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NOTE 5. Protestants and Catholics

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5. Protestants and Catholics 1. Luther, Calvin and State Absolutism

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We have seen that the counter-reformation of the 16th century had to carry on a two-front

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intellectual war on behalf of scholasticism and natural law, against Protestants and crypto-Protestants,

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and also against secularist apologists for an absolute state.

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These latter two seemingly contrasting groups were closer than merely having the same enemy.

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In many ways they were twins and not simply fortuitous allies.

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Despite their many differences, Martin Luther, 1483-1546, son of a German miner and John

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John Calvin, born Jean Covin, of which Calvin is the latinized name, 1509-1564, son of a

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French attorney and leading town official, whose new religious sects between them swept

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northern Europe, agreed on some crucial fundamentals.

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In particular, their social philosophy and theology rested on the basic proposition that

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Man is totally depraved, steeped in sin. If this is so, man could scarcely achieve salvation

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even partially through his own efforts. Therefore, salvation comes not from man's non-existent

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free will, but as an arbitrary and unintelligible gift of unearned grace from God, a gift which

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which he for his own reasons hands out only to a predestined elect.

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All of the non-elect are damned.

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Furthermore, as man is totally depraved and a slave of Satan, his reason, let alone his

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sense of enjoyment, can never be trusted.

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Neither reason nor the senses can in any way be trusted to form a social ethics.

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can only come from the divine will through biblical revelation.

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To this day, fundamentalist Calvinists are taught to sum up their creed in the acronym

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TULIP, T-U-L-I-P, perhaps also recalling the Dutch vastnesses of Calvinism.

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P. Total Damnation. U. Unconditional Election. L. Limited Atonement. I. Irresistible Grace.

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P. Perseverance of the Saints.

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In short, man is damned totally. His atonement can only be limited and insufficient. The

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The only thing that can and does unconditionally save and elect among men is God's irresistible

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grace.

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If reason cannot be used to frame an ethic, this means that Luther and Calvin had to,

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in essence, throw out natural law, and in doing so they jettisoned the basic criteria

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developed over the centuries by which to criticize the despotic actions of the state.

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Indeed, Luther and Calvin, relying on isolated biblical passages rather than on an integrated

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philosophic tradition, opined that the powers that be are ordained of God, and that therefore

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the King, no matter how tyrannical, is divinely appointed and must always be obeyed.

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This doctrine, of course, played into the hands of the rising absolute monarchs and

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their theoreticians.

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Whether Catholic or Protestant, these secularists pushed their religion to the background of

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life.

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Socially and politically they held, as we shall see below, that the state and its ruler

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are absolute, that the ruler must seek to preserve and expand his power, and that his

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as dictates must be obeyed.

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It is therefore the early Jesuits of the Counter-Reformation who saw and analyzed the crucial link between

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the Protestant leaders and such amoralist secularists as Niccolo Machiavelli.

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As Professor Skinner writes, the early Jesuit theorists clearly recognized the pivotal point

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at which the political theories of Luther and Machiavelli may be said to converge.

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Both of them were equally concerned, for their own very different reasons, to reject the

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idea of the law of nature as an appropriate moral basis for political life.

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It is in consequence in the works of the early Jesuits that we first encounter the familiar

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and the uncoupling of Luther and Machiavelli as the two founding fathers of the impious

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modern state. Moreover, Luther had to rely for the spread of his religion on the German

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and other European monarchs. His preaching of all-out obedience to the ruler was reinforced

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by this practical concern. In addition, the secular princes themselves had a juicy economic

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The Confiscation of the Often Wealthy Monasteries and Other Church Property

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Underlying at least part of the motives of the monarchy and nobility of the new Protestant states was the lure of greed and grab.

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Thus, when Gustaf Vasa, King of Sweden, became a Lutheran in 1524, he immediately transferred

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the church tithes into taxes going to the Crown, and three years later he confiscated

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the entire property of the Catholic Church.

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Similarly, in Denmark, the newly Lutheran kings seized the monastic lands and confiscated

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In Germany, Albert of Hohenzollern accompanied his Lutheran conversion by seizing the lands

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of the Catholic Teutonic Knights, while Philip of Hesse grabbed all the monastic lands in

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his state, much of the proceeds going into his own personal coffers.

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In addition to grabbing the lands and revenues, the monarchs in each of the lands seized control

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of the church itself and converted the Lutheran church into a state-run church, to the plaudits

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of Martin Luther and his disciples, who championed the idea of a state-dominated church.

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In the city of Geneva, John Calvin and his disciples imposed a totalitarian theocracy

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for a time, but this church-run state proved to be an aberration in mainstream Calvinism,

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which triumphed in Scotland, Holland, and Switzerland, and had considerable influence

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in France and England.

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An outstanding example of a state-run church as a motive for reformation was the establishment

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of the Anglican Church in England.

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The defection from Catholicism of Henry VIII was accompanied by the confiscation of the

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monasteries and the parceling out of these lands, either by gift or by sale at low cost,

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to favored groups of nobles and gentry.

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About 2,000 monks and nuns throughout England, as well as about 8,000 laborers in the monasteries,

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are thus dispossessed for the benefit of a new class of large landholders beholden to

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the crown and not likely to permit any return to a Roman Catholic monarchy in Britain.

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2. Luther's Economics

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As a man fundamentally opposed to later scholastic refinements or even to the kind of integral

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A Confused, Contradictory and Unsystematic Thinker at Best, Luther was unsurprisingly

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are the least consistent in an area of secular affairs, economics, in which he had little interest.

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Thus, on a crucial question which had vexed scholastics for centuries, whether private property is natural or conventional,

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that is, merely the product of positive law, Luther was characteristically anti-intellectual.

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He was not interested in such questions, therefore they were trivial.

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It is vain to mention these things. They cannot be acquired by thought.

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As Dr. Gary North has commented, so much for fifteen hundred years of debate.

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All in all, Richard Taney's assessment of Luther on these matters is perhaps not an overstatement.

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Confronted with the complexities of foreign trade and financial organization,

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Confusion, or with the subtleties of economic analysis. He, Luther, is like a savage introduced

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to a dynamo or a steam engine. He is too frightened and angry even to feel curiosity. Attempts

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to explain the mechanism merely enrage him. He can only repeat that there is a devil in

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it and that good Christians will not meddle with the mystery of iniquity.

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The rest is confusion.

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Upholding the commandment prohibiting theft meant that Luther had to be, at least in some

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sense, an advocate of the rights of private property.

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But to Luther, stealing meant not only what everyone defines to be theft, but also taking

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advantage of others at market, warehouses, wine and beer sellers, workshops.

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In different writings, sometimes even within the same one, Luther was capable of denouncing

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a person who makes use of the market in his own willful way, proud and defiant, as though

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he had a good right to sell at as high a price as he chose, and none could interfere.

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While also writing, anyone may sell what he has for the highest price he can get, so long

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On the just price, Luther tends to revert to the minority medieval view that a just price is not the market price, but a cost of production plus expenses, and profit for labor and risk of the merchant.

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On usury in particular, Luther tended to revert to the drastic prohibition that the Catholic Church had long left behind.

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The census contract he would ban, as he would Lucram Cessens.

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Money was sterile, there should be no increase in price for time as against cash payments for goods, etc.

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All the old nonsense, which the scholastics had spent centuries burying or transforming,

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was back intact.

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It is certainly fitting that, as we have seen, one of Luther's great theological opponents

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in Germany was his former friend Johann Eck, a Catholic theologian and friend of the great

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Fugger banking family, who was even ahead of his time in arguing in thoroughgoing fashion

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in favor of usury.

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Yet despite his opposition to usury, Luther advised the young ruler of Saxony not to abolish

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interest or to relieve debtors of the burden of paying it.

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Interest is, after all, a common plague that all have taken upon themselves.

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We must put up with it, therefore, and hold debtors to it.

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Some of these contradictions can be reconciled in the light of Luther's deeply pessimistic

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view of man and, therefore, of human institutions.

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In the wicked secular world, he believed, we cannot expect people or institutions to

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act in accordance with the Christian gospel.

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Therefore, in contrast to the Catholic attempt through the art of casuistry to apply moral

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John Calvin's social and economic views closely paralleled Luther's, and their

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There is no point in repeating them here.

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There are only two main areas of difference, their views on usury and on the concept of

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the calling, although the latter difference is more marked for the later Calvinist Puritans

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of the seventeenth century.

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Calvin's main contribution to the usury question was in having the courage to dump the prohibition

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altogether.

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The son of an important town official had only contempt for the Aristotelian argument

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that money is sterile.

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A child, he pointed out, knows that money is only sterile when locked away somewhere,

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but who in their right mind borrows to keep money idle.

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Merchants borrow in order to make profits on their purchases, and hence money is then

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fruitful.

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As for the Bible, Luke's famous injunction only orders generosity towards the poor, while

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Hebraic law in the Old Testament is not binding in modern society.

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To Calvin, then, usury is perfectly licit, provided that it is not charged in loans to

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the poor who would be hurt by such payment.

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Also, any legal maximum, of course, must be obeyed.

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And finally, Calvin maintained that no one should function as a professional moneylender.

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The odd result was that hedging his explicit pro-usery doctrine with qualification, Calvin

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in practice converged on the views of such scholastics as Beale, Zumanhart, Kajetan and

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Eck.

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Calvin began with a sweeping theoretical defense of interest-taking and then hedged it about

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with Qualifications.

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The liberal scholastics began with a prohibition of usury and then qualified it away.

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But while in practice the two groups converged and the scholastics in discovering and elaborating

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upon exceptions to the usury ban were theoretically more sophisticated and fruitful, Calvin's

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Calvin's bold break with the formal man was a liberating breakthrough in Western thought

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and practice.

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It also threw the responsibility for applying teachings on usury from the church or state

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to the individual's conscience.

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As Taney puts it, the significant feature in his, Calvin's, discussion of the subject

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is that he assumes credit to be a normal and inevitable incident in the life of a society.

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A more subtle difference, but in the long run perhaps having more influence on the development

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of economic thought, was the Calvinist concept of the calling.

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This new concept was embryonic in Calvin and was developed further by later Calvinists

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and especially Puritans in the late 17th century.

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Older economic historians such as Max Weber have made far too much of the Calvinist as

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against Lutheran and Catholic conceptions of the calling.

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All these religious groups emphasize the merit of being productive in one's labor or occupation,

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one's calling in life.

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But there is, especially in the later Puritans, the idea of success in one's calling as a

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visible sign of being a member of the elect.

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The success is striven for, of course, not to prove that one is a member of the elect

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destined to be saved, but assuming that one is in the elect by virtue of one's Calvinist

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A Calvinist emphasis on postponement of earthly gratification led to a particular stress on

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saving.

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Labor or industry and thrift, almost for their own sake, or rather for God's sake, were emphasized

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in Calvinism much more than in the other segments of Christianity.

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The focus, then, both in Catholic countries and in scholastic thought, became very different

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from that of Calvinism.

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The scholastic focus was on consumption, the consumer, as the goal of labor and production.

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Labor was not so much a good in itself as a means toward consumption on the market.

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The Aristotelian balance, or golden mean, was considered a requisite of the good life,

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a life leading to happiness in keeping with the nature of man.

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And that balanced life emphasized the joys of consumption as well as of leisure, in addition

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to the importance of productive effort.

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In contrast, a rather grim emphasis on work and on saving began to be stressed in Calvinist

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Culture.

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This de-emphasis on leisure, of course, fitted with the iconoclasm that reached its height

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in Calvinism, the condemnation of the enjoyment of the senses as a means of expressing religious

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devotion.

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One of the expressions of this conflict came over religious holidays, which Catholic countries

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enjoyed in abundance.

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To the Puritans, this was idolatry. Even Christmas was not supposed to be an occasion for sensate enjoyment.

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There has been considerable dispute over the Weber thesis, propounded by the early 20th century German economic historian and sociologist Max Weber,

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which attributed the rise of capitalism and the Industrial Revolution to the late Calvinist concept of the calling

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Banking, and the resulting capitalist spirit.

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For all its fruitful insights, the Weber thesis must be rejected on many levels.

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First, modern capitalism, in any meaningful sense, begins not with the Industrial Revolution

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of 18th and 19th centuries, but, as we have seen, in the Middle Ages, and particularly

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in the Italian city-states.

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Such examples of capitalist rationality as double-entry bookkeeping and various financial

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techniques begin in these Italian city-states as well.

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All were Catholic.

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Indeed, it is in a Florentine account book of 1253 that there is first found the classic

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pro-capitalist formula, In the Name of God and of Prophet.

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No city was more of a financial and commercial center than Antwerp in the 16th century, a

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Catholic center.

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No man shone as much as financier and banker as Jakob Fugger, a good Catholic from southern

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Germany.

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Not only that, Fugger worked all his life, refused to retire, and announced that he would

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make money as long as he could.

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A prime example of the Weberian Protestant ethic from a solid Catholic.

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And we have seen how the scholastic theologians moved to understand and accommodate the market

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and market forces.

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On the other hand, while it is true that Calvinist areas in England, France, Holland and the

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North American colonies prospered, the solidly Calvinist Scotland remained a backward and

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Undeveloped Area, even to this day.

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But even if the focus on calling and labor did not bring about the Industrial Revolution,

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it might well have led to another outstanding difference between Calvinist and Catholic

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countries, a crucial difference in the development of economic thought.

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Professor Amel Couter's brilliant speculation to this effect will inform the remainder of

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this work.

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Scouter

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Calvin and his disciples placed work at the center of their social theology.

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All work in this society is invested with divine approval.

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Any social philosopher or economist exposed to Calvinism will be tempted to give labor

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an exalted position in his social or economic treatise.

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And no better way of extolling labor can be found than by combining work with value theory,

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traditionally the very basis of an economic system.

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Thus value becomes labor value, which is not merely a scientific device for measuring exchange

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rates, but also the spiritual tie combining divine will with economic everyday life.

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In their extolling of work, the Calvinists concentrated on systematic, continuing industriousness,

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on a settled course of labor.

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Thus the English Puritan Divine, Samuel Huron, opined that, he that hath no honest business

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about which ordinarily to be employed, no settled course to which he may betake himself,

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cannot please God.

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A very influential was the early 17th century Cambridge University academic, the Reverend

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William Perkins, who did much to translate Calvinist theology into English practice.

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Perkins denounced four groups of men who had no particular calling to walk in, beggars

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and vagabonds, monks and friars, gentlemen who spend their days in eating and drinking,

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and servants, who allegedly spent their time waiting.

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All these were dangerous, because unsettled and undisciplined.

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Particularly dangerous were wanderers, who avoided the authority of all.

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Furthermore believed Perkins, the lazy multitude was always inclined to popish opinions, always

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more ready to play than to work.

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In contrast to the Calvinist glorification of labor, the Aristotelian Thomist tradition was quite different.

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Instead of work, moderate pleasure-seeking and happiness formed the center of economic actions, according to Aristotelian and Thomistic philosophy.

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A certain balanced hedonism is an integrated part of the Aristotelian theory of the good life.

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If pleasure in a moderate form is the purpose of economics, then following the Aristotelian concept of the final cause, all principles of economics, including valuation, must be derived from this goal.

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In this pattern of Aristotelian and Thomistic thinking, valuation has the function of showing how much pleasure can be derived from economic goods.

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Hence Great Britain, heavily influenced by Calvinist thought and culture and its glorification of the mere exertion of labor, came to develop a labor theory of value,

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While France and Italy, still influenced by Aristotelian and Thomist concepts, continued the scholastic emphasis on the consumer and his subjective valuation as the source of economic value.

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While there is no way to prove this hypothesis conclusively, the counter insight has great value in explaining the comparative development of economic thought in Britain

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in and in the Catholic countries of Europe after the 16th century 4. Calvinists on Usury

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Perhaps because he was considered the greatest French jurist of the mid-16th century, the

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merit of the contribution of Charles du Moulin, Latinized name Corollus Molinaeus, 1500-1566,

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has been highly inflated, in his and in later times.

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A Catholic who later converted to Calvinism and was then forced to leave for Germany,

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Dumoulin had nothing but contempt for scholasticism, which he attacked vehemently in his highly

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publicized work, The Treatise on Contracts and Usury, Paris, 1546.

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Whereas Molinaeus officially denounced the prohibition of usury, in actuality his views

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were little different from those of the contemporary scholastics, or indeed of Calvin.

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While clearly denouncing the view that money is sterile and demonstrating that it is as

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productive as the goods bought with it, he hedges his defense of usury sufficiently so

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that his views are little different from many others.

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He does maintain that the charge of interest on a loan per se is unjust, but ingeniously

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points out that a lender charges for the utility of the money rather than for the money itself.

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But Molinaeus attacks the cruel usuries permitted by Lucrum Cessans, and maintains with Calvin

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that interest may not be charged for loans to the poor.

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One wonders that if such a rule were enforced, who in the world would ever lend to the poor?

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And would the poor then be better off by being deprived of all credit?

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Indeed it seems that Molinaeus' main contribution was to blacken unjustly the name of poor Conrad

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Zumenhardt, a cruel injustice that would last for four centuries.

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In an act obviously motivated by malice towards scholasticism, Molinaeus took the great Zumanhart's

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arguments against the usury ban and twisted them to make the German theologian a particularly

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doltish advocate of the prohibition.

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He took Zumanhart's initial arguments for the prohibition, which he had stated in order

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to Knock Down, claimed that they were Zumanhart's own, and then plagiarized Zumanhart's critique

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of these arguments without acknowledgement.

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As a result of this shabby mendacity, as Professor Noonan points out, since Dumoulin's writings

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have alone become famous, Conrad Zumanhart has appeared to posterity only as Dumoulin

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caricatures him, that is, as a particularly obstinate and strangely stupid defender of

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the usury prohibition.

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The honor of putting the final boot to the usury prohibition belongs to the 17th century

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classicist and Dutch Calvinist Claude Zoméz, Latinized name Claudius Salmatius, 1588-1653.

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In several works published in Leiden beginning with De Usuris Liber in 1630 and continuing

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to 1645, Salmaceus finished off this embarrassing remnant of the mountainous errors of the past.

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His fort was not so much in coining new theoretical arguments as in finally willing to be consistent.

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In short, Salmaceous trenchantly pointed out that money lending was a business like any

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other and like other businesses was entitled to charge a market price.

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He did make the important theoretical point, however, that, as in any other part of the

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market, if the number of userers multiplies, the price of money or interest will be driven

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Salmatius also had the courage to point out that there were no valid arguments against usury, either by divine or natural law.

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The Jews only prohibited usury against other Jews, and this was a political and tribal act, rather than an expression of a moral theory about an economic transaction.

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As for Jesus, he taught nothing at all about civil polity or economic transactions.

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This leaves the only ecclesiastical law against usury that of the Pope, and why should a Calvinist obey the Pope?

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Salmaceous also took some deserved whacks at the evasions permeating the various scholastic justifications, or extrinsic titles, justifying interest.

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Let's face it, Salmaceous in effect asserted what the canonists and scholastics took away with one hand, they restored with the other.

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The census is really usury, foreign exchange is really usury, lucrum cessans is really usury, usury all, and let them all be licit.

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Furthermore, usury is always charged as compensation for something, in essence, the lack of use of money and the risk of loss in a loan.

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Salmatius also had the courage to take the hardest case, professional money lending to the poor, and to justify that.

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Selling the use of money is a business, like any other. If it is licit to make money with things bought with money, why not from money itself?

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As Noonan paraphrases Salmaceus, the seller of bread is not required to ask if he sells it to a poor man or a rich man, why should the money lender have to make a distinction?

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And, there is no fraud or theft in charging the highest market price for other goods, why is it wrong for the usurer to charge the heaviest usuries he can collect?

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Empirically, Salmaceus also analyzed the case of public userers in Amsterdam, the great

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commercial and financial center of the seventeenth century, replacing Antwerp of the previous

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century, showing that the usual 16 percent charge on small loans to the poor is accounted

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for by the costs of the userers borrowing their own money, of holding some money idle,

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of renting a large house, of absorbing some losses on loans, of paying license fees, hiring

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employees and paying an auctioneer.

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Deducting all these expenses, the average net interest rate of the moneylenders is only

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8%, barely enough to keep them in business.

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In concluding that usury is a business like any other, Salmaceus, in his typical witty

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and Sparkling Style, declared, I would rather be called a usurer than be a tailor.

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Our examples of his style already demonstrate the aptness of the great Austrian economist

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Boehm-Bawerk's conclusion about Salmaceus, that his works are extremely effective pieces

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of writing, veritable gems of sparkling polemic.

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The materials for them, it must be confessed, had in great part been provided by his predecessors.

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But the happy manner in which Salmaceous employs these materials, and the many pithy sallies

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with which he enriches them, places his polemic far above anything that had gone before.

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As a result, Salmaceous' essays had wide influence throughout the Netherlands and the rest of

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Europe.

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As Boehm-Bawerk declared, Salmaceous views on usury were the high water mark of interest

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theory to remain so for over 100 years.

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5.

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Communist Zealots, The Anabaptists

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Sometimes Martin Luther must have felt that he had loosed the whirlwind, even opened the

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gates of hell.

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Shortly after Luther launched the Reformation, various Anabaptist sects appeared and spread

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throughout Germany.

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The Anabaptists believed in predestination of the elect, but they also believed, in contrast

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to Luther, that they knew infallibly who the elect were, that is, themselves.

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The sign of that election was in an emotional mystical conversion process, that of being

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Born Again, Baptized in the Holy Spirit Such baptism must be adult and not among infants.

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More to the point, it meant that only the elect are to be sect members who obey the

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multifarious rules and creeds of the Church.

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The idea of the sect, in contrast to Catholicism, Lutheranism or Calvinism, was not comprehensive

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Church Membership in the Society, The Sect was to be distinctly separate for the elect

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only.

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Given that creed, there were two ways that Anabaptism could and did go.

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Most Anabaptists, like the Mennonites or Amish, became virtual anarchists.

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They tried to separate themselves as much as possible from a necessarily sinful state

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and Society, and engaged in non-violent resistance to the state's decrees.

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The other route, taken by another wing of Anabaptists, was to try to seize power in

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the state and to shape up the majority by extreme coercion, in short, ultra-theocracy.

336
00:37:05.040 --> 00:37:12.900
As Monsignor Knox incisively points out, even when Calvin established a theocracy in Geneva,

337
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It had to pale beside one which might be established by a prophet enjoying continuous, new, mystical

338
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revelation.

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00:37:22.840 --> 00:37:29.780
As Knox points out in his usual scintillating style, in Calvin's Geneva and in the Puritan

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colonies of America, the left wing of the Reformation signalized its ascendancy by enforcing

341
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I have called this rigorous attitude a pale shadow of the theocratic principle, because

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A full-blooded theocracy demands the presence of a divinely inspired leader or leaders,

343
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to whom government belongs by right of mystical illumination.

344
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The great reformers were not, it must be insisted, men of this caliber.

345
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They were pundits, men of the new learning.

346
00:38:25.440 --> 00:38:30.740
And so, one of the crucial differences between the Anabaptists and the more conservative

347
00:38:30.740 --> 00:38:38.360
of Reformers was that the former claimed continuing mystical revelation to themselves, forcing

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men such as Luther and Calvin to fall back on the Bible alone as the first as well as

349
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the last revelation.

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The first leader of the ultra-theocrat wing of the Anabaptists was Thomas Mintzer, circa

351
00:38:55.140 --> 00:39:02.740
1489-1525 Born into Comfort in Stolberg in Thuringia,

352
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Munzer studied at the universities of Leipzig and Frankfurt, and became highly learned in

353
00:39:08.020 --> 00:39:14.620
the scriptures, the classics, theology, and in the writings of the German mystics.

354
00:39:14.620 --> 00:39:20.780
Becoming a follower almost as soon as Luther launched the Reformation in 1520, Munzer was

355
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is recommended by Luther for the pastorate in the city of Zwickau. Zwickau was near

356
00:39:26.600 --> 00:39:32.860
the Bohemian border, and there the restless mincer was converted by the weaver and adept

357
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Niklas Storch, who had been in Bohemia, to the old Taborite doctrine that had flourished

358
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in Bohemia a century earlier. This doctrine consisted essentially of a continuing mystical

359
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and the necessity for the elect to seize power and impose a society of theocratic Communism by brutal force of arms.

360
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Furthermore, marriage was to be prohibited and each man was to be able to have any woman at his will.

361
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The passive wing of Anabaptists were voluntary anarcho-Communists who wished to live peacefully by themselves.

362
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But Menzer adopted the Storch vision of blood and coercion.

363
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Defecting very rapidly from Lutheranism, Menzer felt himself to be the coming prophet and his teachings now began to emphasize a war of blood and extermination to be waged by the elect against the sinners.

364
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Munzer claimed that the living Christ had permanently entered his own soul, endowed thereby with perfect insight into the divine will,

365
00:40:46.380 --> 00:40:52.380
Munzer asserted himself to be uniquely qualified to fulfill the divine mission.

366
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He even spoke of himself as becoming God.

367
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Abandoning the world of learning, Munzer was now ready for action.

368
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In 1521, only a year after his arrival, the town council of Zwickau took fright at these increasingly popular ravings and ordered Mincer's expulsion from the city.

369
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In protest, a large number of the populace, in particular the weavers led by Nicholas Storch, rose in revolt, but the rising was put down.

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At that point, Munzer hied himself to Prague, searching for Taborite remnants in the capital

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of Bohemia.

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Speaking in peasant metaphors, he declared that harvest time is here, so God himself

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has hired me for his harvest.

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I have sharpened my scythe, for my thoughts are most strongly fixed on the truth, and

375
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My Lips, Hands, Skin, Hair, Soul, Body, Life, Curse the Unbelievers

376
00:42:00.140 --> 00:42:06.380
Munzer, however, found no Taborite remnants. It did not help the prophet's popularity that

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he knew no Czech and had to preach with the aid of an interpreter, and so he was duly

378
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expelled from Prague.

379
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After wandering around central Germany in poverty for several years, signing himself

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and Christ's Messenger, Munzer in 1523 gained a ministerial position in the small Thuringian

381
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town of Alstadt.

382
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There he established a wide reputation as a preacher employing the vernacular and began

383
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to attract a large following of uneducated miners, whom he formed into a revolutionary

384
00:42:42.500 --> 00:42:47.300
organization called the League of the Elect.

385
00:42:47.300 --> 00:42:53.460
A turning point in Munzer's stormy career came a year later when Duke John, a prince

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of Saxony and a Lutheran, hearing alarming rumors about him, came to little Alstadt and

387
00:43:00.060 --> 00:43:03.380
asked Munzer to preach him a sermon.

388
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This was Munzer's opportunity, and he seized it.

389
00:43:06.600 --> 00:43:08.340
He laid it on the line.

390
00:43:08.340 --> 00:43:14.460
He called upon the Saxon princes to make their choices and take their stand, either as servants

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00:43:14.460 --> 00:43:17.280
of God or of the devil.

392
00:43:17.280 --> 00:43:24.280
If the Saxon princes are to take their stand with God, then they must lay on with the sword.

393
00:43:24.280 --> 00:43:29.760
Don't let them live any longer, counseled our prophet, the evildoers who turn us away

394
00:43:29.760 --> 00:43:36.920
from God, for a godless man has no right to live if he hinders the godly.

395
00:43:36.920 --> 00:43:41.480
Mincer's definition of the godless, of course, was all-inclusive.

396
00:43:41.480 --> 00:43:47.080
The sword is necessary to exterminate priests, monks, and godless rulers.

397
00:43:47.080 --> 00:43:54.480
But, Mincer warned, if the princes of Saxony fail in this task, if they falter, the sword

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shall be taken from them.

399
00:43:56.620 --> 00:44:01.360
If they resist, let them be slaughtered without mercy.

400
00:44:01.360 --> 00:44:05.920
Mincer then returned to his favorite harvest-time analogy.

401
00:44:05.920 --> 00:44:11.080
At the harvest-time, one must pluck the weeds out of God's vineyard.

402
00:44:11.080 --> 00:44:17.720
For the ungodly have no right to live save what the elect chooses to allow them.

403
00:44:17.720 --> 00:44:24.680
In this way the millennium, the thousand-year kingdom of God on earth would be ushered in.

404
00:44:24.680 --> 00:44:31.080
But one key requisite is necessary for the princes to perform that task successfully.

405
00:44:31.080 --> 00:44:40.440
They must have at their elbow a priest, prophet, guess who, to inspire and guide their efforts.

406
00:44:40.440 --> 00:44:46.320
Sadly enough, for an era when no First Amendment restrained rulers from dealing sternly with

407
00:44:46.320 --> 00:44:53.320
heresy, Duke John seemed not to care about Münzer's frenetic ultimatum. Even after

408
00:44:53.320 --> 00:44:59.360
Münzer proceeded to preach a sermon proclaiming the imminent overthrow of all tyrants and

409
00:44:59.360 --> 00:45:06.040
the beginning of the Messianic kingdom, the duke did nothing. Finally, under the insistent

410
00:45:06.040 --> 00:45:12.200
The prodding of Luther that Munzer was becoming dangerous, Duke John told the prophet to refrain

411
00:45:12.200 --> 00:45:19.960
from any provocative preaching until his case was decided by his brother, the Elector.

412
00:45:19.960 --> 00:45:26.560
This mild reaction by the Saxon princes, however, was enough to set Thomas Munzer on his final

413
00:45:26.560 --> 00:45:29.080
revolutionary road.

414
00:45:29.080 --> 00:45:32.600
The princes had proved themselves untrustworthy.

415
00:45:32.600 --> 00:45:36.460
The mass of the poor were now to make the revolution.

416
00:45:36.460 --> 00:45:43.520
The poor were the elect, and would establish a rule of compulsory egalitarian communism,

417
00:45:43.520 --> 00:45:49.660
a world where all things would be owned in common by all, where everyone would be equal

418
00:45:49.660 --> 00:45:55.000
in everything, and each person would receive according to his need.

419
00:45:55.000 --> 00:45:56.520
But not yet.

420
00:45:56.520 --> 00:46:02.680
For even the poor must first be broken of worldly desires and frivolous enjoyments,

421
00:46:02.680 --> 00:46:08.640
and must recognize the leadership of a new servant of God who must stand forth in the

422
00:46:08.640 --> 00:46:12.680
spirit of Elijah and set things in motion.

423
00:46:12.680 --> 00:46:16.040
Again, guess who?

424
00:46:16.040 --> 00:46:23.080
Seeing Saxony as inhospitable, Mincer climbed over the town wall of Alstadt and moved in

425
00:46:23.080 --> 00:46:31.400
1524 to the Thuringian city of Mühlhausen. An expert in fishing in troubled waters,

426
00:46:31.400 --> 00:46:36.520
Munzer found a friendly home in Mühlhausen, which had been in a state of political turmoil

427
00:46:36.520 --> 00:46:43.340
for over a year. Preaching the impending extermination of the ungodly, Munzer paraded

428
00:46:43.340 --> 00:46:49.580
around the town at the head of an armed band, carrying in front of him a red crucifix and

429
00:46:49.580 --> 00:46:52.020
and a naked sword.

430
00:46:52.020 --> 00:46:58.020
Expelled from Mülhausen after a revolt by his allies was suppressed, Mincer went to

431
00:46:58.020 --> 00:47:04.760
Nuremberg, which in turn expelled him after he published some revolutionary pamphlets.

432
00:47:04.760 --> 00:47:10.900
After wandering through southwestern Germany, Mincer was invited back to Mülhausen in February

433
00:47:10.900 --> 00:47:16.740
1525, where a revolutionary group had taken over.

434
00:47:16.740 --> 00:47:24.260
Thomas Münzer and his allies proceeded to impose a communist regime on the city of Mülhausen.

435
00:47:24.260 --> 00:47:31.100
The monasteries were seized, and all property was decreed to be in common, and the consequence,

436
00:47:31.100 --> 00:47:36.640
as a contemporary observer noted, was that he so affected the folk that no one wanted

437
00:47:36.640 --> 00:47:38.260
to work.

438
00:47:38.260 --> 00:47:45.380
The result was that the theory of communism and love quickly became in practice an alibi

439
00:47:45.380 --> 00:47:48.220
for Systemic Theft.

440
00:47:48.220 --> 00:47:53.940
When anyone needed food or clothing, he went to a rich man and demanded it of him in Christ's

441
00:47:53.940 --> 00:47:59.420
name, for Christ had commanded that all should share with the needy.

442
00:47:59.420 --> 00:48:03.700
And what was not given freely was taken by force.

443
00:48:03.700 --> 00:48:05.300
Many acted thus.

444
00:48:05.300 --> 00:48:11.900
Thomas Munzer instituted this brigandage and multiplied it every day.

445
00:48:11.900 --> 00:48:17.700
At that point, the Great Peasants' War erupted throughout Germany, a rebellion launched by

446
00:48:17.700 --> 00:48:24.460
the peasantry in favor of their local autonomy and in opposition to the new centralizing,

447
00:48:24.460 --> 00:48:29.500
high-tax, absolutist rule of the German princes.

448
00:48:29.500 --> 00:48:35.180
Throughout Germany, the princes crushed the feebly armed peasantry with great brutality,

449
00:48:35.180 --> 00:48:39.980
massacring about 100,000 peasants in the process.

450
00:48:39.980 --> 00:48:46.580
In Thuringia, the army of the princes confronted the peasants on 15 May with a great deal of

451
00:48:46.580 --> 00:48:52.860
artillery and 2,000 cavalry, luxuries denied to the peasantry.

452
00:48:52.860 --> 00:48:58.940
The land-grave of Hesse, commander of the prince's army, offered amnesty to the peasants

453
00:48:58.940 --> 00:49:03.460
if they would hand over Mincer and his immediate followers.

454
00:49:03.460 --> 00:49:09.700
The peasants were strongly tempted, but Mincer, holding aloft his naked sword, gave his last

455
00:49:09.700 --> 00:49:16.100
Flaming Speech, declaring that God had personally promised him victory, that he would catch

456
00:49:16.100 --> 00:49:23.460
all the enemy cannonballs in the sleeves of his cloak, that God would protect them all.

457
00:49:23.460 --> 00:49:29.180
Just at the strategic moment of Mincer's speech, a rainbow appeared in the heavens, and Mincer

458
00:49:29.180 --> 00:49:34.340
had previously adopted the rainbow as the symbol of his movement.

459
00:49:34.340 --> 00:49:40.460
To the credulous and confused peasantry, this seemed a veritable sign from heaven.

460
00:49:40.460 --> 00:49:45.860
Unfortunately, the sign didn't work, and the prince's army crushed the peasants, killing

461
00:49:45.860 --> 00:49:50.500
five thousand while losing only half a dozen men.

462
00:49:50.500 --> 00:49:56.740
Mincer himself fled and hid, but was captured a few days later, tortured into confession,

463
00:49:56.740 --> 00:49:59.340
and then executed.

464
00:49:59.340 --> 00:50:04.740
Thomas Mintzer and his signs may have been defeated, and his body may have molded in

465
00:50:04.740 --> 00:50:08.620
the grave, but his soul kept marching on.

466
00:50:08.620 --> 00:50:15.580
Not only was his spirit kept alive by followers in his own day, but also by Marxist historians

467
00:50:15.580 --> 00:50:22.500
from angles to the present day, who saw in this deluded mystic an epitome of social revolution

468
00:50:22.500 --> 00:50:28.460
and the Class Struggle, and a forerunner of the chiliastic prophecies of the Communist

469
00:50:28.460 --> 00:50:33.900
stage of the supposedly inevitable Marxian future.

470
00:50:33.900 --> 00:50:41.380
The Mincerian cause was soon picked up by a former disciple, the bookbinder Hans Hut.

471
00:50:41.380 --> 00:50:48.880
Hut claimed to be a prophet sent by God to announce that at Witzentide 1528 Christ would

472
00:50:48.880 --> 00:50:54.400
would return to earth and give the power to enforce justice to Hoot and his following

473
00:50:54.400 --> 00:50:57.400
of re-baptized saints.

474
00:50:57.400 --> 00:51:03.720
The saints would then take up double-edged swords and wreak God's vengeance on priests,

475
00:51:03.720 --> 00:51:07.160
pastors, kings and nobles.

476
00:51:07.160 --> 00:51:13.440
Hoot and his followers would then establish the rule of Hans Hoot on earth, with Mülhausen

477
00:51:13.440 --> 00:51:16.400
as the favored capital.

478
00:51:16.400 --> 00:51:23.260
Hoot was then to establish a millennium marked by communism and free love. Hoot was captured

479
00:51:23.260 --> 00:51:30.660
in 1527, before Jesus had had a chance to return, imprisoned at Augsburg and killed

480
00:51:30.660 --> 00:51:38.320
trying to escape. For a year or two, Hootian followers kept emerging at Augsburg, Nuremberg

481
00:51:38.320 --> 00:51:44.480
and Esslingen in southern Germany, threatening to set up their communist kingdom of God by

482
00:51:44.480 --> 00:51:52.720
by Force of Arms, but by 1530 they were smashed and suppressed by the alarmed authorities.

483
00:51:52.720 --> 00:51:58.160
Zarian-type anabaptism was now to move to northwestern Germany.
