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NOTE 7. Mercantilism: Serving the Absolute State

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Chapter 7 Mercantilism, Serving the Absolute State

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1. Mercantilism as the Economic Aspect of Absolutism

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By the beginning of the seventeenth century, royal absolutism had emerged victorious all

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over Europe.

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But a king, or in the case of the Italian city-states, some lesser prince or ruler,

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cannot rule all by himself.

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He must rule through a hierarchical bureaucracy.

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And so the rule of absolutism was created through a series of alliances between the

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The King, his nobles, who were mainly large feudal or post feudal landlords, and various

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segments of large scale merchants or traders.

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Mercantilism is the name given by late 19th century historians to the politico-economic

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system of the absolute state from approximately the 16th to the 18th centuries.

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System has been called by various historians or observers a system of power or state building,

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Eli Heckscher, a system of systematic state privilege, particularly in restricting imports

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or subsidizing exports, Adam Smith, or a faulty set of economic theories including protectionism

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and the alleged necessity for piling up bullion in a country.

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In fact, mercantilism was all of these things. It was a comprehensive system of state building,

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state privilege, and what might be called state monopoly capitalism.

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As the economic aspect of state absolutism, mercantilism was of necessity a system of

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state building, of big government, of heavy royal expenditure, of high taxes, of, especially

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after the late 17th century, inflation and deficit finance, of war, imperialism and the

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aggrandizing of the nation-state.

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In short, a politico-economic system very like that of the present day, with the unimportant

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exception that now large-scale industry, rather than mercantile commerce, is the main focus

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of the economy.

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But state absolutism means that the state must purchase and maintain allies among powerful

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groups in the economy, and it also provides a cockpit for lobbying for special privilege

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among such groups.

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Jacob Weiner put the case well.

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The laws and proclamations were not all, as some modern admirers of the virtues of mercantilism

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Some would have us believe the outcome of a noble zeal for a strong and glorious nation

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directed against the selfishness of the profit-seeking merchant, but were the product of conflicting

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interests of varying degrees of respectability.

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Each group, economic, social or religious, pressed constantly for legislation in conformity

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with its special interest.

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The fiscal needs of the Crown were always an important and generally a determining influence

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on the course of trade legislation.

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Diplomatic considerations also played their part in influencing legislation, as did the

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desire of the Crown to award special privileges, con amore, to its favorites, or to sell them,

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or to be bribed into giving them to the highest bidders.

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In the area of state absolutism, grants of special privilege included the creation by

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grant or sale of privileged monopolies, that is, the exclusive right granted by the Crown

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to produce or sell a given product or trade in a certain area.

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These patents of monopoly were either sold or granted to allies of the Crown, or to those

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and those groups of merchants who would assist the king in the collection of taxes.

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The grants were either for trade in a certain region, such as the various East India companies,

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which acquired the monopoly right in each country to trade with the Far East, or were

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internal, such as the grant of a monopoly to one person to manufacture playing cards

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in England.

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The result was to privilege one set of businessmen at the expense of their potential competitors

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and of the mass of English consumers, or the state would cartelize craft production and

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industry and cement alliances by compelling all producers to join and obey the orders

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of privileged urban guilds.

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It should be noted that the most prominent aspects of mercantilist policy, taxing or

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prohibiting imports or subsidizing exports, were part and parcel of this system of state

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monopoly privilege.

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Imports were subject to prohibition or protective tariff in order to confer privilege on domestic

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merchants or craftsmen.

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Exports were subsidized for similar reasons.

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The focus in examining mercantilist thinkers and writers should not be the fallacies of

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their alleged economic theories.

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Theory was the last consideration in their minds.

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They were, as Schumpeter called them, consultant administrators and pamphleteers, to which

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should be added lobbyists.

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Their theories were any propaganda arguments, however faulty or contradictory, that could

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Would Win Them a Slice of Bootle from the State Apparatus.

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As Weiner wrote, the mercantilist literature consisted in the main of writings by or on

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behalf of merchants or businessmen who had the usual capacity for identifying their own

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with the national welfare.

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The great bulk of the mercantilist literature consisted of tracts which were partly or wholly,

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Frankly or disguisedly, special pleas for special economic interests, freedom for themselves,

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restrictions for others, such was the essence of the usual program of legislation of the

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mercantilist tracts of merchant authorship.

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2.

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Mercantilism in Spain

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The seeming prosperity and glittering power of Spain in the 16th century proved a sham

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and an illusion in the long run.

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For it was fueled almost completely by the influx of silver and gold from the Spanish

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colonies in the New World.

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In the short run, the influx of bullion provided a means by which the Spanish could purchase

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and enjoy the products of the rest of Europe and Asia.

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But in the long run, price inflation wiped out this temporary advantage.

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The result was that when the influx of specie dried up in the seventeenth century, little

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or nothing remained.

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Not only that, the bullion prosperity induced people and resources to move to southern Spain,

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particularly the port of Seville, where the new specie entered Europe.

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The result was malinvestment in Seville and the south of Spain, offset by the crippling

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of potential economic growth in the north.

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But that was not all.

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At the end of the 15th century, the Spanish crown cartellized the developing and promising

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Castilian textile industry by passing over 100 laws designed to freeze the industry at

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and the current level of development.

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This freeze crippled the protected Castilian cloth industry and destroyed its efficiency

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in the long run, so that it could not become competitive in European markets.

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Furthermore, royal action also managed to destroy the flourishing Spanish silk industry,

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which centered in southern Spain at Granada.

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Unfortunately, Granada was still a center of Muslim or Moorish population and so a series

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of vindictive acts by the Spanish Crown brought the silk industry to its virtual demise.

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First, several edicts drastically limited the domestic use and consumption of silk.

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Second, silks in the 1550s were prohibited from being exported and a tremendous increase

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In the 16th century, Spanish agriculture was also crippled and laid waste by government

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intervention.

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The Castilian Crown had long made an alliance with the Mesta, the guild of sheep farmers,

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who received special privileges in return for heavy tax contributions to the monarchy.

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In the 1480s and 1490s, enclosures that had been made in previous years for grain farming

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were all disallowed, and sheep walks, canadas, were greatly expanded by government decree

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at the expense of the lands of grain farmers.

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The grain farmers were also hobbled by special legislation passed on behalf of the Carters

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and the Carters Guild, roads being in all countries special favorites for military purposes.

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Carters were specially allowed free passage on all local roads, and heavy taxes were levied

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on grain farmers to build and maintain the roads benefiting the carters.

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Grain prices rose throughout Europe beginning in the early 16th century.

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The Spanish Crown, worried that the rising prices might induce a shift of land from sheep

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to grain, levied maximum price control on grain, while landlords were allowed unilaterally

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to rescind leases and charge higher rates to grain farmers.

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The result of the consequent cost-price squeeze was massive farm bankruptcies, rural depopulation

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and the shift of farmers to the towns or the military.

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The bizarre result was that by the end of the 16th century, Castile suffered from periodic

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famines because imported Baltic grain could not easily be moved to the interior of Spain,

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while at the same time one-third of Castilian farmland had become uncultivated waste.

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Meanwhile, shepherding, so heavily privileged by the Spanish crown, flourished for the first half of the 16th century, but soon fell victim to financial and market dislocations.

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As a result, Spanish shepherding fell into a sharp decline.

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9. Heavy royal expenditures and taxes on the middle classes also crippled the Spanish economy

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as a whole, and huge deficits misallocated capital. Three massive defaults by the Spanish

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king Philip II in 1557, 1575 and 1596 destroyed capital and led to large-scale bankruptcies

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and Credit Stringencies in France and in Antwerp.

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The resulting failure to pay Spanish imperial troops in the Netherlands in 1575 led to

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a thoroughgoing sack of Antwerp by mutineering troops the following year in an orgy of looting

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and raping known as the Spanish Fury.

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The name stuck, even though these were largely German mercenaries.

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The once free and enormously prosperous city of Antwerp was brought to its knees by a series

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of statist measures during the late 16th century.

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In addition to the defaults, the major problem was a massive attempt by the Spanish king,

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Philip II, to hold on to the Netherlands and to stamp out the Protestant and Anabaptist

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heresies.

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In 1562, the Spanish king forcibly closed Antwerp to its chief import, English woolen

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broadcloths, and when the notorious Duke of Alva assumed the governorship of the Netherlands

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in 1567, he instituted repression in the form of a Council of Blood, which had the power

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to torture, kill and confiscate the property of heretics.

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The Netherlands also levied a heavy value-added tax of 10 percent, the Alcabala, which served

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to cripple the sophisticated and interrelated Netherlands economy.

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Many skilled woolen craftsmen fled to a hospitable home in England.

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Finally, the breakaway of the Dutch from Spain in the 1580s and another Spanish royal default

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in 1607 led to a treaty with the Dutch two years later, which finished Antwerp by cutting

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off its access to the sea and to the mouth of the river Scheldt, which was confirmed

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to be in Dutch hands.

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From then on, for the remainder of the 17th century, decentralized and free market Holland,

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and in particular the city of Amsterdam, replaced Flanders and Antwerp as the main commercial

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Federal and Financial Center in Europe, Mercantilism and Colberism in France

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In France, which was to become in the 17th century the home par excellence of the despotic

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nation state, the promising cloth trade and other commerce and industry in Lyon and the

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The Lenguidoc region in the south were crippled by the devastating religious wars in the last

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four decades of the 16th century.

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In addition to the devastation and the killing and emigration of skilled Huguenot craftsmen

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to England, high taxes to finance the war served to cripple French economic growth.

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Then the Politik Party, riding to power on the promise of ending religious strife, ushered

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in the unchecked reign of royal absolutism.

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Crippling regulation of French industry had begun in the late 15th century, when the king

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issued scores of guild charters, conferring the power to control and to set standards

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A major reason why Lyon had flourished during the 16th century was that it was granted a

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special exemption from guild rule and guild restrictions.

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By the end of the sixteenth century and the religious wars, the old regulations were still

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in place, ready to be enforced.

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The new absolute monarchy was ready to enforce them and carry them further.

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Thus, in 1581, King Henry III ordered all the artisans of France to join and group themselves

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into guilds, whose orders were to be enforced.

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All except Parisian and Lyonnais craftsmen were forced to confine their activity to their

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current towns.

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In that way, mobility in French industry was brought to an end.

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In 1597, Henry IV re-enacted and strengthened these laws and proceeded to enforce them thoroughly.

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The result of this network of restriction was the total crippling of economic and industrial

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Growth in France.

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The typical ploy of preserving standards of quality meant that competition was hobbled,

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production and imports limited, and prices kept high.

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It meant, in short, that consumers were not allowed the option of paying less money for

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lower quality products.

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State-privileged monopolies grew as well, with similar effects, and upon the guilds

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and the monopolies the state levied increasing and stifling taxes.

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Growing inspection fees for quality also exacted a great burden on the French economy.

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Furthermore, luxury production was particularly subsidized and the profits of expanding industries

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diverted to subsidize the weak.

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Capital accumulation was thereby slowed and the growth of promising and strong industries

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is crippled. The subsidizing and privileging of luxury industries met a shift of resources

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away from cost-cutting innovations in new mass production industries and towards such

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areas of high-cost craftsmanship as glass and tapestries. The increasingly powerful

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French monarchy and aristocracy were large consumers of luxury goods and were therefore

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were particularly interested in fostering them and maintaining their quality.

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Price was no great object, since the monarchy and nobility lived off compulsory levies in

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any case.

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Thus, in May 1665, the king established monopoly privileges for a group of French lace manufacturers,

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using the transparently canting argument that this was done to prevent the export of money

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and to Give Employment to the People.

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Actually, the point was to prohibit anyone other than the privileged licensees from making

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lace, in return for hefty fees paid to the Crown.

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Domestic cartels are worthless if the consumer is allowed to buy cheaper substitutes from

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abroad, and so protective tariffs were levied on imported lace.

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and apparently smuggling abounded, and so in 1667 the government made enforcement easier

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by prohibiting all foreign lace whatsoever. In addition, to prevent unlicensed competition,

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it was necessary for the French Crown to prohibit any lacework at home, and to force all lacework

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to Occur at Fixed Visible Points of Manufacture Thus, as the Finance and Commerce Minister

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and General Economic Tsar Jean-Baptiste Colbert wrote to a government lace supervisor, I beg

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you to note with care that no girl must be allowed to work at the home of her parents,

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and that you must oblige them all to go to the house of the manufacturers.

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Perhaps the most important of the numerous mercantile restrictions on the French economy

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imposed in the 17th century was the enforcing of quality standards on production and trade.

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This tended to mean a freezing of the French economy at the level of the early or mid-17th

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century.

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That coerced freeze effectively hobbled or even prevented the innovation, new products,

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New technologies, new methods of handling production and exchange so necessary to economic

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and industrial development.

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One example was the loom, invented in the early 17th century, at first used principally

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for the production of the luxury item, silk stockings.

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When looms began to be applied to relatively mass consumption woolen and linen goods,

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The hand-knitters balked at the efficient competition, and persuaded Colbert, in 1680,

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to outlaw the use of the loom on any article except silk.

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Fortunately, in the case of the loom, the excluded woolen and linen manufacturers were

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politically powerful enough to get the prohibition repealed four years later, and to get themselves

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All these tendencies of French mercantilism reached a climax in the era of Jean-Baptiste

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Colbert, 1619-1683, so much so that he gave the name Colbertism to the most hypertrophied

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embodiment of mercantilism.

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00:22:39.540 --> 00:22:46.940
The son of a merchant born at Reims, Colbert early in life joined the French central bureaucracy.

222
00:22:46.940 --> 00:22:54.900
By 1651 he had become a leading bureaucrat in the service of the Crown, and from 1661

223
00:22:54.900 --> 00:23:02.220
to his death, 22 years later, Colbert was the virtual economic czar, absorbing such

224
00:23:02.220 --> 00:23:08.660
Such Offices as Superintendent of Finance, of Commerce and Secretary of State, under

225
00:23:08.660 --> 00:23:16.460
the great Sun King, that epitome of absolutist despotism, Louis XIV.

226
00:23:16.460 --> 00:23:24.140
Colbert engaged in a virtual orgy of grants of monopoly, subsidies of luxury and cartelizing

227
00:23:24.140 --> 00:23:30.320
privilege, and built up a mighty system of central bureaucracy, of officials known as

228
00:23:30.320 --> 00:23:36.960
Atendance to enforce the network of controls and regulations.

229
00:23:36.960 --> 00:23:43.960
He also created a formidable system of inspections, marks and measurements to be able to identify

230
00:23:43.960 --> 00:23:49.840
all those straying from the detailed list of state regulations.

231
00:23:49.840 --> 00:23:57.140
The Atendance employed a network of spies and informers to ferret out all violations

232
00:23:57.140 --> 00:24:01.160
of the Cartel Restrictions and Regulations.

233
00:24:01.160 --> 00:24:08.660
In the classic mode of spies everywhere, they also spied on each other, including the entendants

234
00:24:08.660 --> 00:24:10.860
themselves.

235
00:24:10.860 --> 00:24:17.460
Penalties for violations ranged from confiscation and destruction of the inferior production

236
00:24:17.460 --> 00:24:24.680
to heavy fines, public mockery and deprivation of one's license to stay in business.

237
00:24:24.680 --> 00:24:31.120
As the major historian of mercantilism summed up French enforcement, no measure of control

238
00:24:31.120 --> 00:24:37.760
was considered too severe where it served to secure the greatest possible respect for

239
00:24:37.760 --> 00:24:40.640
the regulations.

240
00:24:40.640 --> 00:24:47.200
Two of the most extreme examples of the suppression of innovation in France occurred shortly after

241
00:24:47.200 --> 00:24:53.240
the death of Colbert during the lengthy reign of Louis XIV.

242
00:24:53.240 --> 00:24:59.480
Button-making in France had been controlled by various guilds, depending on the material

243
00:24:59.480 --> 00:25:05.860
used, the most important part belonging to the cord and button-makers guild, who made

244
00:25:05.860 --> 00:25:08.940
cord buttons by hand.

245
00:25:08.940 --> 00:25:15.440
By the 1690s, tailors and dealers launched the innovation of weaving buttons from the

246
00:25:15.440 --> 00:25:18.680
material used in the garment.

247
00:25:18.680 --> 00:25:25.720
The outrage of the inefficient hand button-makers brought the state leaping to their defense.

248
00:25:25.720 --> 00:25:32.600
In the late 1690s, fines were imposed on the production, sale and even the wearing of the

249
00:25:32.600 --> 00:25:37.640
new buttons, and the fines were continually increased.

250
00:25:37.640 --> 00:25:43.480
The local guild wardens even obtained the right to search people's houses and to arrest

251
00:25:43.480 --> 00:25:48.880
and anyone in the street who wore the evil and illegal buttons.

252
00:25:48.880 --> 00:25:54.280
In a few years, however, the state and the hand button makers had to give up the fight

253
00:25:54.280 --> 00:25:59.280
since everyone in France was using the new buttons.

254
00:25:59.280 --> 00:26:05.120
More important in stunting France's industrial growth was the disastrous prohibition of the

255
00:26:05.120 --> 00:26:09.840
popular new cloth, printed calicoes.

256
00:26:09.840 --> 00:26:16.840
Cotton textiles were not yet of supreme importance in this era, but cottons were to be the spark

257
00:26:16.840 --> 00:26:23.800
of the Industrial Revolution in 18th century England. France's strictly enforced policy

258
00:26:23.800 --> 00:26:29.160
made sure that cottons would not be flourishing there.

259
00:26:29.160 --> 00:26:36.480
The new cloth, printed calicoes, began to be imported from India in the 1660s and became

260
00:26:36.480 --> 00:26:43.920
from highly popular, useful for an inexpensive mass market as well as for high fashion.

261
00:26:43.920 --> 00:26:51.720
As a result, calico printing was launched in France. By the 1680s, the indignant woolen,

262
00:26:51.720 --> 00:26:58.720
cloth, silk and linen industries all complained to the state of unfair competition by the

263
00:26:58.720 --> 00:27:18.720
was a highly popular upstart. The printed colors were readily outcompeting the older cloths, and so the French state responded in 1686 by total prohibition of printed calicoes, their import or their domestic production.

264
00:27:18.720 --> 00:27:27.320
In 1700, the French government went all the way, an absolute ban on every aspect of calicoes,

265
00:27:27.320 --> 00:27:31.160
including their use in consumption.

266
00:27:31.160 --> 00:27:37.640
Government spies had a hysterical field day, peering into coaches and private houses and

267
00:27:37.640 --> 00:27:43.600
reporting that the governess of the Marquis de Cormoy had been seen at her window clothed

268
00:27:43.600 --> 00:27:51.240
in Calico of a white background with big red flowers, almost new, or that the wife of a

269
00:27:51.240 --> 00:27:57.520
lemonade seller had been seen in her shop in a casquin of Calico.

270
00:27:57.520 --> 00:28:03.480
Literally thousands of Frenchmen died in the Calico struggles, either being executed for

271
00:28:03.480 --> 00:28:10.320
wearing Calicos or in armed raids against Calico users.

272
00:28:10.320 --> 00:28:16.200
Calicos were so popular, however, especially among French ladies, that the fight was eventually

273
00:28:16.200 --> 00:28:22.840
lost, even though the prohibition stayed on the books until the late 18th century.

274
00:28:22.840 --> 00:28:27.320
The smuggling of calicos simply could not be stopped.

275
00:28:27.320 --> 00:28:33.920
But it was, of course, easier to enforce the prohibition against domestic calico manufacture

276
00:28:33.920 --> 00:28:41.760
than against the entire French consuming population, and so the result of the near century of prohibition

277
00:28:41.760 --> 00:28:49.000
was to put a total stop to any domestic calico printing industry in France.

278
00:28:49.000 --> 00:28:56.120
The calico entrepreneurs and skilled craftsmen, many of them Huguenots oppressed by the French

279
00:28:56.120 --> 00:29:02.920
state, emigrated to Holland and England, strengthening the calico industry in those countries.

280
00:29:02.920 --> 00:29:15.920
Furthermore, pervasive maximum wage controls discouraged workers from moving or, in particular, entering industry, and tended to keep workers on the farm.

281
00:29:15.920 --> 00:29:25.920
Apprenticeship requirements of three or four years greatly restricted labor mobility and prevented entrance into crafts.

282
00:29:25.920 --> 00:29:33.920
Each master was limited to one or two apprentices, thereby preventing the growth of any single firm.

283
00:29:34.920 --> 00:29:44.920
Before Colbert, most French revenue came from taxation, but grants of monopoly proliferated so much during the Colbert regime

284
00:29:44.920 --> 00:29:54.920
to try to pay for swelling expenditures that monopoly grant revenue came to more than one half of all state income.

285
00:29:55.920 --> 00:30:02.520
Most onerous and strictly enforced was the government's salt monopoly.

286
00:30:02.520 --> 00:30:09.800
Salt producers were required to sell all salt produced to certain royal storehouses at fixed

287
00:30:09.800 --> 00:30:11.440
prices.

288
00:30:11.440 --> 00:30:18.360
The consumers were then forced to purchase salt and to expand state income and deprive

289
00:30:18.360 --> 00:30:45.320
The Land Tax was the single largest source of revenue for the state, and in the early

290
00:30:45.320 --> 00:30:52.400
In the early part of his regime, Colbert tried to expand the burden of the tale still further.

291
00:30:52.400 --> 00:31:00.080
But the tale was hampered by a network of exemptions, especially including all the nobility.

292
00:31:00.080 --> 00:31:07.120
Colbert tried his best to spy on the exempt, to ferret out false nobles, and to stop the

293
00:31:07.120 --> 00:31:10.880
network of bribes of the tax collectors.

294
00:31:10.880 --> 00:31:18.240
In an attempt to lower the tail slightly and greatly to increase the aides, indirect internal

295
00:31:18.240 --> 00:31:25.360
taxes at wholesale and retail, particularly on beverages, came a crapper on the bribery

296
00:31:25.360 --> 00:31:28.960
and corruption of the tax farmers.

297
00:31:28.960 --> 00:31:36.600
And then there was the gabel, tax on salt, revenue from which rose tenfold in real terms

298
00:31:36.600 --> 00:31:44.840
between the early 16th and mid-17th centuries. During the Colbert era, Gabel revenues rose

299
00:31:44.840 --> 00:31:50.720
not so much from an increase in tax rates as from the tightening of enforcement of the

300
00:31:50.720 --> 00:31:59.160
existing steep taxes. The land and consumption taxes fell heavily upon the poor and upon

301
00:31:59.160 --> 00:32:05.860
the middle class, gravely crippling saving and investment, especially as we have seen

302
00:32:05.860 --> 00:32:08.780
in the Mass Production Industries.

303
00:32:08.780 --> 00:32:15.380
The parlous state of the French economy may be seen by the fact that in 1640, just as

304
00:32:15.380 --> 00:32:23.220
King Charles I of England was facing a successful revolution largely brought about by his imposition

305
00:32:23.220 --> 00:32:31.260
of high taxes, the French Crown was collecting three to four times as much taxes per capita

306
00:32:31.260 --> 00:32:34.040
as did King Charles.

307
00:32:34.040 --> 00:32:40.400
As a result of all these factors, even though the population of France was six times that

308
00:32:40.400 --> 00:32:46.600
of England during the sixteenth century, and its early industrial development had seemed

309
00:32:46.600 --> 00:32:53.400
promising, French absolutism and strictly enforced mercantilism managed to put that

310
00:32:53.400 --> 00:33:01.040
country out of the running as a leading nation in industrial or economic growth.

311
00:33:01.040 --> 00:33:10.640
4. Mercantilism in England, Textiles and Monopolies

312
00:33:10.640 --> 00:33:16.920
It was in the 16th century that England began its meteoric rise to the top of the economic

313
00:33:16.920 --> 00:33:23.960
and industrial heap. The English Crown in effect tried its best to hobble this development

314
00:33:23.960 --> 00:33:30.360
by mercantilist laws and regulations, but was thwarted because, for various reasons,

315
00:33:30.360 --> 00:33:35.060
The interventionist edicts proved unenforceable.

316
00:33:35.060 --> 00:33:41.520
Raw wool had for several centuries been England's most important product and hence its most

317
00:33:41.520 --> 00:33:43.900
important export.

318
00:33:43.900 --> 00:33:50.380
Wool was shipped largely to Flanders and to Florence to be made into fine cloth.

319
00:33:50.380 --> 00:33:55.720
By the early 14th century, the flourishing wool trade had reached a height of an average

320
00:33:55.720 --> 00:34:00.400
Annual Export of 35,000 Sacks

321
00:34:00.400 --> 00:34:07.040
The State naturally then entered the picture, taxing, regulating and restricting.

322
00:34:07.040 --> 00:34:14.000
The principal fiscal weapon to build the nation-state in England was the poundage, a tax on the

323
00:34:14.000 --> 00:34:19.840
export of wool and a tariff on the import of woolen cloth.

324
00:34:19.840 --> 00:34:24.780
The poundage kept increasing to pay for continuing wars.

325
00:34:24.780 --> 00:34:31.100
In the 1340s, King Edward III granted the monopoly of wool exporting to small groups

326
00:34:31.100 --> 00:34:38.860
of merchants, in return for their agreeing to collect the wool taxes on the king's behalf.

327
00:34:38.860 --> 00:34:44.860
This monopoly grant served to put out of business Italian and other foreign merchants who had

328
00:34:44.860 --> 00:34:49.080
predominated in the wool export trade.

329
00:34:49.080 --> 00:34:55.840
By the 1350s, however, these monopoly merchants had gone bankrupt, and King Edward finally

330
00:34:55.840 --> 00:35:02.120
resolved the issue by widening the monopoly privilege and extending it to a group of several

331
00:35:02.120 --> 00:35:06.600
hundred, called the Merchants of the Staple.

332
00:35:06.600 --> 00:35:13.320
All wool exported had to go through a fixed town under the auspices of the Company of

333
00:35:13.320 --> 00:35:19.520
of the Staple, and he exported to a fixed point on the continent by the end of the fourteenth

334
00:35:19.520 --> 00:35:24.760
century at Calais, then under English control.

335
00:35:24.760 --> 00:35:30.860
The monopoly of the staple did not apply to Italy, but it did apply to Flanders, the major

336
00:35:30.860 --> 00:35:35.040
place of import for English wool.

337
00:35:35.040 --> 00:35:40.840
The merchants of the staple soon proceeded to use their privileged monopoly in the time-honored

338
00:35:40.840 --> 00:35:48.640
Manor of all monopolists, to force lower prices upon English wool growers and higher prices

339
00:35:48.640 --> 00:35:52.720
upon Calais and Flemish importers.

340
00:35:52.720 --> 00:35:57.940
In the short run, this system was quite pleasant for the staplers, who were able to more than

341
00:35:57.940 --> 00:36:01.160
recoup their payments to the king.

342
00:36:01.160 --> 00:36:06.840
But in the long run, the great English wool trade was crippled beyond repair.

343
00:36:06.840 --> 00:36:12.800
The artificial gap between domestic and foreign wool prices discouraged the production of

344
00:36:12.800 --> 00:36:18.640
English wool, while it also injured the demand for wool abroad.

345
00:36:18.640 --> 00:36:27.680
By the mid-15th century, average annual exports of wool had fallen greatly to only 8,000 sacks.

346
00:36:27.680 --> 00:36:34.660
The only benefit to Englishmen from this disastrous policy, apart from the joint short-term gains

347
00:36:34.660 --> 00:36:41.400
to King Edward and to the staplers was to give an unintended boost to the English production

348
00:36:41.400 --> 00:36:48.740
of woolen cloth. English clothmakers could now benefit from their artificially lower prices

349
00:36:48.740 --> 00:36:56.220
of wool in England, coupled with the artificially high prices of wool abroad. Once again the

350
00:36:56.220 --> 00:37:04.320
market managed to get a leg up in its unending zigzag struggle with power. By the mid-fifteenth

351
00:37:04.320 --> 00:37:10.240
During the mid-16th century, fine, expensive, broad cloth woolens were being produced abundantly

352
00:37:10.240 --> 00:37:16.200
in England, centering in the West Country, where swift rivers made water plentiful for

353
00:37:16.200 --> 00:37:22.440
fulling the woven cloth, and where Bristol could serve as the major port of export and

354
00:37:22.440 --> 00:37:24.580
entry.

355
00:37:24.580 --> 00:37:31.060
During the mid-16th century, a new form of woolen cloth manufacture sprang up in England,

356
00:37:31.060 --> 00:37:38.860
soon to become dominant in the textile industry. This was the new draperies, or worsteds, cheaper

357
00:37:38.860 --> 00:37:45.440
and lighter weight cloth that could be exported to warmer climates and far more suitable for

358
00:37:45.440 --> 00:37:53.460
dyeing and decoration, since each individual strand of yarn was now visible in the cloth.

359
00:37:53.460 --> 00:38:00.220
Since the worsted was not fulled, the draperies did not need to be situated near running water,

360
00:38:00.220 --> 00:38:07.980
And so new textile manufacturers and workshops sprang up in the countryside and in new towns

361
00:38:07.980 --> 00:38:12.300
such as Norwich and Rye all round London.

362
00:38:12.300 --> 00:38:19.040
London was the largest market for the cloths, so transportation costs were now cheaper,

363
00:38:19.040 --> 00:38:25.060
and furthermore the southeast was a center for sheep bearing the coarse, long-stapled

364
00:38:25.060 --> 00:38:29.940
wool particularly suitable for worsted production.

365
00:38:29.940 --> 00:38:36.860
The new rural firms around London were also able to hire skilled Protestant textile artisans

366
00:38:36.860 --> 00:38:42.300
who had fled the religious persecution in France and the Netherlands.

367
00:38:42.300 --> 00:38:48.420
Most important, going to the countryside or to new towns meant that the expanding and

368
00:38:48.420 --> 00:38:54.860
innovating textile industry could escape from the stifling guild restrictions and frozen

369
00:38:54.860 --> 00:38:58.520
technology of the old towns.

370
00:38:58.520 --> 00:39:04.960
Now that over one hundred thousand cloths were exported annually compared to a few thousand

371
00:39:04.960 --> 00:39:12.640
two centuries earlier, sophisticated production and marketing innovations took place. Establishing

372
00:39:12.640 --> 00:39:20.040
a putting-out system, merchants paid artisans by the piece to work on cloth owned by the

373
00:39:20.040 --> 00:39:27.680
former. In addition, marketing middlemen sprang up, yarn brokers serving as middlemen between

374
00:39:27.680 --> 00:39:33.880
Between Spinners and Weavers, and Drapers, specializing in selling the cloth at the end

375
00:39:33.880 --> 00:39:36.840
of the production chain.

376
00:39:36.840 --> 00:39:42.560
Seeing the rise of effective new competition, the older urban and abroad cloth artisans

377
00:39:42.560 --> 00:39:50.120
and manufacturers turned to the state apparatus to try to shackle the efficient upstarts.

378
00:39:50.120 --> 00:39:57.120
As Professor Miskeman puts it, as often happens during an evolutionary period, the older vested

379
00:39:57.120 --> 00:40:02.400
interested interests turned to the state for protection against the innovative elements

380
00:40:02.400 --> 00:40:09.400
within the industry and sought regulation that would preserve their traditional monopoly.

381
00:40:09.440 --> 00:40:16.200
In response, the English government passed the Weavers Act in 1555, which drastically

382
00:40:16.200 --> 00:40:23.200
limited the number of looms per establishment outside the towns to only one or two. Numerous

383
00:40:23.200 --> 00:40:41.200
Numerous exceptions, however, vitiated the effect of the Act, and other statutes placing maximum control on wages, restricting competition in order to preserve the old broadcloth industry, came to naught from systemic lack of enforcement.

384
00:40:41.200 --> 00:40:51.200
The English government then turned to the alternative of propping up and tightening the urban guild structure to exclude competition.

385
00:40:51.200 --> 00:41:00.200
These measures succeeded, however, only in isolating and hastening the decay of the old urban broadcloth firms.

386
00:41:00.200 --> 00:41:07.200
For the new rural firms, especially the new draperies, were beyond guild jurisdiction.

387
00:41:07.200 --> 00:41:14.200
Queen Elizabeth then went national with the Statute of Artificers in 1563,

388
00:41:14.200 --> 00:41:19.200
which placed the nation-state squarely behind guild power.

389
00:41:19.200 --> 00:41:35.200
The number of apprentices each master could employ was severely limited, a measure calculated to stifle the growth of any one firm and to decisively cartelize the wool industry and cripple competition.

390
00:41:35.200 --> 00:41:46.200
The number of years of apprenticeship before the apprentice could rise to become a master was universally extended by the statute to seven years,

391
00:41:46.200 --> 00:41:51.900
and maximum wage rates for apprenticeships were imposed throughout England.

392
00:41:51.900 --> 00:41:59.900
Beneficiaries of the Statute of Artificers were not only the old inefficient urban broadcloth guilds,

393
00:41:59.900 --> 00:42:08.200
but also the large landlords who had been losing rural workers to the new high-paying clothing industry.

394
00:42:08.200 --> 00:42:14.400
One announced aim of the Statute of Artificers was compulsory full employment,

395
00:42:14.400 --> 00:42:19.400
with labor directed to work according to a system of priorities.

396
00:42:19.400 --> 00:42:27.400
Top priority was accorded to the state, which attempted to force workers to remain in rural and farm work

397
00:42:27.400 --> 00:42:32.400
and not leave the farm for glittering opportunities elsewhere.

398
00:42:32.400 --> 00:42:40.400
To enter commercial or professional fields, on the other hand, required a graded series of qualifications

399
00:42:40.400 --> 00:43:04.280
If the statute of artificers had been strictly enforced, industrial growth might have been

400
00:43:04.280 --> 00:43:07.280
permanently arrested in England.

401
00:43:07.280 --> 00:43:13.400
Fortunately, England was far more anarchic than France, and the statute was not well

402
00:43:13.400 --> 00:43:20.920
enforced, particularly where it counted in the new and fast-growing worsted industry.

403
00:43:20.920 --> 00:43:26.240
Not only was the countryside beyond the grasp of the urban guilds and their nation-state

404
00:43:26.240 --> 00:43:33.080
ally, but so too was fast-growing London, where custom decreed that any guild member

405
00:43:33.080 --> 00:43:40.000
could engage in any sort of trade, and no guild could exercise restrictive control over

406
00:43:40.000 --> 00:43:42.520
any line of production.

407
00:43:42.520 --> 00:43:49.580
London, as the great export center for the new draperies, largely to Antwerp, partially

408
00:43:49.580 --> 00:43:55.520
accounted for the enormous growth of this city during the 16th century.

409
00:43:55.520 --> 00:44:01.800
London's population grew at three times the rate of England as a whole over the century,

410
00:44:01.800 --> 00:44:09.800
Specifically from 30,000 to 40,000 at the beginning of the 16th century to a quarter of a million early in the next.

411
00:44:10.800 --> 00:44:18.800
The London merchants were not, however, content with free market development and power began to move in on the market.

412
00:44:19.800 --> 00:44:23.800
Specifically, the London merchants began to reach for export monopoly.

413
00:44:23.800 --> 00:44:31.560
In 1486, the City of London created the Fellowship of the Merchant Adventurers of London, which

414
00:44:31.560 --> 00:44:37.420
claimed exclusive rights to the export of woolens to its members.

415
00:44:37.420 --> 00:44:44.160
For provincial merchants outside of London to join required a stiff fee.

416
00:44:44.160 --> 00:44:49.480
Eleven years later, the King and Parliament decreed that any merchant exporting to the

417
00:44:49.480 --> 00:44:57.600
The Netherlands had to pay a fee to the merchant adventurers and obey its restrictionist regulations.

418
00:44:57.600 --> 00:45:03.980
The States tightened the monopoly of the merchant adventurers in the mid-sixteenth century.

419
00:45:03.980 --> 00:45:10.900
First in 1552, the Hanseatic merchants were deprived of their ancient rights to export

420
00:45:10.900 --> 00:45:13.640
cloth to the Netherlands.

421
00:45:13.640 --> 00:45:19.960
Five years later, customs duties were raised on the import of cloth, thereby conferring

422
00:45:19.960 --> 00:45:26.520
more special privileges on the domestic cloth trade, and increasing the financial ties of

423
00:45:26.520 --> 00:45:29.880
the crown to the cloth merchants.

424
00:45:29.880 --> 00:45:37.120
And finally, in 1564, in Queen Elizabeth's reign, the merchant adventurers were reconstituted

425
00:45:37.120 --> 00:45:41.940
under tighter and more oligarchic control.

426
00:45:41.940 --> 00:45:48.000
In the late 16th century, however, the mighty merchant adventurers began to decline.

427
00:45:48.000 --> 00:45:53.520
The English war with Spain and the Spanish Netherlands lost the adventurers the city

428
00:45:53.520 --> 00:46:00.940
of Antwerp, and at the turn of the 17th century they were formally expelled from Germany.

429
00:46:00.940 --> 00:46:06.760
The English monopoly of woolen exports to the Netherlands and the German coast was finally

430
00:46:06.760 --> 00:46:11.860
abolished after the revolution of 1688.

431
00:46:11.860 --> 00:46:17.840
It is instructive to note what happened to printed calico in England as compared to the

432
00:46:17.840 --> 00:46:21.360
suppression of the industry in France.

433
00:46:21.360 --> 00:46:27.820
The powerful woolen industry managed to get the importation of calicos banned from England

434
00:46:27.820 --> 00:46:32.780
in 1700, a decade or so after France.

435
00:46:32.780 --> 00:46:37.100
But in this case, domestic manufacture was still permitted.

436
00:46:37.100 --> 00:46:43.700
As a result, domestic manufacturers of calico spurted ahead, and when the woolen interests

437
00:46:43.700 --> 00:46:52.820
managed to get a prohibition of Calico Consumption Act passed in 1720, the Calico Act, the domestic

438
00:46:52.820 --> 00:47:00.060
calico industry was already powerful and could continue to export its wares.

439
00:47:00.060 --> 00:47:07.020
In the meanwhile, calico smuggling continued, as did domestic use, all stimulated by the

440
00:47:07.020 --> 00:47:14.360
The fact that prohibition was not enforced nearly as strictly in England as in France.

441
00:47:14.360 --> 00:47:20.940
Then in 1735, the English cotton industry won an exemption for the domestic printing

442
00:47:20.940 --> 00:47:28.240
and use of fustions, a mixed cotton and linen cloth, which were the most popular form of

443
00:47:28.240 --> 00:47:31.620
calico in England in any case.

444
00:47:31.620 --> 00:47:38.700
As a result, the domestic cotton textile industry was able to grow and flourish in England throughout

445
00:47:38.700 --> 00:47:42.200
the 18th century.

446
00:47:42.200 --> 00:47:47.240
Prominent in English mercantilism was the pervasive creation by the crown of grants

447
00:47:47.240 --> 00:47:54.220
of monopoly privilege, exclusive power to produce and sell in domestic and in foreign

448
00:47:54.220 --> 00:47:56.060
trade.

449
00:47:56.060 --> 00:48:04.540
The creation of monopolies reached its climax in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, 1558-1603,

450
00:48:04.540 --> 00:48:11.720
in the latter half of the 16th century. In the words of historian Professor S. T. Bindorf,

451
00:48:11.720 --> 00:48:18.500
the restrictive principle had, like some giant squid, fastened its embracing tentacles round

452
00:48:18.500 --> 00:48:23.260
and many branches of domestic trade and manufacture.

453
00:48:23.260 --> 00:48:30.740
And in the last decade of Elizabeth's reign, scarcely an article in common use, coal, soap,

454
00:48:30.740 --> 00:48:39.700
starch, iron, leather, books, wine, fruit, was unaffected by patents of monopoly.

455
00:48:39.700 --> 00:48:46.820
In sparkling prose, Bindorf writes how lobbyists, using the lure of monetary gain, obtained

456
00:48:46.820 --> 00:48:52.700
and Royal Courtiers to sponsor their petitions for grants of monopoly.

457
00:48:52.700 --> 00:48:58.940
Their sponsorship was usually a mere episode in the great game of place-and-fortune hunting

458
00:48:58.940 --> 00:49:04.740
which swayed and swirled incessantly around the steps of the throne.

459
00:49:04.740 --> 00:49:10.580
Once granted their privileges, the monopolists got themselves armed by the State with powers

460
00:49:10.580 --> 00:49:17.700
of Search and Seizure to root out all instances of now illegal competition.

461
00:49:17.700 --> 00:49:25.100
As Bindorf writes, The saltpeter men of the gunpowder contract dug in every man's house

462
00:49:25.100 --> 00:49:29.780
for the nitrate-laden soil which was their raw material.

463
00:49:29.780 --> 00:49:36.420
The minions of the playing-card monopoly invaded shops in search of cards lacking its seal

464
00:49:36.420 --> 00:49:42.540
and browbeat their owners, under threat of summons to a distant court, into compounding

465
00:49:42.540 --> 00:49:44.820
for their offenses.

466
00:49:44.820 --> 00:49:50.400
The search warrant was, indeed, indispensable to the monopolist, if he were to eliminate

467
00:49:50.400 --> 00:49:56.920
competition and leave himself free to fix the price of his wares.

468
00:49:56.920 --> 00:50:03.140
The result of this expulsion of competition, as we might expect, was the lowering of quality

469
00:50:03.140 --> 00:50:10.700
and the Raising of Price, sometimes by as much as 400%.

470
00:50:10.700 --> 00:50:16.460
England was preeminently the home of foreign trade companies receiving grants of monopoly

471
00:50:16.460 --> 00:50:20.020
for trade with portions of the globe.

472
00:50:20.020 --> 00:50:25.740
The granddaddy of the English foreign trade companies was the Muscovy Company, chartered

473
00:50:25.740 --> 00:50:33.340
in 1553 and granted a monopoly of all English trade with Russia and Asia through the White

474
00:50:33.340 --> 00:50:36.460
Seaport of Archangel.

475
00:50:36.460 --> 00:50:42.900
In the late 1570s and early 1580s, Queen Elizabeth granted trading privileges to a

476
00:50:42.900 --> 00:50:50.140
spate of new monopoly companies, including the Barbary, Eastland and Levant companies.

477
00:50:50.140 --> 00:50:56.500
A small group of politically powerful men, centered originally in the Muscovy Company,

478
00:50:56.500 --> 00:51:01.140
was at the core of every one of these monopoly companies.

479
00:51:01.140 --> 00:51:08.820
The Muscovy Company for a while held a monopoly on all exploration and trade with North America.

480
00:51:08.820 --> 00:51:15.900
Further, when in the 1580s the Muscovy Company's trade with Russia was severely injured by

481
00:51:15.900 --> 00:51:22.660
By the Cossacks' disruption of the Volga trade route from Asia, Muscovy Company leaders formed

482
00:51:22.660 --> 00:51:30.180
both the Turkey Company and the Venice Company in 1581 for trading with India.

483
00:51:30.180 --> 00:51:37.560
The two companies merged in 1592 into the Levant Company, which enjoyed a monopoly-grant

484
00:51:37.560 --> 00:51:42.380
trade with India through the Levant and Persia.

485
00:51:42.380 --> 00:51:48.180
Standing like a powerful thread through all these interlocking monopoly companies was

486
00:51:48.180 --> 00:51:58.620
the person and the family of Sir Thomas Smith, 1558-1625. Smith's grandfather, Andrew Judd,

487
00:51:58.620 --> 00:52:07.140
was a principal founder of the Muscovy Company. His father, Sir Thomas Smith Sr., 1514-1577,

488
00:52:07.140 --> 00:52:15.380
1777, attorney, had been an architect of the Tudor system of royal absolutism, high taxation

489
00:52:15.380 --> 00:52:18.220
and economic restriction.

490
00:52:18.220 --> 00:52:24.900
By the 1590s, the junior smith was the governor, the head of literally every single monopoly

491
00:52:24.900 --> 00:52:30.100
company concerned with foreign trade and colonization.

492
00:52:30.100 --> 00:52:35.260
These included the Muscovy Company, which held the monopoly charter for the colonization

493
00:52:35.260 --> 00:52:37.100
of Virginia.

494
00:52:37.100 --> 00:52:43.380
But the climax of Smith's career came when, to all his other posts, was added governor

495
00:52:43.380 --> 00:52:50.660
of the mighty East India Company, chartered in 1600 with a monopoly of all trading to

496
00:52:50.660 --> 00:52:53.780
the East Indies.

497
00:52:53.780 --> 00:52:56.580
5.

498
00:52:56.580 --> 00:53:00.420
Insurfdom in Eastern Europe

499
00:53:00.420 --> 00:53:05.540
What happened in Eastern Europe was even worse than mercantilism.

500
00:53:05.540 --> 00:53:12.020
There, absolutism by the kings and the feudal nobility was so rampant and unchecked that

501
00:53:12.020 --> 00:53:16.420
they decided to crush nascent capitalism.

502
00:53:16.420 --> 00:53:23.140
Former serfs, now free, had been moving from the rural lands to the towns and cities, there

503
00:53:23.140 --> 00:53:30.420
to work for higher wages and better opportunities in emerging capitalist production and industry.

504
00:53:30.420 --> 00:53:37.660
By the beginning of the 15th century, Eastern Europe, specifically Prussia, Poland and Lithuania,

505
00:53:37.660 --> 00:53:40.580
had a freed peasantry.

506
00:53:40.580 --> 00:53:47.820
Towns and monetary exchange flourished, and cloth-making and manufacturing grew and prospered.

507
00:53:47.820 --> 00:53:53.620
In the 16th century, however, the state and the nobility of Eastern Europe reasserted

508
00:53:53.620 --> 00:53:58.100
themselves and reinsurfed the peasantry.

509
00:53:58.100 --> 00:54:05.620
In particular, a rise in the price of grain, mainly rye, in Europe in the early 16th century,

510
00:54:05.620 --> 00:54:11.620
made grain farming more profitable, spurring the socializing of cheap labor in service

511
00:54:11.620 --> 00:54:14.520
of the noble landlords.

512
00:54:14.520 --> 00:54:20.820
The peasants were forced back onto the land and compelled to remain there, and were also

513
00:54:20.820 --> 00:54:27.180
coerced into corvées, periodic forced labor for the nobility.

514
00:54:27.180 --> 00:54:33.740
The peasants were forced into large, manorial estates owned by the nobles, since large estates

515
00:54:33.740 --> 00:54:41.380
meant cheaper costs of supervising and coercing peasant labor on the part of the nobility.

516
00:54:41.380 --> 00:54:48.180
In addition, in Poland, the nobles induced the state to pass further laws, severely restricting

517
00:54:48.180 --> 00:54:51.300
the activities of urban merchants.

518
00:54:51.300 --> 00:54:57.260
Polish merchants now had to pay higher tolls for shipping produce on the Vistula River

519
00:54:57.260 --> 00:55:03.940
than did landlords, and Polish merchants were prohibited from exporting domestic products.

520
00:55:03.940 --> 00:55:10.780
Moreover, the repression of the formerly free peasantry greatly lowered their money income

521
00:55:10.780 --> 00:55:13.480
for purchasing goods.

522
00:55:13.480 --> 00:55:19.740
These policies combined to destroy the Polish towns, the urban economy and the internal

523
00:55:19.740 --> 00:55:26.740
In Hungary, a similar process of reinsertment occurred, but in the service of the Polish

524
00:55:49.740 --> 00:55:55.260
of cattle raising and wine growing, rather than rye production.

525
00:55:55.260 --> 00:56:01.400
In the later Middle Ages, rents by the peasantry had been converted from payments in kind to

526
00:56:01.400 --> 00:56:03.220
monetary payments.

527
00:56:03.220 --> 00:56:10.260
Now, in the 16th century, the nobles markedly increased the rents and re-converted them

528
00:56:10.260 --> 00:56:13.380
into payments in kind.

529
00:56:13.380 --> 00:56:19.400
Taxes on peasants were raised substantially, and the burden of forced corvée labor was

530
00:56:19.400 --> 00:56:27.680
Landlords increased greatly in one area nine-fold, from seven days per year to sixty. The lords

531
00:56:27.680 --> 00:56:33.740
got themselves granted a tight monopoly of wine sales, as well as exemptions from heavy

532
00:56:33.740 --> 00:56:40.840
export taxes on cattle payable by merchants. In that way the landlords gained themselves

533
00:56:40.840 --> 00:56:47.360
privileged monopolies of buying and selling for the vital wine and cattle trades.

534
00:56:49.400 --> 00:56:55.320
6. Mercantilism and Inflation

535
00:56:55.320 --> 00:57:02.000
The post-medieval state acquired most of its eagerly sought revenues by taxation, but the

536
00:57:02.000 --> 00:57:08.920
state has always been attracted by the idea of creating its own money in addition to plundering

537
00:57:08.920 --> 00:57:15.360
directly the wealth of its subjects. Before the invention of paper money, however, the

538
00:57:15.360 --> 00:57:21.520
State was limited in money creation to occasional debasements of the coinage, of which it had

539
00:57:21.520 --> 00:57:26.120
long managed to secure a compulsory monopoly.

540
00:57:26.120 --> 00:57:32.000
For debasement was a one-shot process and could not be used, as the state would always

541
00:57:32.000 --> 00:57:38.720
like, to create money continually and feed it into state coffers for use in building

542
00:57:38.720 --> 00:57:52.900
The Highly Inflationary Instrument of Government Paper Money was first discovered in the Western

543
00:57:52.900 --> 00:57:57.320
World in French Quebec in 1685.

544
00:57:57.320 --> 00:58:05.020
Monsieur Mule, the governing entendant of Quebec, pressed as usual for funds, decided

545
00:58:05.020 --> 00:58:12.260
to augment them by dividing some playing cards into quarters, marking them with various denominations

546
00:58:12.260 --> 00:58:20.220
of French currency and then using them to pay for wages and materials. This card money,

547
00:58:20.220 --> 00:58:28.060
later redeemed in actual specie, soon became repeatedly issued paper tickets.

548
00:58:28.060 --> 00:58:34.940
The first more familiar form of government paper began five years later, in 1690, in

549
00:58:34.940 --> 00:58:38.820
the British colony of Massachusetts.

550
00:58:38.820 --> 00:58:43.320
Massachusetts had sent soldiers on one of their customary plunder expeditions against

551
00:58:43.320 --> 00:58:48.840
prosperous French Quebec, but this time had been beaten back.

552
00:58:48.840 --> 00:58:54.100
The disgruntled Massachusetts soldiery was even more irritated by the fact that their

553
00:58:54.100 --> 00:59:01.380
Pay had always come out of their individual shares of French booty sold at auction, but

554
00:59:01.380 --> 00:59:08.300
that now there was no money for them to collect. The Massachusetts government, beset by demands

555
00:59:08.300 --> 00:59:13.760
for payment of their salary by a mutinous soldiery, was not able to borrow the money

556
00:59:13.760 --> 00:59:21.300
from Boston merchants, who shrewdly considered its credit rating unworthy. Finally, Massachusetts

557
00:59:21.300 --> 00:59:28.920
This hit upon the expedient of issuing 7,000 pounds in paper notes, supposed to be redeemable

558
00:59:28.920 --> 00:59:31.520
in specie in a few years.

559
00:59:31.520 --> 00:59:38.140
Inevitably, the few years began to stretch out on the horizon, and the government, delighted

560
00:59:38.140 --> 00:59:45.140
with this newfound way of acquiring seemingly costless revenue, poured on the printing presses

561
00:59:45.140 --> 00:59:49.860
and quickly issued 40,000 more paper pounds.

562
00:59:49.860 --> 00:59:54.340
Fatefully, paper money had been born.

563
00:59:54.340 --> 00:59:59.740
It was to be two decades before the French government, under the influence of the fanatically

564
00:59:59.740 --> 01:00:06.380
inflationist Scottish theoretician John Law, turned on the taps of paper money inflation

565
01:00:06.380 --> 01:00:08.260
at home.

566
01:00:08.260 --> 01:00:13.700
The English government turned instead to a more subtle device for accomplishing the same

567
01:00:13.700 --> 01:00:21.020
Objective, The Creation of a New Institution in History, A Central Bank

568
01:00:21.020 --> 01:00:27.300
The key to English history in the 17th and 18th centuries is the perpetual wars in which

569
01:00:27.300 --> 01:00:32.100
the English state was continually engaged.

570
01:00:32.100 --> 01:00:37.020
Wars meant gigantic financial requirements for the crown.

571
01:00:37.020 --> 01:00:42.340
Before the advent of the central bank and government paper, any government not willing

572
01:00:42.340 --> 01:00:50.300
to tax the country for the full cost of war relied on an ever more extensive public debt.

573
01:00:50.300 --> 01:00:56.260
But if the public debt continues to rise and taxes are not increased, something has to

574
01:00:56.260 --> 01:01:00.440
give and the piper must be paid.

575
01:01:00.440 --> 01:01:06.500
Before the 17th century, loans were generally made by banks, and banks were institutions

576
01:01:06.500 --> 01:01:11.260
in which capitalists lent out funds that they had saved.

577
01:01:11.260 --> 01:01:16.900
There was no deposit banking. Merchants who wanted a safe place to keep their surplus

578
01:01:16.900 --> 01:01:23.700
gold deposited them in the King's Mint in the Tower of London, an institution accustomed

579
01:01:23.700 --> 01:01:31.340
to storing gold. This habit, however, proved highly costly, for King Charles I, needing

580
01:01:31.340 --> 01:01:38.980
money shortly before the outbreak of the Civil War in 1638, simply confiscated the huge sum

581
01:01:38.980 --> 01:01:48.060
of 200,000 pounds in gold stored at the mint, announcing it to be a loan from the depositors.

582
01:01:48.060 --> 01:01:53.660
Understandably shaken by their experience, merchants began depositing their gold in the

583
01:01:53.660 --> 01:01:59.540
coffers of private goldsmiths, who were also accustomed to the storing and safekeeping

584
01:01:59.540 --> 01:02:01.460
of precious metals.

585
01:02:01.460 --> 01:02:08.540
Soon, goldsmiths' notes began to function as private bank notes, the product of deposit

586
01:02:08.540 --> 01:02:15.700
Banking. The restoration government soon needed to raise a great deal of money for wars with

587
01:02:15.700 --> 01:02:23.860
the Dutch. Taxes were greatly increased, and the crown borrowed extensively from the goldsmiths.

588
01:02:23.860 --> 01:02:30.500
In late 1671, King Charles IIivid asked the bankers for further large loans to finance

589
01:02:30.500 --> 01:02:32.260
A New Fleet

590
01:02:32.260 --> 01:02:42.020
Upon the goldsmith's refusal, the king proclaimed on 5 January 1672 a stop of the exchequer,

591
01:02:42.020 --> 01:02:49.140
that is, a willful refusal to pay any interest or principle on much of the outstanding public

592
01:02:49.140 --> 01:02:50.940
debt.

593
01:02:50.940 --> 01:02:57.020
Some of the stopped debt was owed by the government to suppliers and pensioners, but the vast

594
01:02:57.020 --> 01:03:13.020
and Bulk was held by the victimized goldsmiths. Indeed, of the total stopped debt of £1.21 million, £1.17 million was owned by the goldsmiths.

595
01:03:13.020 --> 01:03:21.020
Five years later, in 1677, the Crown grudgingly began paying interest on the stopped debt.

596
01:03:21.020 --> 01:03:32.220
that by the time of the eviction of James II in 1688, only a little over six years of interest had been paid out of the twelve years' debt.

597
01:03:32.220 --> 01:03:46.100
Furthermore, the interest was paid at the arbitrary rate of six percent, even though the king had originally contracted to pay interest at rates ranging from eight to ten percent.

598
01:03:46.100 --> 01:03:50.980
The goldsmiths were even more intensively thwarted by the new government of William

599
01:03:50.980 --> 01:03:56.860
and Mary, ushered in by the glorious revolution of 1688.

600
01:03:56.860 --> 01:04:03.580
The new regime simply refused to pay any interest or principle on the stop debt.

601
01:04:03.580 --> 01:04:09.500
The hapless creditors took the case to court, but while the judges agreed in principle with

602
01:04:09.500 --> 01:04:15.500
of the Creditor's Case, their decision was overruled by the Lord Keeper, who candidly

603
01:04:15.500 --> 01:04:21.660
argued that the government's financial problems must take precedence over justice and property

604
01:04:21.660 --> 01:04:23.740
right.

605
01:04:23.740 --> 01:04:30.900
The upshot of the stop was that the House of Commons settled the affair in 1701, decreeing

606
01:04:30.900 --> 01:04:36.980
that half of the capital sum of the debt be simply wiped out, and that interest on the

607
01:04:36.980 --> 01:04:43.980
The consequences of this declaration of bankruptcy by the king were as could be predicted. Public credit was severely impaired, and financial disaster struck for the goldsmiths, whose notes were no longer acceptable to the public.

608
01:05:06.980 --> 01:05:10.180
Ludwig and for their depositors.

609
01:05:10.180 --> 01:05:16.260
Most of the leading goldsmith creditors went bankrupt by the 1680s and many ended their

610
01:05:16.260 --> 01:05:19.260
lives in debtors' prison.

611
01:05:19.260 --> 01:05:25.140
Private deposit banking had received a crippling blow, a blow which would only be overcome

612
01:05:25.140 --> 01:05:29.340
by the creation of a central bank.

613
01:05:29.340 --> 01:05:35.580
The stop of the Exchequer then, coming only two decades after the confiscation of the

614
01:05:35.580 --> 01:05:42.740
at the Mint, managed virtually to destroy at one blow private deposit banking and the

615
01:05:42.740 --> 01:05:49.480
government's credit. But endless wars with France were now looming, and where would government

616
01:05:49.480 --> 01:05:53.020
get the money to finance them?

617
01:05:53.020 --> 01:06:00.080
Salvation came in the form of a group of promoters, headed by the Scot, William Patterson. Patterson

618
01:06:00.080 --> 01:06:06.280
Patterson approached a special committee of the House of Commons formed in early 1693

619
01:06:06.280 --> 01:06:12.600
to study the problem of raising funds, and proposed a remarkable new scheme.

620
01:06:12.600 --> 01:06:18.960
In return for a set of important special privileges from the State, Patterson and his group would

621
01:06:18.960 --> 01:06:25.240
form the Bank of England, which would issue new notes, most of which would be used to

622
01:06:25.240 --> 01:06:28.240
finance the government's deficit.

623
01:06:28.240 --> 01:06:34.320
In short, since there were not enough private savers willing to finance the deficit, Patterson

624
01:06:34.320 --> 01:06:40.480
and Company were graciously willing to buy interest-bearing government bonds to be paid

625
01:06:40.480 --> 01:06:47.880
for by newly created banknotes carrying a raft of special privileges with them.

626
01:06:47.880 --> 01:06:55.220
As soon as Parliament duly chartered the Bank of England in 1694, King William himself and

627
01:06:55.220 --> 01:07:20.220
William Paterson urged the English government to grant Bank of England notes legal tender power, but this was going too far, even for the British Crown, but Parliament did give the bank the advantage of holding deposits of all government funds.

628
01:07:20.220 --> 01:07:28.220
The new institution of government-privileged central banking soon demonstrated its inflationary power.

629
01:07:28.220 --> 01:07:35.220
The Bank of England quickly issued the enormous sum of £760,000,

630
01:07:35.220 --> 01:07:39.220
most of which were used to buy government debt.

631
01:07:39.220 --> 01:07:44.220
This issue had an immediate and substantial inflationary impact,

632
01:07:44.220 --> 01:08:03.220
And in two short years, the Bank of England was insolvent after a bank run, an insolvency gleefully abetted by its competitors, the private goldsmiths, who were happy to return to it the swollen Bank of England notes for redemption of specie.

633
01:08:03.220 --> 01:08:07.220
At this point, the English government made a fateful decision.

634
01:08:07.220 --> 01:08:16.320
In May 1696 it simply allowed the bank to suspend specie payment. In short, it allowed

635
01:08:16.320 --> 01:08:23.500
the bank to refuse indefinitely to pay its contractual obligations to redeem its notes

636
01:08:23.500 --> 01:08:31.340
in gold, while at the same time continuing blithely in operation, issuing notes and enforcing

637
01:08:31.340 --> 01:08:34.980
Banking Payments upon its own debtors.

638
01:08:34.980 --> 01:08:41.220
The bank resumed specie payments two years later, but this act set a precedent for British

639
01:08:41.220 --> 01:08:44.860
and American banking from that point on.

640
01:08:44.860 --> 01:08:50.600
Whenever the bank inflated itself into financial trouble, the government stood ready to allow

641
01:08:50.600 --> 01:08:54.380
it to suspend specie payments.

642
01:08:54.380 --> 01:09:00.180
During the last wars with France in the late 18th and early 19th century, the bank was

643
01:09:00.180 --> 01:09:05.020
was allowed to suspend payments for two decades.

644
01:09:05.020 --> 01:09:13.460
The same year, 1696, the Bank of England had another scare, the specter of competition.

645
01:09:13.460 --> 01:09:20.660
A Tory financial group tried to establish a national land bank to compete with the Whig-dominated

646
01:09:20.660 --> 01:09:22.660
central bank.

647
01:09:22.660 --> 01:09:29.940
The attempt failed, but the Bank of England moved quickly to induce Parliament in 1697

648
01:09:29.940 --> 01:09:37.380
to pass a law prohibiting any new corporate bank from being established in England.

649
01:09:37.380 --> 01:09:44.280
Any new bank would have to be either proprietary or owned by a partnership, thereby severely

650
01:09:44.280 --> 01:09:48.340
limiting the extent of competition with the bank.

651
01:09:48.340 --> 01:09:55.620
Furthermore, counterfeiting the Bank of England notes was now made punishable by death.

652
01:09:55.620 --> 01:10:02.240
In 1708, Parliament followed up this set of privileges by another crucial one. It now

653
01:10:02.240 --> 01:10:09.080
became unlawful for any corporate bank other than the Bank of England, and for any bank

654
01:10:09.080 --> 01:10:16.960
partnership over six persons, to issue notes. And moreover, incorporated banks and partnerships

655
01:10:16.960 --> 01:10:24.560
over six were also prohibited from making any short-term loans. The Bank of England

656
01:10:24.560 --> 01:10:32.520
now only had to compete with tiny banks. Thus, by the end of the 17th century, the states

657
01:10:32.520 --> 01:10:39.440
of Western Europe, particularly England and France, had discovered a grand new route towards

658
01:10:39.440 --> 01:10:47.000
the aggrandizement of state power, revenue through inflationary creation of paper money,

659
01:10:47.000 --> 01:10:54.280
either by government or, more subtly, by a privileged monopolistic central bank.

660
01:10:54.280 --> 01:11:00.000
In England, private banks of deposit were inspired to proliferate, especially checking

661
01:11:00.000 --> 01:11:06.800
accounts under this umbrella, and the government was at last able to expand the public debt

662
01:11:06.800 --> 01:11:09.880
to fight its endless wars.

663
01:11:09.880 --> 01:11:18.100
During the French War of 1702 to 1713, for example, it was able to finance 31% of its

664
01:11:18.100 --> 01:11:20.320
budget via public debt.
