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NOTE 15. The Scottish Enlightenment

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15. The Scottish Enlightenment

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The temptation is to entitle this chapter The Forerunners of Adam Smith, himself a leading product of the Scottish Enlightenment.

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The problem, however, is that Smith, in most aspects of economics, was a retrogression and deterioration rather than an advance from his notable predecessors.

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By the later seventeenth and during the eighteenth century, the once mighty Oxford and Cambridge universities,

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previously in the forefront of thought and scholarship, had deteriorated to being merely the playground of wealthy young men.

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Instead, for over a century, the intellectual leadership of Great Britain devolved on the two great universities of Scotland,

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the University of Glasgow and, particularly, the University of Edinburgh.

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1. The Founder, Gershom Carmichael

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The founder of the tradition of academic economics in Scotland was Gershom Carmichael, circa

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1672 to 1729. Carmichael's father was a Presbyterian minister who was exiled for heresy by the

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of the Scottish Presbyterian-run government. Born in England, Carmichael graduated from

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Edinburgh University. He then became regent at St. Andrews and Glasgow universities, where

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courses were taught by regents, who were essentially young graduate students. After that, Carmichael

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was Presbyterian minister at Fife. When the regenting system was abolished in 1727, Carmichael

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Paul was named the first professor of moral philosophy at Glasgow, where he died two years

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later.

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Economics or political economy was taught as a subset of a course in moral philosophy,

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and thus the analysis of trade and the economy was embedded in a groundwork and treatment

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of natural law.

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In many ways, the 18th century Scottish professors followed the post-medieval and late Spanish

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and the Irish Scholastic Method of including economic analysis as one segment of an integrated tome covering ethics, natural law, jurisprudence, ontology and theology, as well as economics proper.

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The term Protestant Scholastic has been coined for such writers as John Locke, and indeed the phrase is a coherent one,

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Since one does not have to be Catholic to use the rational scholastic method or arrive at scholastic conclusions.

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A fascinating example of this was perhaps the first Protestant scholastic, the Dutch jurist Hugo Grotius, 1583-1645.

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Grotius, who studied law at the University of Leiden and later became Chief Magistrate of Rotterdam,

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was an eminent natural law theorist who brought the concepts of natural law and natural rights

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to the Protestant countries of Northern Europe.

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In his outstanding work, which made him the founder of international law on the law of war and peace, 1625,

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Grotius clearly pushed natural law to its logical and rationalist conclusion.

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Even if God did not exist, natural law would still be eternal and absolute.

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Such law is discoverable by unaided human reason, and even God could not negate, even

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if he wanted to, such natural law insights as 2 plus 2 equals 4.

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Natural law required the rights of property to be secure in order to enjoy social cooperation,

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And under Grotius' influence, the idea of the rights of property became expanded to

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the economic sphere.

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In a prefigurement of 18th century natural law, natural rights theory, Grotius believed

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in the harmony of human interaction based on free action and property rights.

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Grotius had been able to work in the rationalist and natural law tradition because his mentor,

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Jacobus Arminius had previously broken off from orthodox Calvinism to stress the freedom

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of will of every individual.

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On these important matters of social philosophy, the Armenians had what might be called a neo-Catholic

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position.

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In politics, Grotius was a leader in the classical liberal, free-trade Republican Party in Holland,

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and then engaged in their century-long struggle with the monarchist orthodox Calvinists.

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Particularly influential on Northern European theorists was the late 16th century Spanish

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Jesuit scholastic Francisco Suarez. Suarez and his school heavily influenced two men

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who are generally considered founders of modern philosophy, the early 17th century Frenchman

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and René Descartes and the late 17th century German Gottfried Leibniz.

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Suarez's Metaphysical Disputations was his most influential work, published in Salamanca

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in 1597.

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Particularly important was the second edition, published in Mainz, Germany in 1600, which

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became the leading philosophy textbook in most European universities, both Catholic and Protestant,

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for over a century. Leibniz, indeed, referred to the disputations as the philosophia recepta,

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the received philosophy.

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Suarez's work was heavily influential in Protestant Central Europe, Bohemia, Germany and Holland.

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The University of Leiden, a leading academic center in Holland during the 17th century,

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was a particular focus of Suarezian dominance, and it was at Leiden that Hugo Grotius pursued

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his studies.

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Though Gershom Carmichael, who inaugurated the teaching of economics in Scotland, launched

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the tradition of reading and studying Grotius, a tradition that was followed by Adam Smith

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in the 18th century line of Scottish intellectual descent, more directly important for Carmichael

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was Grotius' best-known follower, Samuel Baron von Pufendorf, 1632 to 1694. Pufendorf was

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born in Saxony, son of a Lutheran pastor. He first studied theology and then shifted

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to mathematics, jurisprudence and natural law. Graduating from the University of Jena,

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Pufendorf went to Leiden, where he published his first work on jurisprudence in 1661.

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On the basis of this achievement, Carl Ludwig, the Elector Palatine, created for the young

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Pufendorf a chair of natural and international law at the University of Heidelberg.

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In 1672, while teaching at the University of Lund in Sweden, Pufendorf published his

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and his great work, De jure naturai et gentium. The following year he produced the De officio

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hominis et civis, a resume or abstract of his great De jure. It turned out, not surprisingly,

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that the more concise De officio proved more useful as a teaching tool, and therefore became

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and the far more directly influential, if inferior, product of Pufendorf's pen.

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Not only did Professor Gershom Carmichael bring the study of the new natural and international

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law teachings of Grotius and Pufendorf to British shores, but also he was himself the

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English translator of De Officio.

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Carmichael published the English translation in 1718, along with extensive notes and a

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supplementary commentary.

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This work turned out to be Carmichael's most important achievement, certainly in economics

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or the social sciences.

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Six years later, Carmichael published an improved second edition of De Officio, and this edition

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was reprinted in 1769.

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Carmichael saw to it that his students were steeped in Pufendorf and in his own commentaries.

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Carmichael was the first teacher in Scotland to expound Locke, Leibniz and Descartes as

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well as Grotius and Pufendorf.

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A knowledgeable observer has called Gershom Carmichael the true founder of the Scottish

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School of Philosophy.

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A contemporary noted that he was a very great reputation and was exceedingly valued both

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both at home and abroad.

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So much so, in fact, that another observer noted that on Mr Carmichael's death all the

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English students have left the University, and indeed it's very thin this winter, and

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his name and reputation brought many to it.

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Thus Carmichael led the way in the emerging custom of bright English students deserting

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at Oxbridge and Going Up to a Scottish University for Intellectual Attainment.

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On Carmichael's commentary on the De Officio, the testimony of Carmichael's most distinguished

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student, Francis Hutchison, is telling.

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Pufendorf's smaller work, De Officio Hominus et Civis, which that worthy and ingenious

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man the late Professor Gershom Carmichael of Glasgow, by far the best commentator on that

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Book has so supplied and corrected that the notes are of much more value than the text.

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Samuel von Pufendorf, like the 18th century French and Spanish scholastics, was a pre-Austrian

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subjective utility scarcity theorist.

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That is, he believed that the value of goods on the market was determined by their common

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Common Valuation Placed on Them by the Consumers, and that the more abundant the supply, the

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lower the value.

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Thus Pufendorf.

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Of common value the foundation is that aptitude of the good or service by which it helps directly

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or indirectly to meet human needs.

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Yet there are some things most useful for human life upon which no definite value is

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set.

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The necessity of the good or its great usefulness are so far from always being the first determinant

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that we can observe men putting a very low value on what is indispensable to human life.

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This is because nature gives us a plentiful supply of such goods.

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In fact, a high value proceeds from scarcity.

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In his notes to Pufendorf, Carmichael adds some valuable and not so valuable insights.

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He stresses the subjective nature of utility, pointing out that the usefulness of a good,

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which is essential to its value, may be either real or imagined.

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Unfortunately, he also muddied the waters by adding to scarcity as a determinant of

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of Value, The Difficulty of Acquiring Goods, An Obvious Real-Cost Attempt to Measure the

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Value of Goods by the Effort Put into Their Production.

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2.

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Francis Hutchison, Teacher of Adam Smith

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Carmichael's most prominent student and follower was his successor at the Chair of Moral Philosophy

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at Glasgow, Francis Hutchison, 1694-1746. Hutchison, too, was the son of a Presbyterian

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minister of Ulster Scottish or Scots-Irish Stock, who was born in Ireland. Educated in

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Glasgow and then Dublin, Hutchison succeeded to the moral philosophy chair at Glasgow in

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1730, upon the demise of Carmichael, where he taught until his death 16 years later.

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Hutchison brought to Scottish philosophy a solid belief in natural rights and the beneficence

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of nature. Hence, Hutchison brought to Scottish thought the basic classical liberal worldview.

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Francis Hutchison was a stimulating and dynamic lecturer who introduced the style of pacing

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The Never-to-be-forgotten Dr. Hutchison, as Adam Smith referred to him in a letter half

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a century later, was the first Glasgow professor to teach in English instead of Latin, and

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also the first to become friend, guardian and even banker to his students. His lectures

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on philosophy, politics, law, ethics and political economy drew students from all over Britain,

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The most famous of whom was Adam Smith, who studied under him from 1737 to 1740.

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Hutchison's major work, The System of Moral Philosophy, 1755, was published by his son

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after his death.

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Hutchison's treatment of value in his system is virtually identical to that of Pufendorf.

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Again, utility and scarcity are the determinants of value.

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Starting with the statement, when there is no demand, there is no price, Hutchison also

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points out that some highly useful things, such as air and water, have little or no value

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because of the bountiful supply furnished by nature. An increasingly scarce supply will

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raise the value or price of a good, a more abundant supply will lower them. Furthermore,

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Hutchison perceptively defines use highly subjectively, not simply as a good which

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naturally yields pleasure, but as any tendency to give any satisfaction by prevailing custom

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or fancy.

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Unfortunately, however, Hutchison also took the Carmichael confusion about real costs

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and escalated it.

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For Hutchison not only brought in the difficulty of labor as a determinant, he also made it

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even more determining where the demand for two sorts of goods is equal.

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Foreshadowing Adam Smith's famous analysis, Francis Hutchison stressed the importance

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of an advancing division of labor in economic growth.

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on the market involves reciprocal aid through mutually beneficial exchange, a prime example

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of the beneficence of nature.

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The division of labor is a key to the preservation of human life, and Hutchison shows the enormous

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advantages of specialization, skill and exchange over the puny productivity of an isolated

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Crusoe. Extended division of labor also connotes a more extensive communication of knowledge

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and permits greater use of machinery in production. In his analysis of money, Hutchison set forth

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an analysis of which commodities are likely to be chosen as money on the market that used

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to be standard in money and banking texts until governments destroyed the gold standard

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in the early 1930s. Money, Hutchison pointed out, is a commodity generally accepted in

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a particular country that becomes used as a general medium of exchange and as a common

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standard of value and measure for economic calculation. Commodities which are chosen

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as money on the market are those with the most moneyish qualities, already generally

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Very desirable and acceptable in exchange, divisible into small quantities without losing

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their pro-rata share of value, durable for long periods of time, and portable, for which

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quality they must have a high value per unit weight.

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Generally, he pointed out, silver and gold have been the two commodities that have been

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are chosen as by far the most suitable as money, with coins becoming the most popular form precisely for being divisible and easily carrying a warrant of purity.

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Debasement of coins increases their supply proportionately and raises prices of goods in terms of the money unit.

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As in the case of all other goods, an increase in the supply of gold or silver, Hutchison

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pointed out, lowers their value in terms of other goods, that is, increases their prices

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in terms of specie.

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Hutchison's most impressive achievement was his sharp rebuttal of the satiric Bernard

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de Mendeville, 1670-1733, whose enormously popular Fable of the Bees, or Private Vice's

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Public Benefits, was published in 1714 and expanded and reprinted in several editions

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over the next fifteen years.

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In a pre-physiocratic, proto-Keynesian piece of mischief, the fable maintained that the

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The Vice of Luxury, no matter how deplorable, performs the important economic function of maintaining the prosperity of the economy.

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Many historians, especially F. A. von Hayek, have held Mandeville to be a forerunner of Smithian laissez-faire,

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since Smith held that individual self-interest is harmonized with the interests of all through the operation of competition and the free market.

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But the intent and the analysis are very different, for Mandeville stressed the alleged paradox of private vice public benefits, and the benefit was to come through the pre-Keynesian mechanism of consumption spending.

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Mandeville, furthermore, did not in any sense draw laissez-faire conclusions from this analysis.

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On the contrary, in a letter to Dion, 1732, published shortly before his death, Mandeville

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insisted that not the free market, but the wisdom and dexterous management of a skillful

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politician are needed to transform private vices into public gain.

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Mandeville's work, furthermore, was virtually the living embodiment of what the 19th century

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Every French laissez-faire economist, Frederic Bastiat, would call the broken window fallacy.

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Mandeville not only defended the importance of luxury, but also of fraud as providing

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work for lawyers and theft for having the virtue of employing locksmiths.

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And then there was Mandeville's classically imbecilic defense in his Fable of the Bees

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of the Great Fire of London.

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The fire of London was a great calamity.

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But if the carpenters, bricklayers, smiths and all, not only that are employed in building,

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but likewise those that made and dealt in the same manufactures and other merchandises

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that were burnt, and other trades again that got by them when they were in full employed,

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were to vote against those who lost by the fire, the rejoicings would equal, if not exceed,

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The Complaints, Keynesianism Gone Mad, or rather, carried to its consistent conclusion.

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Mandeville's defense of the vice of luxury was enough to outrage both the rational economist

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and the Presbyterian in Francis Hutcheson.

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In rebuttal, in a prefigurement of Say's law, he pointed out that income not spent in one

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in one way will be spent in another, and if not wasted in luxury will be devoted to useful prudent purposes.

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Luxurious spending, then, is scarcely necessary for economic prosperity.

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In fact, he went on, it is the thrifty and the industrious who provide prosperity by supplying goods to the public.

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Declared Hutchison, the good arising to the public is in no way owing to the luxurious, intemperate or proud, but to the industrious, who must supply all customers.

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Ridiculing Mandeville, the ordinarily sober Hutchison reposted,

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Who needs to be surprised that luxury or pride are made necessary to public good,

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when even theft and robbery are supposed by the same author, Mandeville, to be subservient to it, by employing locksmiths?

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The money saved by not spending on luxury or locks would be profitably employed elsewhere,

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unless all other wants had been totally saturated, that is, unless all men be already so well

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provided with all sorts of convenient utensils that nothing can be added.

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As a general proposition, Hutcheson called for liberty and the natural right of property.

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As he put it in his system, each one has a natural right to exert his powers according

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according to his own judgment and inclination for those purposes in all such industry, labor,

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or amusements as are not harmful to others in their persons or goods, while no more public

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interest necessarily require his labors.

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This right we call natural liberty.

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An unexceptionable statement, except for the ominous vagueness in the concept of public

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Hutchison's devotion to laissez-faire, however, was limited and guarded.

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Thus, in his Introduction to Moral Philosophy, he opines that the populace often needs also

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to be taught and engaged by laws into the best methods of managing their own affairs

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and exercising their mechanic arts.

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In international trade, for example, Hutchison was mired in old-fashioned mercantilism, advocating

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state regulation to ensure a favorable balance of trade and high protective tariffs, as well

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as government subsidies of shipping to develop industry.

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Hutchison's devotion to natural rights was weakened still further by his being the first

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to adumbrate the chimerical and disastrous formula of utilitarianism, the greatest happiness

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for the greatest number, possibly after having acquired it or its equivalent from Gershom

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Carmichael.

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The specific influences of Hutchison on Adam Smith will be detailed further below.

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Suffice it to say here that the order of topics of Hutchison's lectures as published in the

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System, and as heard by Young Smith at the University of Glasgow, is almost the same

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as the Order of Chapters in the Wealth of Nations.

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3.

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The Scottish Enlightenment and Presbyterianism.

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The Enlightenment was a general movement in European thought in the 18th century that

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stressed the power of human reason to discern truth.

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Originally it was dedicated to natural law and natural rights, although in the later

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years of the century it began to shade off into utilitarianism.

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While scholasticism was compatible with an emphasis on natural law and natural rights,

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it was generally discarded and reviled as ignorant superstition along with revealed

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religion.

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In religion, therefore, Enlightenment thinkers tended to discard Christianity, attack the

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In this atmosphere, corrosive of Christian faith and values, it is remarkable that the

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Scottish Enlightenment was linked very closely with the Presbyterian Church.

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How did this happen?

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How did a Scottish kirk, which in the 16th century, under the aegis of John Knox, had

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had been fiery and militant, become softened into a church that welcomed the enlightenment,

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that is, natural law, reason, and latitudinarian, if not skeptical, Christianity.

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The answer is that in the two centuries since John Knox, the hard-nosed Calvinist faith

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had weakened in Scotland.

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In particular, after 1752, a powerful group of moderate Presbyterian clergy was able to

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to take over and dominate the Church of Scotland, the established Church, which, since the Union

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of Scotland and England in 1707, had been established by the British Crown, even though

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it was Presbyterian rather than Anglican, as was the Church of England.

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Bitterly opposed to the moderates were the evangelical party, that is, clergy true to

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the basic Calvinist faith.

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The well-connected and highly educated moderates, strong in the lowland areas of Edinburgh and

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00:26:33.980 --> 00:26:40.700
Glasgow and on the east coast up to Aberdeen, were able to form the dominant power elite

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in the Church of Scotland after the 1750s, even though they represented a minority of

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the local Kirks.

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The moderates, embodying a soft and latitudinarian theological outlook, were intimately connected

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00:26:55.660 --> 00:27:02.140
with the Edinburgh and Glasgow intellectuals who constituted the Scottish Enlightenment.

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Most of their tactics were planned in meetings in Edinburgh taverns.

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The dominant figure among the moderates was the Rev. William Robertson, 1721-1793, an

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incessant talker and indefatigable organizer who led the moderates since their formation

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in 1752, and who became the moderator, or head, of the General Assembly of the Church

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00:27:27.500 --> 00:27:32.780
of Scotland from 1766 to 1780.

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In 1762, furthermore, Robertson became the principal of the University of Edinburgh,

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and it was his leadership and administration that vaulted Edinburgh into the front ranks

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of European universities.

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Robertson was also the founder and leading light of various learned societies, which

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brought together weekly for papers, discussion and socializing the leading figures of the

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Scottish Enlightenment, including university professors, lawyers and the major figures

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of the moderate clergy.

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Thus Robertson founded the Select Society of Edinburgh in 1750.

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During the 1750s, the select society met weekly and included in its ranks such university

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figures as Robertson, David Hume, Adam Ferguson and Adam Smith, classical liberal lawyers

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00:28:27.060 --> 00:28:34.080
such as Henry Hume, Lord Kames, and Alexander Wedderburn, later Lord Chancellor of Great

278
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Britain, and such youthful but prominent moderate clergy as Robertson, Alexander Jupiter Carlisle,

279
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Robert Wallace, Hugh Blair, John Hume and John Jardine.

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Carlyle was a charismatic figure as well as a heavy drinker, as many moderate clergymen

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were in that era.

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Wallace was in charge of Church of Scotland patronage as well as being royal chaplain.

283
00:29:02.660 --> 00:29:08.620
Wallace in his private papers favored illicit sex almost to the point of promiscuity, quickly

284
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A Warning that the activity would have to be kept hidden.

285
00:29:12.740 --> 00:29:18.160
Blair, in addition to his duties in the clergy, was professor of rhetoric at the University

286
00:29:18.160 --> 00:29:19.700
of Edinburgh.

287
00:29:19.700 --> 00:29:26.260
Jardine was a shrewd politician whose daughter married the son of Lord Cames, who in turn

288
00:29:26.260 --> 00:29:28.980
was a cousin of David Hume.

289
00:29:28.980 --> 00:29:36.140
John Hume was a moderate clergyman and secretary to Lord Bute, close friend of David Hume and

290
00:29:36.140 --> 00:29:41.980
and a playwright, an activity which in itself was a matter of deep suspicion to the dour

291
00:29:41.980 --> 00:29:44.780
fundamentalist evangelical clergy.

292
00:29:44.780 --> 00:29:52.740
Thus, Hume wrote a play, Douglas, in 1756, which was put on with many top leaders of

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00:29:52.740 --> 00:29:58.660
the moderate Enlightenment acting in the play, including the Reverend Robertson, Alexander

294
00:29:58.660 --> 00:30:05.820
Carlyle, David Hume, Hugh Blair and the Reverend Adam Ferguson, professor of moral philosophy

295
00:30:05.820 --> 00:30:08.740
at the University of Edinburgh.

296
00:30:08.740 --> 00:30:14.980
The lax views of the moderates were under constant attack from the evangelical forces.

297
00:30:14.980 --> 00:30:20.920
Particular targets were Lord Keynes and especially the philosopher David Hume, who was almost

298
00:30:20.920 --> 00:30:26.880
excommunicated for heresy by the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, but was saved

299
00:30:26.880 --> 00:30:30.460
by his powerful moderate friends.

300
00:30:30.460 --> 00:30:36.640
and his moderate university connections, however, could not gain for Hume any post in a Scottish

301
00:30:36.640 --> 00:30:42.900
university, so great was the enmity of the Presbyterian evangelicals.

302
00:30:42.900 --> 00:30:47.380
It should be noted that one of the key leaders of the moderate party was none other than

303
00:30:47.380 --> 00:30:49.500
Francis Hutchison.

304
00:30:49.500 --> 00:30:55.540
Thus the Enlightenment intellectuals, philosophers and economists of 18th century Scotland were

305
00:30:55.540 --> 00:31:03.540
are intimately connected with the fortunes and the institutions of the establishment moderate wing of the Church of Scotland.

306
00:31:04.540 --> 00:31:13.540
Hutchison, Hume and Smith then, while scarcely orthodox Calvinists, were dedicated Presbyterians according to their own lights,

307
00:31:13.540 --> 00:31:23.540
and hence their rationalism and theological laxity were nevertheless infused from time to time with hard-nosed Presbyterian values.

308
00:31:25.540 --> 00:31:32.540
4. David Hume and the Theory of Money

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00:31:32.540 --> 00:31:41.260
David Hume, 1711-1776, the famous Scottish philosopher, was a close friend of Adam Smith,

310
00:31:41.260 --> 00:31:48.440
who was named Smith's executor, an acquaintance of Turgot and the French adherents of laissez-faire,

311
00:31:48.440 --> 00:31:54.140
and member of the moderate elite of the Scottish Enlightenment. Born in Edinburgh, the son of

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00:31:54.140 --> 00:32:00.080
of a Scottish Lord, Hume studied on the continent, where he published his epical philosophical

313
00:32:00.080 --> 00:32:07.660
work A Treatise of Human Nature, 1739 and 1740, at the age of 28.

314
00:32:07.660 --> 00:32:14.260
Hume's treatise was pivotal in its corrosive and destructive skepticism, managing unfairly

315
00:32:14.260 --> 00:32:20.280
to discredit the philosophy of natural law, to create an artificial split between fact

316
00:32:20.280 --> 00:32:28.160
and Value, and therefore to cripple the concept of natural rights on behalf of utilitarianism,

317
00:32:28.160 --> 00:32:35.060
and indeed to undermine the entire classical realist analysis of cause and effect.

318
00:32:35.060 --> 00:32:40.780
There is no figure more important in the unfortunate discrediting of the classical philosophical

319
00:32:40.780 --> 00:32:47.760
tradition of natural law realism, a tradition that had lasted from Plato and Aristotle at

320
00:32:47.760 --> 00:32:54.840
at least through Aquinas and the late scholastics. In a sense, Hume completed the corrosive effect

321
00:32:54.840 --> 00:33:01.100
of the 17th century French philosopher René Descartes' influential view that only the

322
00:33:01.100 --> 00:33:08.240
precisely mathematical and analytic could provide certain knowledge. Hume's skeptical

323
00:33:08.240 --> 00:33:14.360
and shaky empiricism was the other side of the Cartesian coin.

324
00:33:14.360 --> 00:33:20.120
While highly influential in later decades, Hume's treatise was ignored in his own day,

325
00:33:20.120 --> 00:33:26.320
and after writing it, he turned to brief essays on political and economic topics, and eventually

326
00:33:26.320 --> 00:33:32.520
to his then-famous multi-volume History of England, which he presented from a Tory point

327
00:33:32.520 --> 00:33:34.240
of view.

328
00:33:34.240 --> 00:33:40.760
Barred from academia for his skepticism and alleged irreligion, Hume joined the diplomatic

329
00:33:40.760 --> 00:33:47.160
Corps and served as Secretary to Lord Hertford, the British Ambassador to France.

330
00:33:47.160 --> 00:33:55.120
In 1765, Hume became the British Chargé d'affaires in Paris and two years later rose to the post

331
00:33:55.120 --> 00:33:57.760
of Under-Secretary of State.

332
00:33:57.760 --> 00:34:03.680
Finally, in 1769, Hume retired to Edinburgh.

333
00:34:03.680 --> 00:34:10.320
Hume's contribution to economics is fragmentary and consists of approximately 100 pages of

334
00:34:10.320 --> 00:34:15.820
of Essays in his Political Discourses, 1752.

335
00:34:15.820 --> 00:34:21.400
The essays are distinguished for their lucid and even sparkling style, a style that shone

336
00:34:21.400 --> 00:34:26.640
in comparison to his learned but plotting contemporaries.

337
00:34:26.640 --> 00:34:32.280
Hume's most important contribution is his elucidation of monetary theory, in particular

338
00:34:32.280 --> 00:34:39.600
his clear exposition of the price-specie-flow mechanism that equilibrates national balances

339
00:34:39.600 --> 00:34:43.720
of Payments and International Price Levels.

340
00:34:43.720 --> 00:34:50.440
In monetary theory proper, Hume vivifies the Lockean quantity theory of money with a marvelous

341
00:34:50.440 --> 00:34:55.560
illustration, highlighting the fact that it doesn't matter what the quantity of money

342
00:34:55.560 --> 00:34:58.740
may be in any given country.

343
00:34:58.740 --> 00:35:06.680
Any quantity, smaller or larger, will suffice to do money's work of facilitating exchange.

344
00:35:06.680 --> 00:35:13.800
Boehm pointed up this important truth by postulating what would happen if every individual overnight

345
00:35:13.800 --> 00:35:19.960
should find the stock of money in his possession to have doubled miraculously.

346
00:35:19.960 --> 00:35:25.920
For suppose that, by miracle, every man in Great Britain should have five pounds slipped

347
00:35:25.920 --> 00:35:28.840
into his pocket in one night.

348
00:35:28.840 --> 00:35:34.000
This would much more than double the whole money that is at present in the kingdom.

349
00:35:34.000 --> 00:35:40.000
That there would not next day, nor for some time, be any more lenders, nor any variation

350
00:35:40.000 --> 00:35:42.680
in the interest.

351
00:35:42.680 --> 00:35:50.040
Prices then, following Locke's quantity theory of money, will increase proportionately.

352
00:35:50.040 --> 00:35:56.680
The price-specie flow mechanism is the quantity theory extrapolated into the case of many

353
00:35:56.680 --> 00:35:58.340
countries.

354
00:35:58.340 --> 00:36:04.500
The rise in the supply of money in country A will cause its prices to rise.

355
00:36:04.500 --> 00:36:11.460
But then the goods of country A are no longer as competitive compared to other countries.

356
00:36:11.460 --> 00:36:16.580
Exports will therefore decline, and imports from other countries with cheaper goods will

357
00:36:16.580 --> 00:36:18.020
rise.

358
00:36:18.020 --> 00:36:25.000
The balance of trade in country A will therefore become unfavorable, and specie will flow out

359
00:36:25.000 --> 00:36:28.600
of A in order to pay for the deficit.

360
00:36:28.600 --> 00:36:33.880
But this outflow of specie will eventually cause a sharp contraction of the supply of

361
00:36:33.880 --> 00:36:42.120
money in country A, a proportional fall in prices and an end to, indeed, a reversal of

362
00:36:42.120 --> 00:36:44.680
the unfavorable balance.

363
00:36:44.680 --> 00:36:51.480
As prices in A fall back to previous levels, specie will flow back in until the balance

364
00:36:51.480 --> 00:36:57.520
Balance of trade is in balance, and until the price levels in terms of species are equal

365
00:36:57.520 --> 00:36:59.200
in each country.

366
00:36:59.200 --> 00:37:05.880
Thus, on the free market, there is a rapidly self-correcting force at work that equilibrates

367
00:37:05.880 --> 00:37:11.800
balances of payments and price levels and prevents an inflation from going very far

368
00:37:11.800 --> 00:37:15.160
in any given country.

369
00:37:15.160 --> 00:37:21.000
While Hume's discussion is lucid and engaging, it is a considerable deterioration from that

370
00:37:21.000 --> 00:37:22.560
of Richard Cantillon.

371
00:37:22.560 --> 00:37:30.560
First, Cantillon did not believe in aggregate proportionality of money and price level changes,

372
00:37:30.560 --> 00:37:37.280
instead engaging in a sophisticated microprocess analysis of money going from one person to

373
00:37:37.280 --> 00:37:38.960
the next.

374
00:37:38.960 --> 00:37:46.320
As a result, money and prices will not rise proportionately even in the eventual new equilibrium

375
00:37:46.320 --> 00:37:47.320
state.

376
00:37:47.320 --> 00:37:55.160
Second, Cantillon included the income effect of more money in a country, whereas Hume confined

377
00:37:55.160 --> 00:37:58.800
himself to the aggregate price effect.

378
00:37:58.800 --> 00:38:04.960
In short, if the money supply in country A increases, it will equilibrate not only by

379
00:38:04.960 --> 00:38:12.240
prices rising in A, but also by the fact that monetary assets and incomes are higher in

380
00:38:12.240 --> 00:38:17.360
Section A, and therefore more money will be spent on imports.

381
00:38:17.360 --> 00:38:24.240
This income, or more precisely the cash balance effect, will generally work faster than the

382
00:38:24.240 --> 00:38:26.720
price effect.

383
00:38:26.720 --> 00:38:32.240
There are more problems with Hume's analysis, problems other than the omission of previously

384
00:38:32.240 --> 00:38:34.400
discovered truths.

385
00:38:34.400 --> 00:38:40.360
For while Hume conceded that it does not matter for production or prosperity what the level

386
00:38:40.360 --> 00:38:48.400
of the Money Supply may be, he did lay great importance on changes in that supply.

387
00:38:48.400 --> 00:38:54.440
Now it is true that changes do have important consequences, some of which Cartillon had

388
00:38:54.440 --> 00:38:56.520
already analyzed.

389
00:38:56.520 --> 00:39:02.800
But the crucial point is that all such changes are disruptive and distort market activity

390
00:39:02.800 --> 00:39:06.020
and the allocation of resources.

391
00:39:06.020 --> 00:39:13.120
David Hume, on the contrary, in a pre-Keynesian fashion, hailed the allegedly vivifying effects

392
00:39:13.120 --> 00:39:19.200
of increases in the quantity of money upon prosperity, and called upon the government

393
00:39:19.200 --> 00:39:25.960
to make sure that the supply of money is always at least moderately increasing.

394
00:39:25.960 --> 00:39:31.820
The two contradictory prescriptions of Hume for the supply of money are actually presented

395
00:39:31.820 --> 00:39:35.660
in two successive sentences.

396
00:39:35.660 --> 00:39:41.460
From the whole of this reasoning we may conclude that it is of no manner of consequence with

397
00:39:41.460 --> 00:39:49.020
regard to the domestic happiness of a state, whether money be in a greater or less quantity.

398
00:39:49.020 --> 00:39:56.780
The good policy of the magistrate consists only in keeping it, if possible, still increasing,

399
00:39:56.780 --> 00:40:02.940
because by that means he keeps alive a spirit of industry in the nation.

400
00:40:02.940 --> 00:40:08.880
Hume goes on, in proto-Keynesian fashion, to claim that the invigorating effect of increasing

401
00:40:08.880 --> 00:40:16.220
the supply of money occurs because employment of labor and other resources increases long

402
00:40:16.220 --> 00:40:19.780
before prices begin to rise.

403
00:40:19.780 --> 00:40:25.660
But Hume stops, as Keynes did, just as the problem becomes interesting.

404
00:40:25.660 --> 00:40:32.700
For then it must be asked, why were resources underemployed before, and what is there about

405
00:40:32.700 --> 00:40:37.940
about an increase in the money supply that might add to their employment.

406
00:40:37.940 --> 00:40:44.140
As W. H. Hutt was to point out in the 1930s, deeper reflection would show that the only

407
00:40:44.140 --> 00:40:51.020
possible reason for unwanted unemployment of resources is if the resource owner demands

408
00:40:51.020 --> 00:40:59.060
too high a price or wage for its use, and more money could only reduce such unemployment

409
00:40:59.060 --> 00:41:06.420
when selling prices rise before wages or the price of resources, so that workers or other

410
00:41:06.420 --> 00:41:14.500
resource owners are fooled into working for a lower real, though not lower money, wage.

411
00:41:14.500 --> 00:41:21.280
Furthermore, why should idle resources, as Hume implicitly postulates, reappear after

412
00:41:21.280 --> 00:41:28.560
the effects of new money have been fully digested in the economy in the form of higher prices?

413
00:41:28.560 --> 00:41:34.720
The answer can only be that after the price increases are accomplished and a new equilibrium

414
00:41:34.720 --> 00:41:41.360
attained, wages and other resource prices have caught up, and the money illusion has

415
00:41:41.360 --> 00:41:43.520
evaporated.

416
00:41:43.520 --> 00:41:50.320
Real resource prices return to being excessively high for the full employment of resources.

417
00:41:50.320 --> 00:41:56.680
Hume's inner contradictions on the quantity of money and inflation permeate his meager

418
00:41:56.680 --> 00:42:02.500
and other writings on economics. On the one hand, continuing inflation over the centuries

419
00:42:02.500 --> 00:42:09.500
is depicted as bringing about economic growth. On the other, Hume sternly favored ultra-hard

420
00:42:09.500 --> 00:42:16.020
money in relation to the banking system. Thus Hume delivered a hard-hitting attack on the

421
00:42:16.020 --> 00:42:23.440
unproductive and inflationary nature of the very existence of fractional reserve banking.

422
00:42:23.440 --> 00:42:29.920
He wrote of, Those institutions of banks, funds and paper credit, with which we are

423
00:42:29.920 --> 00:42:37.440
in the kingdom so much infatuated, these render paper equivalent to money, circulate it throughout

424
00:42:37.440 --> 00:42:43.540
the whole State, make it supply the place of gold and silver, raise proportionately

425
00:42:43.540 --> 00:42:50.220
the price of labor and commodities, and by that means either banish a great part of those

426
00:42:50.220 --> 00:42:54.740
as Precious Metals, or prevent their further increase.

427
00:42:54.740 --> 00:42:59.260
What can be more short-sighted than our reasoning on this head?

428
00:42:59.260 --> 00:43:05.260
We fancy, because an individual would be much richer were his stock of money doubled, that

429
00:43:05.260 --> 00:43:10.980
the same good effect would follow were the money of everyone increased, not considering

430
00:43:10.980 --> 00:43:17.940
that this would raise as much the price of every commodity, and reduce every man in time

431
00:43:17.940 --> 00:43:20.580
to the same condition as before.

432
00:43:20.580 --> 00:43:27.140
Elsewhere, Hume noted that inconveniences result from the increase of genuine money

433
00:43:27.140 --> 00:43:33.980
– specie – but at least they are compensated by the advantages which we reap from the possession

434
00:43:33.980 --> 00:43:41.340
of these precious metals, including bargaining power in negotiations with other nations.

435
00:43:41.340 --> 00:43:47.380
That he added, there appears no reason for increasing that inconvenience by a counterfeit

436
00:43:47.380 --> 00:43:53.580
money, which foreigners will not accept of in any payment, and which any great disorder

437
00:43:53.580 --> 00:43:56.800
in the State will reduce to nothing.

438
00:43:56.800 --> 00:44:04.220
To endeavor to increase paper credit artificially, then, merely increases money beyond its natural

439
00:44:04.220 --> 00:44:11.380
Proportion to Labor and Commodities, thereby increasing their prices.

440
00:44:11.380 --> 00:44:18.340
Hume concluded his penetrating analysis with an ultra-hard money policy proposal, one hundred

441
00:44:18.340 --> 00:44:21.940
percent specie reserve banking.

442
00:44:21.940 --> 00:44:28.620
It must be allowed that no bank could be more advantageous than such a loan as locked up

443
00:44:28.620 --> 00:44:47.980
Another important flaw in Hume's analysis of money was his propensity, picked up and

444
00:44:47.980 --> 00:44:55.620
magnified by Smith, Ricardo and the classical school, for leaping from one long-run equilibrium

445
00:44:55.620 --> 00:45:01.900
from State to Another without bothering about the dynamic process through time by which

446
00:45:01.900 --> 00:45:07.140
the real world actually moves from one state to another.

447
00:45:07.140 --> 00:45:14.380
It is this brusque neglect or comparative statics that leads Hume to omit the cationian

448
00:45:14.380 --> 00:45:21.620
analysis of microchanges in cash balances and income, and that causes him to neglect

449
00:45:21.620 --> 00:45:29.020
Income Effects in the Price-Specie Flow Mechanism of International Monetary Adjustment.

450
00:45:29.020 --> 00:45:36.100
Ironically, by doing so, and thereby neglecting the distribution effects of changing assets

451
00:45:36.100 --> 00:45:43.100
and incomes during the process, Hume, as well as countless other economists following him,

452
00:45:43.100 --> 00:45:50.380
distorts what happens in equilibrium itself, for they then cannot see that the new equilibrium

453
00:45:50.380 --> 00:45:52.780
will be very different from the old.

454
00:45:52.780 --> 00:45:58.540
Thus, when the money supply changes, there will not be an equiproportionate increase

455
00:45:58.540 --> 00:46:02.460
in all prices across the board.

456
00:46:02.460 --> 00:46:06.140
Professor Salerno puts the point very well.

457
00:46:06.140 --> 00:46:12.300
There is some truth to Cain's statement that Hume began the practice amongst economists

458
00:46:12.300 --> 00:46:18.180
of stressing the importance of the equilibrium position as compared with the ever-shifting

459
00:46:18.180 --> 00:46:20.980
and Transition towards it.

460
00:46:20.980 --> 00:46:27.300
For in reading Hume, one gets an unmistakable whiff, if not the full flavor, of the notion

461
00:46:27.300 --> 00:46:34.140
that it is in the states of long-run equilibrium that the economy actually resides most of

462
00:46:34.140 --> 00:46:35.760
the time.

463
00:46:35.760 --> 00:46:42.180
The transition between these states, Hume conceives as proceeding rapidly and terminating

464
00:46:42.180 --> 00:46:48.580
before another change in the economic data can intervene and propel the economy toward

465
00:46:48.580 --> 00:46:50.980
a new equilibrium.

466
00:46:50.980 --> 00:46:57.760
This notion at times leads Hume to truncate a full step-by-step analysis of a given change

467
00:46:57.760 --> 00:47:04.420
in the data, thus sliding or skipping over altogether its short-run effects in order

468
00:47:04.420 --> 00:47:11.400
to focus upon a comparative static analysis of its ultimate consequences.

469
00:47:11.400 --> 00:47:17.440
In reality, as the Austrians have emphasized, the situation is precisely the reverse of

470
00:47:17.440 --> 00:47:24.080
the Hume-British classical assumptions. Rather than the long-run equilibrium state being

471
00:47:24.080 --> 00:47:31.840
the fundamental reality, it never exists at all. Long-run equilibrium provides the tendency

472
00:47:31.840 --> 00:47:38.040
towards which the market is ever moving, but is never reached, because the underlying data

473
00:47:38.040 --> 00:47:45.960
of Supply and Demand, and therefore the ultimate equilibrium point, are always changing.

474
00:47:45.960 --> 00:47:52.880
Hence a full step-by-step analysis of a given change in the data is precisely what is needed

475
00:47:52.880 --> 00:47:59.680
to explain the process of successive short-run states which tend towards but never reach

476
00:47:59.680 --> 00:48:01.760
equilibrium.

477
00:48:01.760 --> 00:48:09.760
In the real world, the long run is not equilibrium at all, but a series of such short-run states,

478
00:48:09.760 --> 00:48:15.960
which will keep changing direction as underlying data are altered.

479
00:48:15.960 --> 00:48:22.240
A final problem with Hume's monetary views is that in contrast to the French laissez-faire

480
00:48:22.240 --> 00:48:28.600
school, he believed that money need not be a useful marketable commodity, but was a mere

481
00:48:28.600 --> 00:48:30.680
convention.

482
00:48:30.680 --> 00:48:39.600
According to Abbé André Morelle, 1727-1819, a disciple of Gournay and life-long friend

483
00:48:39.600 --> 00:48:46.200
of Turgot, Hume opines that money functions as such because of the belief that others

484
00:48:46.200 --> 00:48:48.120
would accept it.

485
00:48:48.120 --> 00:48:49.400
Very true.

486
00:48:49.400 --> 00:48:54.420
But this does not mean that money originated as a mere convention.

487
00:48:54.420 --> 00:49:00.660
And Hume acknowledges that money should be made of materials which have intrinsic value,

488
00:49:00.660 --> 00:49:06.620
or otherwise it would be multiplied without end and would sink to nothing.

489
00:49:06.620 --> 00:49:12.500
Hume's thoughts on interest are illuminating if only in contrast to the profundity and brilliance

490
00:49:12.500 --> 00:49:16.580
of Turgot's exposition twenty years later.

491
00:49:16.580 --> 00:49:23.340
Since money's impact is ultimately on prices only, Hume shows that interest can only be

492
00:49:23.340 --> 00:49:27.400
a phenomenon of real capital rather than of money.

493
00:49:27.400 --> 00:49:33.020
He discusses the relation between interest rates and profit rates, that is, the fundamental

494
00:49:33.020 --> 00:49:36.160
rates of return on investment.

495
00:49:36.160 --> 00:49:41.960
Here he points out correctly that no man will accept of low profits where he can have high

496
00:49:41.960 --> 00:49:48.540
interest, and no man will accept of low interest where he can have high profits.

497
00:49:48.540 --> 00:49:54.120
In short, interest and profit rates tend to be equal on the market.

498
00:49:54.120 --> 00:50:07.040
Hume characteristically abandons the search for cause and says that both arise from an

499
00:50:07.040 --> 00:50:11.440
extensive commerce and mutually forward each other.

500
00:50:11.440 --> 00:50:17.540
Boehm-Bawerk is surely right when he says that this view is somewhat superficial.

501
00:50:17.540 --> 00:50:24.260
But more than that, it is incorrect and reverses cause and effect, by stating that extensive

502
00:50:24.260 --> 00:50:31.900
commerce, by producing large stocks, capital, diminishes both interest and profits.

503
00:50:31.900 --> 00:50:38.320
For there is no reason why larger stocks of capital should lower interest or profit rates.

504
00:50:38.320 --> 00:50:44.140
What they do lower is the prices of capital goods and consumer goods.

505
00:50:44.140 --> 00:50:47.620
The causal chain is the other way round.

506
00:50:47.620 --> 00:50:53.320
Lower time preference rates, which usually but not always attend higher standards of

507
00:50:53.320 --> 00:51:00.500
living and greater prosperity, will cause both capital to accumulate and profit and

508
00:51:00.500 --> 00:51:03.060
interest rates to fall.

509
00:51:03.060 --> 00:51:08.340
The two, as the Austrian School would later point out, are different sides of the same

510
00:51:08.340 --> 00:51:10.660
coin.

511
00:51:10.660 --> 00:51:15.580
According to the other areas of economics, it is possible that some of the deep flaws

512
00:51:15.580 --> 00:51:21.080
in Adam Smith's value theory were the result of David Hume's influence.

513
00:51:21.080 --> 00:51:28.180
For Hume had no systematic theory of value and had no idea whatever of utility as a determinant

514
00:51:28.180 --> 00:51:29.800
of value.

515
00:51:29.800 --> 00:51:35.980
If anything, he kept stressing that labor was the source of all value.

516
00:51:35.980 --> 00:51:42.620
In political economy, David Hume may be considered a free trader and opponent of mercantilism.

517
00:51:42.620 --> 00:51:49.700
A friend and mentor of Adam Smith from their first meeting in 1752, Hume came to know the

518
00:51:49.700 --> 00:51:56.740
French laissez-faire during his years in that country, and Turgot himself translated Hume's

519
00:51:56.740 --> 00:51:59.740
and its Political Discourses into French.
