economy

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who adjust resources to the demands of consumers and to the uncertainty of the market.

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It is surely true that agriculture was the chief occupation of the day and that most

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commerce was the transportation and sale of agricultural products.

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But this scarcely salvages or excuses the absurdity of the land as only productive factor doctrine.

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It is possible that one explanation for this odd doctrine is to apply to the physiocrats

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the insight of Professor Roger Garrison on the basic world outlook of Adam Smith.

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Smith, in a less outlandish version of the physiocratic bias, held that only material

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output, in contrast to intangible services, is productive, while immaterial services are

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are unproductive. Garrison points out that the contrast here is not really between material

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and immaterial goods and services, but between capital goods and consumer goods, which are

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basically either direct services or a stream of services to be available in the future.

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Hence, for Smith, productive labor is only effort that goes into capital goods, into

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to Building up Productive Capacity for the Future.

292
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Labor in direct service to consumers is unproductive.

293
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In short, Smith, despite his reputation as an advocate of the free market, refuses to

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accept free market allocations to the production of consumer vis-à-vis capital goods.

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He would prefer more investment and growth than the market prefers.

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In the same way, could it not be true that the physiocrats had a similar outlook?

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The physiocrats, too, stressed material goods, and agriculture was the main material product.

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The physiocrats were also greatly concerned with economic growth, with increasing investment

299
00:31:36.520 --> 00:31:42.920
and national output, and especially with greater capital investments in agriculture.

300
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Indeed, the physiocrats were disgruntled with free market choice and wanted to strengthen

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consumer demand for agricultural products in particular.

302
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High consumption of farm products was beneficial, according to the physiocrats, whereas high

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consumption of manufactured goods would promote unproductive expenses and crowd out desirable

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00:32:07.480 --> 00:32:11.480
purchases of agricultural products.

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00:32:11.480 --> 00:32:17.240
Some economists have gone so far as to speculate that the physiocrats would have been overjoyed

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00:32:17.240 --> 00:32:21.120
at a policy of farm price supports.

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Professor Spiegel believes that if the physiocrats had been faced with a choice between laissez-faire

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00:32:27.280 --> 00:32:34.040
and intervention on behalf of farm price supports, they would have chosen intervention.

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00:32:34.040 --> 00:32:40.160
The means to resolve the economic problem that was foremost in their minds was the development

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of Domestic Agriculture rather than unconditional reliance on private initiative within a framework

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00:32:47.480 --> 00:32:50.560
of competition.

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Perhaps the tip-off on applying the Garrison insight is the common attitude of Smith and

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the physiocrats on usury laws.

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Despite their generally consistent advocacy of absolute and inviolate property rights

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00:33:06.200 --> 00:33:10.760
and of the freedom to trade within and without a nation,

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Kene and the physiocrats championed usury laws, denying the freedom to lend and borrow.

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Adam Smith had a similar aberration.

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Smith, as we shall see further below, and as Garrison pointed out,

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00:33:26.520 --> 00:33:31.960
took this position in a conscious effort to divert credit from unproductive,

320
00:33:31.960 --> 00:33:41.960
for High-Risk and High-Interest Paying Speculators and Consumers, and Toward Productive, Low-Risk Investors.

321
00:33:41.960 --> 00:33:49.960
Similarly, Cannae denounced the restrictions on investment and capital growth resulting from high interest rates

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00:33:49.960 --> 00:33:58.960
and from the competition of unproductive borrowers crowding out credit that would otherwise go into capitalized agriculture.

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Usury laws were upheld on traditional moralistic grounds of alleged sterility of money.

324
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But to the physiocrats, all activity except agriculture was unproductive,

325
00:34:13.460 --> 00:34:20.460
and so the problem was rather the competition such borrowing imposed on the productive sector.

326
00:34:20.460 --> 00:34:23.960
As Elizabeth Fox Genovese puts it,

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00:34:23.960 --> 00:34:31.000
Keney argues that the high interest rate constitutes neither more nor less than a tax upon the

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productive life of the nation, upon those who do not borrow as much as upon those who

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00:34:37.000 --> 00:34:38.560
do.

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It is true that part of the physiocratic attention here was on government debt, and it is certainly

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true that government debt raises interest rates and diverts capital from productive

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00:34:51.000 --> 00:34:53.660
to unproductive sectors.

333
00:34:53.660 --> 00:35:00.780
But there are two flaws in such an approach. First, not all non-agricultural debt is state

334
00:35:00.780 --> 00:35:08.220
debt, and therefore not all higher interest is a tax on producers. This returns us to

335
00:35:08.220 --> 00:35:15.220
the eccentric view of the physiocrats that only land is productive. Usury laws would

336
00:35:15.220 --> 00:35:22.260
cripple not only government debt, but also other forms of borrowing. And second, it seems

337
00:35:22.260 --> 00:35:29.140
is odd to allow government debt and then try to offset its unfortunate effects by the meat-axe

338
00:35:29.140 --> 00:35:33.900
approach of imposing restraints on usury.

339
00:35:33.900 --> 00:35:39.380
Surely it would be simpler, more direct and less distorting to tackle the problem at its

340
00:35:39.380 --> 00:35:44.620
source and call for the elimination of government debt.

341
00:35:44.620 --> 00:35:51.180
Usury laws only make things worse and injure free and productive credit.

342
00:35:51.180 --> 00:35:58.380
And so Keney, himself the son of a well-to-do farmer, was far more interested in subsidizing

343
00:35:58.380 --> 00:36:06.420
credit to farmers and keeping out competing borrowers than in stopping government debt.

344
00:36:06.420 --> 00:36:13.280
There is another way of explaining the physiocratic attitude towards land as the sole producer,

345
00:36:13.280 --> 00:36:17.980
and that is to concentrate on the proposed single tax.

346
00:36:17.980 --> 00:36:23.580
More specifically, the physiocrats held that the productive classes were the farmers, who

347
00:36:23.580 --> 00:36:28.340
rented the land from the landlords and actually tilled it.

348
00:36:28.340 --> 00:36:34.580
The landlords were only partially productive, the partially coming from the capital advances

349
00:36:34.580 --> 00:36:37.320
they had made to the farmers.

350
00:36:37.320 --> 00:36:43.600
But the physiocrats were sure that the farmers' returns were all bid away by their competition

351
00:36:43.600 --> 00:36:51.720
to Rent Lands, so that in practice, all the net product, the only net product in society,

352
00:36:51.720 --> 00:36:58.600
is reaped by the nation's landlords. Therefore, the single tax should be a proportionate tax

353
00:36:58.600 --> 00:37:02.400
upon the landlords alone.

354
00:37:02.400 --> 00:37:08.640
Professor Norman J. Ware has interpreted physiocracy and its emphasis on the sole productivity

355
00:37:08.640 --> 00:37:15.440
of Land as merely a rationalization of the interests of the landlord class.

356
00:37:15.440 --> 00:37:21.400
This hypothesis has been taken seriously by many historians of economic thought.

357
00:37:21.400 --> 00:37:28.260
But let us ask ourselves, what sort of self-serving doctrine says, please, put all the taxes

358
00:37:28.260 --> 00:37:30.000
on me?

359
00:37:30.000 --> 00:37:37.040
The beneficiaries of physiocratic policies would surely be every economic class except

360
00:37:37.040 --> 00:37:43.560
The Landlords, including Dr. Keney's own class of farmers.

361
00:37:43.560 --> 00:37:53.300
6. Objective Value and Cost of Production Although the physiocrats had useful insights

362
00:37:53.300 --> 00:37:59.240
into political economy and the importance of the free market, their distinctive contributions

363
00:37:59.240 --> 00:38:05.160
to technical economics were not only wrong, but in some cases proved to be a disaster

364
00:38:05.160 --> 00:38:08.840
for the Future of the Economic Discipline.

365
00:38:08.840 --> 00:38:14.880
Thus for centuries the mainstream of economic thought, generally embedded in scholastic

366
00:38:14.880 --> 00:38:21.360
treatises, held that the value, and therefore the prices, of goods were determined on the

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market by utility and scarcity, that is, by consumer valuations of a given supply of a

368
00:38:29.160 --> 00:38:31.400
product.

369
00:38:31.400 --> 00:38:37.840
Ludwig and post-scholastic economics had basically solved the age-old value paradox

370
00:38:37.840 --> 00:38:42.320
of diamonds and bread or diamonds and water.

371
00:38:42.320 --> 00:38:48.920
How is it that bread, so useful to man, is worth very little on the market, whereas diamonds,

372
00:38:48.920 --> 00:38:52.200
a mere frippery, are so expensive?

373
00:38:52.200 --> 00:38:58.800
The solution was that if quantities of supply are taken into account, the seeming contradiction

374
00:38:58.800 --> 00:39:05.880
The question between use-value and exchange-value disappears, for the supply of bread is so

375
00:39:05.880 --> 00:39:14.280
abundant that any given loaf will have a negligible value, in use or in exchange, whereas diamonds

376
00:39:14.280 --> 00:39:19.760
are so scarce that they will command a high value on the market.

377
00:39:19.760 --> 00:39:27.200
Value then does not pertain in the abstract to a class of goods, it is imparted by consumers

378
00:39:27.200 --> 00:39:36.200
refers to specific real units, and such value depends inversely on the supply of a good.

379
00:39:36.200 --> 00:39:42.820
The only thing left to complete the explanation was the marginal insight imparted by the Austrians

380
00:39:42.820 --> 00:39:50.500
and other neo-classicals in the 1870s. The scholastics saw that the utility of any good

381
00:39:50.500 --> 00:39:54.040
diminishes as its stock increases.

382
00:39:54.040 --> 00:40:01.340
The only thing lacking was the marginal analysis, that real-world purchases and evaluations

383
00:40:01.340 --> 00:40:07.280
focus on the next unit, the marginal unit of the good.

384
00:40:07.280 --> 00:40:12.000
Diminishing utility is diminishing marginal utility.

385
00:40:12.000 --> 00:40:18.880
But while the capstone of utility and subjective value theory was yet missing, enough was already

386
00:40:18.880 --> 00:40:24.880
in Place to Provide a Cogent Explanation of Value and Price.

387
00:40:24.880 --> 00:40:32.720
Despite his troubling injection of intrinsic value as a quantity of land and labor in production,

388
00:40:32.720 --> 00:40:40.300
Catillon had continued in this late scholastic Proto-Austrian tradition and had indeed made

389
00:40:40.300 --> 00:40:46.960
many contributions to it, particularly in the study of money and entrepreneurship.

390
00:40:46.960 --> 00:40:53.280
It was the physiocrats who broke with centuries of sound economic reasoning and contributed

391
00:40:53.280 --> 00:40:59.700
to what would become in the hands of Smith and Ricardo a reactionary and obscurantist

392
00:40:59.700 --> 00:41:03.600
destruction of the correct analysis of value.

393
00:41:03.600 --> 00:41:12.480
Dr. Keney begins his value analysis by disregarding centuries of value theory and tragically sundering

394
00:41:12.480 --> 00:41:18.060
Understanding the Concepts of Use Value and Exchange Value

395
00:41:18.060 --> 00:41:25.760
Use value reflects the individual needs and desires of consumers, but, according to Cannae,

396
00:41:25.760 --> 00:41:32.580
these use values of different goods have little or no relation to each other, or, therefore,

397
00:41:32.580 --> 00:41:34.720
to prices.

398
00:41:34.720 --> 00:41:40.920
Exchange value, or relative prices, on the other hand, have no relation to man's needs,

399
00:41:40.920 --> 00:41:49.440
were two agreements among bargainers and contractors. Instead, Keney, the would-be scientist, rejected

400
00:41:49.440 --> 00:41:56.880
subjective value and insisted that the values of goods are objective and mystically embedded

401
00:41:56.880 --> 00:42:05.280
in various goods irrespective of consumers' subjective valuations. This objective embodiment,

402
00:42:05.280 --> 00:42:29.080
7.

403
00:42:29.080 --> 00:42:32.920
The Tableau Economique

404
00:42:32.920 --> 00:42:38.440
Not as devastating for the development of economics as his fallacy of the cost of production

405
00:42:38.440 --> 00:42:47.140
or productive labor, but more irritating nowadays is Dr. Keney's tableau économique, the very

406
00:42:47.140 --> 00:42:53.260
invention that his glorifier Mirabeau called one of the three great human inventions of

407
00:42:53.260 --> 00:42:55.260
all time.

408
00:42:55.260 --> 00:43:03.140
The Tableau, first published in 1758, was an incomprehensible, jargon-filled chart purporting

409
00:43:03.140 --> 00:43:09.940
to depict the flow of expenditures from one economic class to another.

410
00:43:09.940 --> 00:43:16.100
Generally dismissed as turgid and irrelevant in its day, it has been rediscovered by 20th

411
00:43:16.100 --> 00:43:23.100
century economists, who are fascinated because of its very incomprehensibility.

412
00:43:23.100 --> 00:43:27.100
All the Better to Publish Journal Articles on.

413
00:43:27.100 --> 00:43:33.500
Dr. Kanay's tableau économique has been hailed for anticipating many of the most cherished

414
00:43:33.500 --> 00:43:42.300
developments of 20th century economics, aggregative concepts, input-output analysis, econometrics,

415
00:43:42.300 --> 00:43:48.740
depiction of the circular flow of equilibrium, Keynesian stress on expenditure and consumer

416
00:43:48.740 --> 00:43:52.840
demand, and the Keynesian multiplier.

417
00:43:52.840 --> 00:43:59.040
In recent years, tens of thousands of words have been lovingly expended on trying to piece

418
00:43:59.040 --> 00:44:05.480
together what the tableau had to say, and to reconcile it with its own figures and with

419
00:44:05.480 --> 00:44:08.840
the economy of the real world.

420
00:44:08.840 --> 00:44:14.740
To the extent that Canet's tableau anticipates all these developments, so much the worse

421
00:44:14.740 --> 00:44:21.000
for both the forerunner and the later product, it is true that the tableau shows that ultimately

422
00:44:21.000 --> 00:44:28.320
Real Goods Exchange for Real Goods with Money as an Intermediary, and that everyone is both

423
00:44:28.320 --> 00:44:31.960
a consumer and a producer in the market.

424
00:44:31.960 --> 00:44:39.560
But these simple facts were known for centuries, and charts, lines, Cannae's cherished zig-zags

425
00:44:39.560 --> 00:44:45.440
and numbers can only obscure rather than highlight their importance.

426
00:44:45.440 --> 00:44:52.000
At best, the chart elaborates spending and income patterns to no purpose. Furthermore,

427
00:44:52.000 --> 00:44:58.760
the tableau is holistic, aggregative, and macroeconomic, with no solid grounding in the

428
00:44:58.760 --> 00:45:04.480
methodological individualism of sound microeconomics.

429
00:45:04.480 --> 00:45:11.440
The tableau not only introduced ungrounded and unsound macro thinking into economics,

430
00:45:11.440 --> 00:45:17.120
It also laid up mischief for the future by anticipating Keynesianism.

431
00:45:17.120 --> 00:45:23.760
For it glorified expenditures, including consumption, and worried about savings, which it tended

432
00:45:23.760 --> 00:45:31.840
to regard as crippling the economy by leaking out of the constant circular flow of spending.

433
00:45:31.840 --> 00:45:39.000
This stress on the vital importance of maintaining spending was faulty and superficial in ignoring

434
00:45:39.000 --> 00:45:42.320
two fundamental considerations.

435
00:45:42.320 --> 00:45:50.160
Saving is spent on investment goods, and the key to harmony and equilibrium is price.

436
00:45:50.160 --> 00:45:56.820
Lower spending can always be equilibrated easily on the market by a fall in prices.

437
00:45:56.820 --> 00:46:03.600
It can be laid down as a veritable law that any picture or analysis of the economic system

438
00:46:03.600 --> 00:46:10.740
that omits prices from considerations can only be crackpot, and the tableau économique

439
00:46:10.740 --> 00:46:18.040
was the first, but, alas, not the last, economic model which did precisely that.

440
00:46:18.040 --> 00:46:25.760
Dr. Keney, of course, gave to his circular flow model his own physiocratic twist. It was

441
00:46:25.760 --> 00:46:32.360
particularly important to keep up spending on productive agricultural products and to

442
00:46:32.360 --> 00:46:40.360
to avoid diversion of spending to sterile and unproductive products, that is, to anything else.

443
00:46:40.360 --> 00:46:48.360
Keynes, of course, was to avoid the physiocratic bias when he resurrected a similar analysis.

444
00:46:48.360 --> 00:46:56.360
While the analytic merits of macro-concepts, input-output analysis and econometrics are highly dubious at best,

445
00:46:56.360 --> 00:47:01.360
they are surely worse than nothing if the numbers are incorrect.

446
00:47:01.360 --> 00:47:16.360
But Canet's figures are spurious, for the France of his day or for any other epoch, and the would-be great mathematician made many simple mistakes in arithmetic in the portrayals of his beloved tableau.

447
00:47:16.360 --> 00:47:34.360
At best, then, the tableau was elaborate frippery, at worst, false, mischief-making and deceptive, and in no sense did the tableau do anything but detract and divert attention from genuine economic analysis and insight.

448
00:47:34.360 --> 00:47:55.360
After contemplating this piece of egregious folly, it is a relief to turn to the blistering satirical attack on the tableau by a conservative statist opponent of the physiocrats, the attorney Simon Nicolas Henri Lange, 1736-1794.

449
00:47:55.360 --> 00:48:07.360
In his Reply to the Modern Doctors, 1771, Lange begins by ridiculing the idea that the physiocrats were not a cult or sect.

450
00:48:07.360 --> 00:48:18.360
Evidence shows it. Your mysterious words, physiocracy, net product, your mystic jargon, order, science, the master,

451
00:48:18.360 --> 00:48:24.360
Your titles of honor showered on your patriarchs, your wreaths scattered through the provinces

452
00:48:24.360 --> 00:48:27.640
on obscure if excellent persons.

453
00:48:27.640 --> 00:48:28.980
Not a sect.

454
00:48:28.980 --> 00:48:36.360
You have a rallying cry, banners, a march, a trumpeter, du pont, a uniform for your books,

455
00:48:36.360 --> 00:48:38.880
and a sign like Freemasons.

456
00:48:38.880 --> 00:48:40.320
Not a sect.

457
00:48:40.320 --> 00:48:44.560
One cannot touch one of you, but all rush to his aid.

458
00:48:44.560 --> 00:48:50.680
You all laud and glorify each other and attack and intimidate your opponents in unmeasured

459
00:48:50.680 --> 00:48:53.040
terms.

460
00:48:53.040 --> 00:48:57.760
Lange then turns his scornful attention to the tableau.

461
00:48:57.760 --> 00:49:04.080
You affect an inspired tone and seriously discuss on what particular day the symbol

462
00:49:04.080 --> 00:49:11.160
of your faith, the masterpiece, the tableau économique, was born, a symbol so mysterious

463
00:49:11.160 --> 00:49:14.420
that huge volumes cannot explain it.

464
00:49:14.420 --> 00:49:20.900
It is like the Koran of Mohammed. You burn to lay down your lives for your principles

465
00:49:20.900 --> 00:49:27.700
and talk of your apostleship. You attack the Abbe Galeani and me because we have no reverence

466
00:49:27.700 --> 00:49:34.500
for that ridiculous hieroglyphic which is your holy gospel. Confucius drew up a table,

467
00:49:34.500 --> 00:49:42.320
the I Ching, of sixty-four terms, also connected by lines, to show the evolution of the elements.

468
00:49:42.320 --> 00:49:48.280
And your tableau économique is justly enough compared to it, but it comes three hundred

469
00:49:48.280 --> 00:49:50.440
years too late.

470
00:49:50.440 --> 00:49:53.640
Both alike are equally unintelligible.

471
00:49:53.640 --> 00:49:59.120
The tableau is an insult to common sense, to reason and philosophy, with its columns

472
00:49:59.120 --> 00:50:06.240
of figures of net reproduction terminating always in a zero, striking symbol of the fruit

473
00:50:06.240 --> 00:50:12.920
of the researches of any one simple enough to try in vain to understand it.

474
00:50:12.920 --> 00:50:17.880
8. Strategy and Influence

475
00:50:17.880 --> 00:50:23.740
One problem that any laissez-faire liberal thinker must face is, granted that government

476
00:50:23.740 --> 00:50:31.640
interference should be minimal, what form should that government take? Who shall govern?

477
00:50:31.640 --> 00:50:39.120
To French liberals of the later 17th or 18th centuries, there seemed to be only one answer.

478
00:50:39.120 --> 00:50:44.960
Government is and always will be ruled by an absolute monarch.

479
00:50:44.960 --> 00:50:50.020
Oppositionist rebels had been crushed in the early and mid-17th century, and from then

480
00:50:50.020 --> 00:50:53.160
on only one answer was thinkable.

481
00:50:53.160 --> 00:50:58.720
The king must be converted to the truths and wisdom of laissez-faire.

482
00:50:58.720 --> 00:51:04.800
Any idea of inspiring or launching a mass opposition movement against the king was simply

483
00:51:04.800 --> 00:51:06.440
out of the question.

484
00:51:06.440 --> 00:51:10.440
It was not part of any thinkable dialogue.

485
00:51:10.440 --> 00:51:17.400
The physiocrats, like classical liberals earlier in the 18th century, were not simply theorists.

486
00:51:17.400 --> 00:51:22.840
The nation had gone awry, and they possessed a political alternative they were trying to

487
00:51:22.840 --> 00:51:24.200
promote.

488
00:51:24.200 --> 00:51:31.060
And if absolute monarchy was the only conceivable form of government for France, the only strategy

489
00:51:31.060 --> 00:51:36.480
for liberals was simple, at least on paper, to convert the king.

490
00:51:36.480 --> 00:51:42.280
And so the strategy of classical liberals, from the exertions of the abbé Claude Fleury

491
00:51:42.280 --> 00:51:48.720
and his able student, Archbishop Fenelon, in the late 17th century, to the physiocrats

492
00:51:48.720 --> 00:51:54.400
in the late eighteenth was to convert the ruler.

493
00:51:54.400 --> 00:51:59.800
The liberals were well placed to pursue the strategy of what might be called their projected

494
00:51:59.800 --> 00:52:05.320
revolution from the top, for they were all highly placed at court.

495
00:52:05.320 --> 00:52:11.120
Archbishop Fenallon placed his hopes in the dauphin, rearing the Duke of Burgundy as an

496
00:52:11.120 --> 00:52:13.440
ardent classical liberal.

497
00:52:13.440 --> 00:52:18.560
But we have seen that these carefully laid plans turned to ashes when the Duke died of

498
00:52:18.560 --> 00:52:25.560
of Illness in 1711, only four years before the death of Louis himself.

499
00:52:25.560 --> 00:52:32.040
A half century later, Dr. Canet, again working through a king's mistress, this time Madame

500
00:52:32.040 --> 00:52:38.880
de Pompadour, used his position at court to try to convert the ruler. Success in France

501
00:52:38.880 --> 00:52:45.560
was only partial. When Turgot, who agreed with the physiocrats on laissez-faire, became

502
00:52:45.560 --> 00:53:08.520
The leading physiocrats were exiled by King Louis XVI. Their journal was quickly suppressed,

503
00:53:08.520 --> 00:53:14.360
and Mirabeau was ordered to cancel his famous Tuesday evening seminars.

504
00:53:14.360 --> 00:53:19.460
The physiocrat's strategy proved a failure, and there was more to the failure than the

505
00:53:19.460 --> 00:53:22.100
vagaries of a particular monarch.

506
00:53:22.100 --> 00:53:27.320
For even if the monarch could be convinced that liberty conduced to the happiness and

507
00:53:27.320 --> 00:53:34.680
prosperity of his subjects, his own interests are often to maximize state exactions, and

508
00:53:34.680 --> 00:53:37.800
therefore his own power and wealth.

509
00:53:37.800 --> 00:53:49.300
Furthermore, the monarch does not rule alone, but as the head of a ruling coalition of bureaucrats, nobles, privileged monopolists and feudal lords.

510
00:53:49.300 --> 00:53:55.300
He rules, in short, as the head of a power elite, or ruling class.

511
00:53:55.300 --> 00:54:06.800
It is theoretically conceivable, but scarcely likely, that a king and the rest of the ruling class will rush to embrace a philosophy and a political economy

512
00:54:06.800 --> 00:54:12.160
that will end their power and put them, in effect, out of business.

513
00:54:12.160 --> 00:54:17.880
It certainly did not happen in France, and so, after the failure of the physiocrats and

514
00:54:17.880 --> 00:54:22.120
Turgot, came the French Revolution.

515
00:54:22.120 --> 00:54:28.160
In any event, the physiocrats did manage to convert some rulers, though not the monarch

516
00:54:28.160 --> 00:54:29.900
of France.

517
00:54:29.900 --> 00:54:34.760
Their leading disciple among the rulers of the world, and one of the most enthusiastic

518
00:54:34.760 --> 00:54:43.640
One of the big and lovable ones was Carl Friedrich, Margrave of the Duchy of Baden, 1728-1811,

519
00:54:43.640 --> 00:54:50.840
in Germany. Converted by the works of Mirabeau, the Margrave wrote a praesi of physiocracy

520
00:54:50.840 --> 00:54:57.440
and proceeded to try to institute the system in his realm. The Margrave proposed free trade

521
00:54:57.440 --> 00:55:06.760
in Corn to the German Diet, and in 1770 he introduced the single tax at 20% of the agricultural

522
00:55:06.760 --> 00:55:11.120
net product in three villages of Baden.

523
00:55:11.120 --> 00:55:17.520
Administering the experiment was the Margrave's chief aide, the enthusiastic German physiocrat

524
00:55:17.520 --> 00:55:27.440
Johann August Schlettwein, 1731-1802, Professor of Economics at the University of Gießen.

525
00:55:27.440 --> 00:55:33.160
The experiment, however, was abandoned in a few years in two villages, although the single

526
00:55:33.160 --> 00:55:39.360
tax continued in the village of Dietlingen until 1792.

527
00:55:39.360 --> 00:55:45.920
For a few years the Margrave also imported Dupont de Nemours to be his advisor and tutor

528
00:55:45.920 --> 00:55:48.320
to His Son.

529
00:55:48.320 --> 00:55:53.800
In one notable meeting, the fervent Margrave of Baden asked his master Mirabeau whether

530
00:55:53.800 --> 00:55:59.440
or not the physiocratic ideal was making sovereign rulers unnecessary.

531
00:55:59.440 --> 00:56:03.680
Perhaps they might all be reformed out of existence.

532
00:56:03.680 --> 00:56:09.960
The Margrave had divined the anarchistic, or at least the republican, core underlying

533
00:56:09.960 --> 00:56:14.800
the laissez-faire libertarian and natural rights doctrine.

534
00:56:14.800 --> 00:56:22.680
But Mirabeau, dedicated as were all the physiocrats to absolute monarchy, drew back, sternly reminding

535
00:56:22.680 --> 00:56:28.640
his younger pupil that while the role of the sovereign would ideally be limited, he would

536
00:56:28.640 --> 00:56:35.440
still be the owner of the public domain and the preserver of social order.

537
00:56:35.440 --> 00:56:40.080
Several other rulers of Europe at least dabbled in physiocracy.

538
00:56:40.080 --> 00:56:47.000
One of the most eager was Leopold II, Grand Duke of Tuscany, later Emperor of Austria,

539
00:56:47.000 --> 00:56:52.720
who ordered his ministers to consult with Mirabeau and carried out some of the physiocratic

540
00:56:52.720 --> 00:56:53.720
reforms.

541
00:56:53.720 --> 00:56:59.000
A fellow traveler was Emperor Joseph II of Austria.

542
00:56:59.000 --> 00:57:05.680
Another physiocratic enthusiast was Gustavus III, King of Sweden, who conferred upon Mirabeau

543
00:57:05.680 --> 00:57:12.720
Also the grand cross of the newly founded Order of Wassa in honor of agriculture.

544
00:57:12.720 --> 00:57:17.280
DuPont, in turn, was made a Knight of the Order.

545
00:57:17.280 --> 00:57:23.000
More practically, when the physiocratic journal was suppressed upon the fall of Turgot, King

546
00:57:23.000 --> 00:57:29.320
Gustavus and the Margrave of Baden joined in commissioning DuPont to edit a journal which

547
00:57:29.320 --> 00:57:32.600
would be published in their realms.

548
00:57:32.600 --> 00:57:38.400
But the physiocratic appeal to monarchy lost what little effect it had after the onset

549
00:57:38.400 --> 00:57:40.440
of the French Revolution.

550
00:57:40.440 --> 00:57:46.980
Indeed, after the Revolution, physiocracy, with its pro-agricultural bias and devotion

551
00:57:46.980 --> 00:57:53.680
to absolute monarchy, was discredited in France and the rest of Europe.

552
00:57:53.680 --> 00:57:55.560
9.

553
00:57:55.560 --> 00:58:01.600
Daniel Bernoulli and the Founding of Mathematical Economics

554
00:58:01.600 --> 00:58:08.060
He should not leave the tableau without mentioning a French-Swiss contemporary of Cantillon who

555
00:58:08.060 --> 00:58:13.400
prefigured the tableau in one and only one sense.

556
00:58:13.400 --> 00:58:19.520
He can be said to be the founder in the broadest sense of mathematical economics.

557
00:58:19.520 --> 00:58:26.360
As such, his work contained some of the typical flaws and fallacies of that method.

558
00:58:26.360 --> 00:58:34.740
Daniel Bernoulli, 1700-1782, was born into a family of distinguished mathematicians.

559
00:58:34.740 --> 00:58:43.360
His uncle, Jacques Bernoulli, 1654-1705, was the first to discover the theory of probability

560
00:58:43.360 --> 00:58:54.800
in his Latin work Ars Conjectandi, 1713, and his father, Jean, 1667-1748, was one of the

561
00:58:54.800 --> 00:59:08.840
In 1738, Daniel, trying to solve a problem in probability theory and the theory of gambling

562
00:59:08.840 --> 00:59:14.720
by the use of the calculus, stumbled on the concept of the law of diminishing marginal

563
00:59:14.720 --> 00:59:23.960
utility of money. Bernoulli's essay was published in Latin as an article in a scholarly volume.

564
00:59:23.960 --> 00:59:30.440
He was presumably not familiar with the arrival at a similar law, albeit in non-mathematical

565
00:59:30.440 --> 00:59:38.280
form, by the Spanish Salamanca scholastics Tomas de Marcado and Francisco Garcia nearly

566
00:59:38.280 --> 00:59:41.240
two centuries earlier.

567
00:59:41.240 --> 00:59:46.800
Certainly he displayed no familiarity whatever with their monetary theories or with any other

568
00:59:46.800 --> 00:59:50.160
aspect of economics for that matter.

569
00:59:50.160 --> 00:59:56.360
And being a mathematician, he got even his own particular point wrong, introducing the

570
00:59:56.360 --> 01:00:02.760
form of the law of diminishing marginal utility that would return to plague economic thought

571
01:00:02.760 --> 01:00:04.960
in future centuries.

572
01:00:04.960 --> 01:00:11.560
For the use of mathematics necessarily leads the economist to distort reality by making

573
01:00:11.560 --> 01:00:17.880
the theory convenient for mathematical symbolism and manipulation.

574
01:00:17.880 --> 01:00:23.740
Each takes over and the reality of human action loses out.

575
01:00:23.740 --> 01:00:30.080
One fundamental flaw of Bernoulli's formulation was to put his symbolism into a ratio or fractional

576
01:00:30.080 --> 01:00:31.560
form.

577
01:00:31.560 --> 01:00:38.440
If one insists on putting the concept of diminishing marginal utility of money for each individual

578
01:00:38.440 --> 01:00:45.800
into symbolic form, one could say that if a man's wealth or total monetary assets at

579
01:00:45.800 --> 01:00:55.000
at any time is x, and utility or satisfaction is designated as u, and if delta is the universal

580
01:00:55.000 --> 01:01:04.320
symbol for change, that delta u over delta x diminishes as x increases.

581
01:01:04.320 --> 01:01:12.000
But even this relatively innocuous formulation would be incorrect, for utility is not a thing,

582
01:01:12.000 --> 01:01:18.200
It is not a measurable entity, it cannot be divided, and therefore it is illegitimate

583
01:01:18.200 --> 01:01:24.960
to put it in ratio form, as the numerator in a non-existent fraction.

584
01:01:24.960 --> 01:01:30.840
Utility is neither a measurable entity, nor, even if it were, could it be commensurate

585
01:01:30.840 --> 01:01:35.720
with the money unit involved in the denominator.

586
01:01:35.720 --> 01:01:41.840
Suppose that we ignore this fundamental flaw, and accept the ratio as a kind of poetic version

587
01:01:41.840 --> 01:01:44.000
of the True Law.

588
01:01:44.000 --> 01:01:50.520
But this is only the beginning of his problem, for then Bernoulli and mathematical economists

589
01:01:50.520 --> 01:01:57.680
from then on proceeded to multiply mathematical convenience illicitly by transforming his

590
01:01:57.680 --> 01:02:01.360
symbols into the new calculus form.

591
01:02:01.360 --> 01:02:08.040
For if these increases of income or utility are reduced to being infinitesimal, one can

592
01:02:08.040 --> 01:02:14.600
can use both the symbolism and the powerful manipulations of the differential calculus.

593
01:02:14.600 --> 01:02:20.680
Infinitely small increases are the first derivatives of the amount at any given point, and the

594
01:02:20.680 --> 01:02:28.740
deltas above can become the first derivatives, D. And then, the discrete jumps of human action

595
01:02:28.740 --> 01:02:35.700
can become the magically transformed smooth arcs and curves of the familiar geometric

596
01:02:35.700 --> 01:02:39.980
Portrayals of Modern Economic Theory.

597
01:02:39.980 --> 01:02:42.820
But Bernoulli did not stop there.

598
01:02:42.820 --> 01:02:48.860
Fallacious assumption and method are piled upon each other like Pelion on Assa.

599
01:02:48.860 --> 01:02:55.660
The next step towards a dramatic, seemingly precise conclusion is that every man's marginal

600
01:02:55.660 --> 01:03:03.160
utility not only diminishes as his wealth increases, but diminishes in fixed inverse

601
01:03:03.160 --> 01:03:26.160
in its proportion to his wealth, so that if b is a constant and utility is y instead of u, presumably for convenience in putting utility on the y-axis and wealth on the x-axis, then dy over dx is equal to b over x.

602
01:03:26.160 --> 01:03:40.160
What evidence does Bernoulli have for this preposterous assumption, for his assertion that an increase in utility will be inversely proportionate to the quantity of goods already possessed?

603
01:03:40.160 --> 01:03:48.160
None whatever, for this allegedly precise scientist has only pure assertion to offer.

604
01:03:48.160 --> 01:03:54.520
There is no reason, in fact, to assume any such constant proportionality.

605
01:03:54.520 --> 01:04:01.280
No such evidence can ever be found, because the entire concept of constant proportion

606
01:04:01.280 --> 01:04:06.880
in a non-existent entity is absurd and meaningless.

607
01:04:06.880 --> 01:04:14.040
Utility is a subjective evaluation, a ranking by the individual, and there is no measurement,

608
01:04:14.040 --> 01:04:21.040
no extension and therefore no way for it to be proportional to itself.

609
01:04:21.040 --> 01:04:27.220
After coming up with this egregious fallacy, Bernoulli topped it by blithely assuming that

610
01:04:27.220 --> 01:04:34.380
every individual's marginal utility of money moves in the very same constant proportion

611
01:04:34.380 --> 01:04:42.120
B. Modern economists are familiar with the difficulty, nay the impossibility, of measuring

612
01:04:42.120 --> 01:04:45.160
Utilities Between Persons.

613
01:04:45.160 --> 01:04:49.960
But they do not give sufficient weight to this impossibility.

614
01:04:49.960 --> 01:04:58.120
Since utility is subjective to each individual, it cannot be measured or even compared across

615
01:04:58.120 --> 01:04:59.220
persons.

616
01:04:59.220 --> 01:05:04.400
But more than that, utility is not a thing or an entity.

617
01:05:04.400 --> 01:05:10.920
It is simply the name for a subjective evaluation in the mind of each individual.

618
01:05:10.920 --> 01:05:18.480
Therefore, it cannot be measured even within the mind of each individual, much less calculated

619
01:05:18.480 --> 01:05:22.760
or measured from one person to another.

620
01:05:22.760 --> 01:05:29.560
Even each individual person can only compare values or utilities ordinarily.

621
01:05:29.560 --> 01:05:35.320
The idea of his measuring them is absurd and meaningless.

622
01:05:35.320 --> 01:05:41.760
And this multi-illegitimate theory Bernoulli concluded fallaciously that there is no doubt

623
01:05:41.760 --> 01:05:49.060
that a gain of 1,000 ducats is more significant to a pauper than to a rich man, though both

624
01:05:49.060 --> 01:05:51.560
gain the same amount.

625
01:05:51.560 --> 01:05:58.900
It depends, of course, on the values and subjective utilities of the particular rich man or pauper,

626
01:05:58.900 --> 01:06:05.620
and that dependence can never be measured or even compared by anyone, whether by outside

627
01:06:05.620 --> 01:06:11.140
observers or by either of the two people involved.

628
01:06:11.140 --> 01:06:16.620
Bernoulli's dubious contribution won its way into mathematics, having been adopted by the

629
01:06:16.620 --> 01:06:24.100
great early 19th century French probability theorist Pierre Simon, Marquis de Laplace.

630
01:06:24.100 --> 01:06:34.420
1749-1827 in his renowned Analytic Theory of Probability, 1812. But it was fortunately

631
01:06:34.420 --> 01:06:41.080
completely ignored in economic thought until it was dredged up by Jevons and the mathematically

632
01:06:41.080 --> 01:06:48.820
inclined wing of the late 19th century marginal utility theorists. Its neglect was undoubtedly

633
01:06:48.820 --> 01:06:59.820
by its having been written in Latin. No German translation appeared until 1896, nor an English one until 1954.
