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NOTE 9. The Liberal Reaction Against Mercantilism in Seventeenth Century France

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CHAPTER IX. THE LIBERAL REACTION AGAINST MERCANTILISM IN 17TH CENTURY FRANCE

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1. THE CROQUANCE REBELLION

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The kings and their minions did not impose an accelerating burden of absolutism without

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provoking grave, deep and continuing opposition. Indeed, there were repeated rebellions by

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by groups of peasants and nobles in France from the 1630s to the 1670s.

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Generally, the focus of discontent and uprising was rising taxes, as well as the losses of

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rights and privileges.

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There were also similar rebellions in Spain in mid-century and in autocratic Russia throughout

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the 17th century.

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Here, for example, the remonstrances of the peasants in the first great French rebellion

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of the 17th century, the Croquants, literally, Cruncher's Revolt, in 1636, in southwestern

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France.

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The Croquants' rebellion was precipitated by a sudden near doubling of direct taxes

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upon the peasantry to raise funds for the war against Spain.

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The Entendant La Force, sent to investigate the disturbances, reported on the peasants'

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grievances and demands.

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The peasants focused on the eternal and accelerating increases of taxation.

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They pointed out that in the reign of Henry IV, more taxes had been collected than in

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all previous reigns of the monarchy taken together, and that in but two years of the

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In the reign of Louis XIII, they had paid more than in all the years of Henry IV.

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The peasants also protested that the royal tax collectors carried off their cattle, clothes and tools merely to cover the costs of enforcement,

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so that the principal of the tax debt could never be reduced.

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The result was ruin.

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Deprived of their means of labor, the peasants had been forced to leave their fields untilled, and even to leave their ancient lands and beg for bread.

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In a letter to his superior, La Force feels compelled to endorse their complaints.

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It is not, Monsignor, that I am not by natural feeling touched with very great compassion when I see the extraordinary poverty in which these people live.

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The peasants protested that they were not subversives. They were willing to pay the

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old customary taxes, provided the recent increases were repealed. New taxes should only be imposed

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in extreme emergencies, and then only by the States General, which hadn't met since 1615

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and was not to meet again until the eve of the French Revolution. Like diluted subjects

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At all times and places, the peasants placed the blame for their ills not on the king himself,

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but on his evil and tyrannical ministers who had led the sovereign astray.

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The peasants insisted that they had had to revolt in order that their cries may reach

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the ears of the king himself, and no longer just those of his ministers who advise him

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so badly.

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Whether a ruler be king or president, it is convenient for him to preserve his popularity

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by deflecting protest and hostility to advisors or prime ministers who surround him.

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But despite this unfortunate limitation, the croquants had the insight and the wit to zero

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in on the public interest myth propounded by the royal ministers.

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The needs of the state, the peasants declared, were only a pretext for enriching a few private

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persons, the hated tax farmers who had bought the privilege from the crown of collecting

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taxes which then went into their pockets, and the creatures of the man who rules the

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state, that is, Richelieu and his entourage.

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The peasants called for the abolition of courtiers' pensions as well as the salaries of all the

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The Newly Created Officials

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The following year, 1637, the croquants of the neighboring region of Perigor rose in

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rebellion.

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Addressing King Louis XIII, the commune of Perigor set forth its reasons for the revolt.

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Sire, we have taken an unusual step in the way we have expressed our grievances, but

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this is so that we may be listened to by your majesty.

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Their overriding grievance was against the tax farmers and tax officials, who have set

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among us a thousand thieves who eat up the flesh of the poor husbandmen to the very bones,

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and it is they who have forced them to take up arms, changing their plowshares for swords

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in order to ask your majesty for justice, or else to die like men.

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And by the rebellion, the Crown organized its faithful servitors.

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The Royal Printer, F. Mataille, published a statement by the inhabitants of the town

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of Poitiers, denouncing the seditious commune of Paragore.

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The Poitiers men declared that, We know, as Christians and loyal Frenchmen, that the glory

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of kings is to command, while the glory of subjects, whoever they may be, is to obey,

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in all humility and willing submission, following God's express commandment.

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All the people of France know that the King is the life and soul of the state.

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The King is directly guided by the Holy Spirit, and further, by the superhuman decisions of

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your royal mind and the miracles accomplished in your happy reign, we perceive plainly that

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God holds your heart in His hand.

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There is therefore only one explanation for the rebellion, concluded the Poitiers loyalists.

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The rebels must be tools of Satan.

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Not all the Catholics agreed, nor even the Catholic clergy of France.

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In 1639 an armed rebellion broke out in Normandy, resting on two demands, an opposition to oppressive

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of Taxation and a call for Norman autonomy as against the centralized Parisian regime.

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It was a multi-class movement of the relatively poor grouped together in an army of suffering

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and calling themselves the Nupeds, the barefoot ones, after the salt-makers in the southwestern

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Norman region of Avranches who walked barefoot on the sand.

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The general of the army was a mythical figure named Jean Nupedes. The actual directorate

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of the army consisted of four priests from the Avranche area, of whom the leader was

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Father Jean Morel, parish priest of Saint-Gervais. Morel called himself Colonel Sandhills, but

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he was a poet-propagandist as well as army commander. In his Manifesto of the High Unconquerable

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General Captain Jean Newpedes, General of the Army of Suffering, directed against the

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men made rich by their taxes, Father Morel wrote, And I, shall I leave a people languishing

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beneath the heel of tyranny, and allow a crowd of outsiders, non-Normans, to oppress this

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people daily with their tax farms?

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The reference to outsiders shows the continuing strength of particularist or separatist national

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movements in France, in this case Normandy.

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The Norman and Crocosse movements were rising against centralizing Parisian imperialism

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imposed only recently on independent or autonomous nations, as much as against the high taxes

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themselves.

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2. Claude Jolie and the Fronde

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The most prominent rebellions in mid-seventeenth century France were those of the nobles and

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the judges and known as the Fronde. The leading theoretician of the parliamentary, judges,

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Fronde was Claude Jolie, whose Requeil de Maxime Veretable was published in 1653. Jolie's

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The latest was a collection of constitutionalist maxims, remnants of a pre-absolutist age,

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and included trenchant attacks on two contributions of Cardinals Richelieu and Mazarin to political

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thought and practice in France.

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One was the new notion that the king is rightly the master, in effect, the owner, of the persons

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and property of all inhabitants of France.

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The other was the Machiavellian view that successful public policy requires the systematic

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use of immoral means.

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The king's power, warned Jolie, is limited and not automatically sanctioned by divine

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law.

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Frenchmen possess just title to their lives and properties and are not the slaves of a

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despot or tyrant.

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The king's original divine power is mediated through the French people, Jolie added, and

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the king cannot rightfully tax the French without the consent of the state's general.

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The fact that Jolie was reviled by the king and his party as a rebel and a traitor, he

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declared, shows that the old constitution has been overcome by new views holding the

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3. A Single Tax

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In the late 16th century, Jean Baudin and others had raised the question of removing

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Inventing Many or All of the Crippling Network of Taxation and Substituting a Single Universal

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Direct Tax Proportionate to Property or Income.

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With taxes far higher and more oppressive by the mid-seventeenth century, the call for

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a simpler single direct tax was heard once again.

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Not only the people, but even the crown would benefit by eliminating a legion of unproductive

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of Life and Parasitic Tax Farmers and Other Tax Officials.

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One of the earliest of these tax reformers was Isaac Lopin, who published Les Mines Gallicants

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in 1638.

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The tract went through four editions, including one during the Fronde era in 1648, and directly

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influenced later tax reformers.

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L'Hopin explained how all members of society, from the poorest to the king, suffered from

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the depredations of the tax officials, without accepting even the sacred person of his majesty.

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There is not a single inhabitant of his kingdom who, from the top of his head to the soles

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of his feet, does not carry some vestment or eat some food which is not burdened by

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the said subsidies and imposts.

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L'Hopin urged the abolition of all existing taxes and their replacement by a small fixed

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tax per year on the wealthiest 10% of the population.

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L'Hopin's pamphlet greatly influenced a one-time assistant to the Secretary of State for Foreign

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Affairs, the Sur de Bresson.

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Bresson addressed a tract to King Louis XIV in 1675 entitled Propositions to the King.

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He realistically denounced the tax officials and exactors as having no other goal than

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their private interests.

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He then pointed out that the King himself was at the mercy of the tax collectors and

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repeated the above quotation from L'Hopin word for word.

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Dresson divided up the wealthiest 10% or so of the non-privileged into 19 income classes

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and suggested a single direct tax upon them, graduated by class.

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In the meanwhile, in 1668, Gérard de Cote-a-Moy urged his own single tax plan upon the government.

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In his Letter Concerning the Reform of State, Cordemois urged a single head tax payable

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by everyone.

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He set forth the plan in the form of a dream recounting an ideal state in a distant land,

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a land enjoying such a single head tax, or capitation, paid by each person for the charges

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and necessities of state.

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Furthermore, in an unusual twist, Cordemois declared that such a head tax would be voluntary,

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since everyone would know that he was much better off than he had been in the current

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existing system.

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An immensely popular work, written about the same time, was Paul Hay, Marquis du Chasselais's

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Traité de la Politique de la France.

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The Traité was written in 1667, with copies circulating throughout France until its publication

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two years later.

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Attacking the oppressive burden of taxation, Chassolet called for a tax on property extending

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to the previously exempt estates of the nobility, and the transformation of the onerous salt

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tax into a universal direct tax on income.

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He also urged relief of the tax burden on the peasantry by accepting payment in kind

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as a legal substitute for specie.

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A more radical plan, originating in the late 1650s, was conceived by a marshal of France

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and governor of the Principality of Sedan, Abraham de Faber.

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Faber died in 1662, but in 1679 an unknown author presented the Faber Plan to the Chancellor

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of France.

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Faber had called for transformation of the salt tax into a graduated direct tax upon

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the non-privileged members of society.

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This plan was not designed as a single tax, but all new taxes could be abolished and other

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Other taxes could be brought down to their original rates.

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Reminiscent of Bresson, Faber's plan was to divide the non-privileged Frenchmen into

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thirty income classes, the tax graduated by class.

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Collection costs for enforcing the tax would be reduced to a minimum, and the king would

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be liberated from one hundred thousand blood-sucking tax officials.

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In 1684, a second edition of the Faber-based pamphlet added a substantial amount of statistical

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backing to the plan.

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4. Rising Opposition to Collectivism by Merchants and Nobles

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The imposition of Colbert's regime of statism, monopoly and prohibitive tariffs, combined

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with Louis XIV's High Taxation and Centralization, gave rise by the late 1660s to a growing tide

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of opposition by merchants and nobility alike.

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An important compendium of criticisms was the anonymous treatise, Memoir pour servir

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à l'histoire, published in 1668.

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The memoir comprises the first extended published polemic against Colbert and Colberism.

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Politically, the author denounced Colbert for substituting centralizing innovations

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for the old constitution, attacking Colbert's policies across the board, especially tariffs

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and monopolies.

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The book pointed out that the French refusal to purchase from the Dutch had induced the

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The Dutch to Cease Purchasing from France.

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On trade, the memoir made the important point that the Colberian ideal of national self-sufficiency

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was contrary to natural law, since Providence had created a great diversity of natural resources

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throughout the world, in order that mankind be united by the bonds of mutual interdependence

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through international trade.

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After an upsurge of denunciations of Colbert in the late 1660s, the Comptroller General

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reacted by cracking down on all dissent.

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In consequence, when Colbert died on 6 September 1683, there was intense joy throughout France

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and especially in Paris.

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In fact, only protection by the soldiery prevented the populace from demonstrating their attitude

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by dragging Colbert's body through the streets of Paris.

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Many oppressed Frenchmen exulted that a new dawn had arrived, taxes would cease and the

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Golden Age would return.

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Such was not to be, however, and absolutism and consequent economic distress became even

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worse.

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But the death of Colbert allowed a raft of dissent to arise once more, a torrent of hatred

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poured out against Colbert's son, nephew, and other of his hand-picked successors.

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The outpouring of opposition encouraged by official inquiries and investigations of the

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Colberian past was not merely personal, however.

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It was also in opposition to the mercantilism stifling the economy.

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In May 1684, a nobleman accused Colbert of being responsible for the ruin of finance

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Products and Trade.

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The establishment of subsidized and privileged manufacturers has deprived commerce of liberty

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and denied merchants the means to attract money from abroad.

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The high protective tariffs, the unknown nobleman pointed out, crippled foreign demand for French

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farm products and thereby reduced the French farmers to penury.

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This line of attack on coal-bearism was developed in the following year by Gatien de Courtille

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de Saint-Ras, Sur du Verger, who published a book on the new interests of the princes

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of Europe.

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Trying to bolster domestic producers, the French government had only succeeded in wrecking

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them by crippling their export markets.

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This popular work had gone into four editions by 1689.

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In the same year, the famous collection of tracts, published in Amsterdam, Les Supiers

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de la France Esclaves, the size of an enslaved France, also invade against protective tariffs

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as leading to misery and the crushing of commerce.

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Particularly eloquent in the Supier collection was the attack on Colberism by the merchant

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Michel Levasseur, who wrote, The king, by the frightful and excessive taxes which he

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levies on all goods, has drawn to himself all the money, and commerce has dried up.

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There are no rigours and cruelties which have not been employed upon the merchants by the

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farmers of the customs, a thousand trickeries to find grounds for making confiscations.

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Because this, certain merchants, through the favor of the court, put commerce into monopoly,

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and get privileges given to them to exclude all the others.

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And finally, the prohibition of foreign goods, far from turning out well for commerce, is,

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on the contrary, what has ruined it.

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And all through this, the despotic and sovereign power, which prides itself on every whim,

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and reordering everything and reforming all things by an absolute power.

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During this depressed period, the directors of Colbert's French East India Company denied

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in 1685 that they had caused the hard times by exporting species in order to import goods

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from the Indies, arguing for freedom of trade in their response au memoir, when they really

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only valued their own freedom to import from their privileged monopoly position, the directors

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yet tapped an important vein of free trade thought.

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Experience has shown that trade cannot be conducted without a total liberty and with

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a mutual correspondence with foreign countries.

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The moment we violated trade, the foreigners withdrew.

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They attracted French workers and established our manufacturers in their country and have

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dispensed with ours.

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The directors also defended vigorously their practice of exporting species in exchange

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for Asian imports.

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They escalated their reply by pointing out that in Holland, always a country whose prosperity

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Liberty and Trade was admired and envied during the seventeenth century. The ports are always

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open for the entry and exit of specie with every possible liberty. Moreover, in Holland

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the same liberty is accorded for the export of money in the coin of the country. It is

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this great freedom which attracts abundance to the point where it is, and renders them,

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The Dutch, Masters of All Trade

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During the intense merchant agitation for freedom of trade and enterprise during the

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1680s, Louis XIV's Entendants at Rouen reported on advice given him by two leading merchants

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of the city.

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On 5 October 1685, René de Mariac wrote to the Comptroller General that the two merchants

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Merchants had declared, the greatest secret is to leave trade entirely free. Men are sufficiently

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attracted to it by their own interests. Never have manufacturers been so depressed and trade

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also since we have taken it into our heads to increase them by way of authority.

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One of these two merchants, Thomas Legendre, was supposed to have been the first, during

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The Great Late Eighteenth-Century laissez-faire thinker and statesman, Anne Robert Jacques

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Turgot, reports as a family tradition that Legendre had told Colbert, laissez-nous faire,

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leave us alone.

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Turgot's affluent grandparents were close friends of the immensely wealthy Legendre

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Thomas Legendre, 1638-1706, coiner of the phrase laissez-faire as applied to policies

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and the economy, was the most eminent of a long line of merchant bankers traced back

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to the early 16th century. A multi-millionaire, Legendre owned vast interests in Africa and

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of the New World, was the leading importer of alum from the Levant, and was frequently

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called upon to arbitrate disputes between merchants at home and abroad.

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Despite his wealth, multinational commercial connections and public honors, Thomas Legendre

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had what seemed to be only a negative rather than positive influence upon the French government.

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Time and again the Crown refused to allow him permission to send vessels abroad or to

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load merchandise onto foreign ships.

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This treatment only changed in the 1690s when the government, engaged in war with Protestant

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England and Holland, made use of Legendre and other ex-Protestants to trade with their

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contacts in those countries while the war was going on.

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Not only the merchants, but also some entendants were joining the laissez-faire camp during

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the 1680s.

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On 29 August 1686, the entendant in Flanders, Duguay de Banois, wrote a bitter protest against

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a decree of the previous year levying a 20% tariff on imports from the Levant, except

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for Goods Carried on French Ships from the Middle East that had entered the ports of

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Marseille or Rouen.

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Duguay pointed out that textile firms in northern France should not have to pay more for their

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imported thread by being forced to buy it from inefficient French ships, and all to

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subsidize Marseille merchants and shippers who could not compete successfully with the

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English and Dutch in the Levant.

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Duguay generalized this insight into a laissez-faire position.

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Trade can flourish and subsist only when merchants are free to procure the merchandise they need

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in the places where they are sold at the lowest price, and every time we wish to compel them

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to buy in one place at the exclusion of all others, merchandise will become more expensive

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and Trade Will Consequently Fall into Ruin.

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5. The Merchants and the Council of Commerce

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In June 1700, King Louis XIV, seeking advice from the nation's leading merchants,

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established a Council of Commerce in which merchants of ten leading towns elected ten deputies

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who would serve as a kind of advisory economic parliament.

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The King soon came to regret this step, for the merchants' representatives seized the

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occasion to unleash a torrent of attack against the mercantilist policies developed by the

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Sun King.

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In particular, the enraged merchants zeroed in on the grants of monopoly privilege bestowed

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by the government on chartered companies.

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Pointing out that such monopolies restrict trade and raise prices, a number of merchants

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has declared, it is a most certain maxim that nothing but competition and liberty in trade

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can render commerce beneficial to the state, and that all monopolies or traffic appropriated

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to companies exclusive of others are infinitely burdensome and pernicious.

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The most consistent and most radical of the merchants' voices was the deputy from the

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The Western Port City of Nantes, Joachim de Cazaux du Hallé, a wealthy shipper and merchant

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and former associate of Thomas Legendre.

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Arguing vehemently against privileged monopolies that restrict trade, de Cazaux widened his

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argument into a general plea for freedom and free competition.

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Free competition, de Cazaux pointed out, benefits the public by supplying abundant goods at

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at Low Prices. Even business losses, he declared perceptively, benefit the public since they

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reflect plentiful production at low prices. Furthermore, Liberty causes innovations and

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fuels the spirit of enterprise. Liberty is the sole and element of commerce. She excites

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the genius and application of merchants who never cease to meditate on new methods to

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to make discoveries and found enterprises.

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Liberty kindles a perpetual movement which produces abundance everywhere.

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The moment we limit the genius of merchants by restrictions, we destroy trade.

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6.

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Marshall Vauban, Royal Engineer and Single Taxer

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The bluff, hearty, patriotic Maréchal Sebastien Leprestre Seigneur de Vauban, 1633 to 1707,

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was scarcely a fervent or militant oppositionist to royal or Colberist policies.

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The leading military engineer in France, the man who constructed the mighty military fortifications

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was guarding the French state, ennobled by Louis XIV for his services, was scarcely an

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opponent of the Crown. Although a loyal monarchist and absolutist, Vauban, after revocation of

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the Edict of Nantes in 1685, grew deeply troubled at the policies of Louis XIV, especially

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the crippling system of taxation as well as the oppression of the Huguenots. Upon the

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In his revocation, the naïve Vauban, convinced that the good king was surrounded by evil or purblind advisors, wrote a memoir for the recall of the Huguenots addressed to the king.

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Vauban pointed out that the revocation had disrupted trade and commerce and was causing opposition to the monarchy itself.

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The heedlessness of the king did not daunt Vauban, who continued to write similar pleas to King Louis.

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Finally, at the end of his life, in 1707, this man, who had risen from birth in poverty in Saint-Léger to become the land's greatest military engineer, a marshal and a nobleman, published his comprehensive treatise, Project for a Royal Tithe.

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Boba proposed the abolition of most of the oppressive network of taxation and its replacement

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by a single tax, a proportional tenth of the income of each subject.

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The reasoning was that the state provided the people with the service of security and

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that those who receive such service should pay accordingly.

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One wonders, however, how anyone can demonstrate that those who receive such a service are

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are enjoying the service in proportion to their income. Furthermore, every other service

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on the market is paid for not in proportion to the buyer's income, but in a uniform single

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price paid by one and all. The purchasers of bread or automobiles or stereo sets pay

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a single price for each product, and not in proportion to their income or wealth. Why

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Why then do so for the alleged service of security?

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At any rate, Vauban was highly effective in pointing out that the impoverished producers

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of the country were shouldering a large part of the burden of taxation and was eloquent

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in urging their relief.

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Vauban refused to publish the project for a royal tithe widely in 1707 and only circulated

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and a small number of copies among friends.

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This did not save the aged marshal from Louis XIV's wrath, however.

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The king's censors and police condemned the book, and the publishers were hunted down

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and punished.

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General Vauban died on the day the King's Order was executed.
