WEBVTT

NOTE Capital, Interest, and Profit

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We've said before that businessmen are aiming to maximize profit, but we haven't really

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gotten into the question of not so much what profit is or what explains it and therefore

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what justifies it. Where does profit come from? Why is there profit? What are the economic

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functions that it performs, etc.? First, profit is defined as total revenue minus total cost,

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and then if we're interested in the ratio, it's that over, say, total investment or

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The first thing to be done about profit is to separate profits into two very different

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kinds of returns, both of which are amalgamated into the accounting concept of profit.

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In other words, what is profit on the books of a firm really includes two very different

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kinds of returns, two very different kinds of reasons.

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The long-run profit does not mean it only appears in the long run, it means that long-run

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profit is sort of an underlying return which capital investment sees as a sort of a continuing

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vector in the day-to-day situation.

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So that's long-run profit, which as we'll see tends to be uniform throughout the system.

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That is not uniform, but tends to be uniformity, it's an important distinction.

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And the second category is short-run profit, which comes from completely different reasons

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and could well be and often is short-run losses.

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So we have what is called the profit and loss system in the economy, much more accurately

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than the so-called profit system, because of course there are many firms that do make

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losses.

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I think, for example, heroic entrepreneurs happen to be my uncles who were pharmacy store

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Capitalist entrepreneurs back in the thirties. They had a chain of, I think, two or three

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drug stores at the height of their entrepreneurial career. They quickly went bankrupt, not just

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because of the depression, but because there were many other forms of the door that did

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not go bankrupt. At any rate, they went bankrupt, revealing themselves and themselves into the

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world at large, those who were interested, as lousy entrepreneurs, after which they entered

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the ranks of the proletariat, in quotes, in other words, became wage earners.

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So, entrepreneurs often do suffer losses. This can easily be seen in one form of entrepreneurship,

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it's quite obvious, namely, purchase of stocks and commodities, where, again, some people

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are good entrepreneurs, some people are bad ones, and we'll see in a minute what accounts

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for this. The short-run profit, the whole realm of short-run profit and loss was unknown

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Welcome to 19th century economics, and there are many things, when I say that I mean all

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19th century economists, both Ricardo and Marx and also the Austrians, my particular

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favorites, they did not analyze, they did not explore the realm of short run profit

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and short run losses.

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Their eyes were fixed largely on long run considerations on so-called equilibrium situations.

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By equilibrium again, I don't mean day to day equilibrium, but long run equilibrium,

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and also called evenly rotating economy or final equilibrium, and so they're interested

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having their eyes on a longer or larger picture, they tended to ignore short run considerations,

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they figured that will all wash out in the long run, but of course the short run doesn't

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wash out because there's always a series of short runs as we'll see as we go along, the

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short run is always with us, it's always dominant, but the 19th century economics left this out

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of the Picture, and therefore left a very essential part of the explanation of profits

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out of their analysis. It was Frank Knight, who was the founder of what we can call the

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older Chicago School, the economist at the University of Chicago, who wrote a famous

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and brilliant PhD thesis, one of the top two or three PhD theses in the history of economic

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thought, Risk Uncertainty and Profit, which came out in 1921, where Knight single-handedly

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He brought the analysis of short-run profits into the picture and came up with the correct

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solution.

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He also messed up completely the theory of competition, but that we get to another time.

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In the theory of profits, however, Knight came up with the definitive formulation that

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he didn't deal with long-run profits at all.

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He dealt with it unsatisfactorily, but really not much at all.

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He dealt with a short-run and close situation.

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What he said was that profits, in the short-run sense, arise from uncertainty, the fact that

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the world was uncertain.

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See, the problem is that most economists in the past tended to think of the world as more

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or lessividely certain.

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In other words, you look at the situation, you say, well, we more or less know what the

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future is going to hold as far as demand goes and costs and so forth, which of course leaves

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out an essential part of the picture, which is that the world is uncertain, that supplies

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and then they go up and other people buy stocks and then they go down.

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This is not, however, a scientific, which we'll return to, it's not a scientific, it's not an applied science of forecasting.

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If it were, it would be like forecasting the comets and sort of thing.

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Instead, it's a high art because it involves not only your knowledge, general knowledge,

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it also involves detailed insight into the market and what's going on,

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and your specific knowledge of concrete events, which often keep changing, so you have to sort of also involve punches and involves personal entrepreneurship or personal artistry, which some people have and some people don't.

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What it involves again is seeing gaps in the market. In other words, what you have really, in the long run, touching on long run profits, in the long run, profits will tend to be the same.

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In other words, posing the Angel Gabriel came down and says to the earth, I'm going to turn to Angel Gabriel later on as a convenient hypothesis, Angel Gabriel comes to the earth and freezes everything, in other words, he declares a freeze, much more expensive than the Nixon freeze of Orga 71, he freezes all value scales, everybody from now on will have the same value scale, all resources are frozen, so that any copper taken out of the ground will sort of magically be restored, all technology is frozen. Given that, given the

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The freezing of all consumer demands, the consumer value scale, given the freezing of

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supply, so that an old stonemason dies, he's magically replaced by a young stonemason,

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so forth and so on.

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Given this kind of model, then in a few years, which would have the following situation,

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you would have, for example, certain industries that are making 30% profits, others are making

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suffering losses.

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This means that capitalists will enter the profitable industries and get out of the losing

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industry.

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The point is, when you freeze everything, you see the conclusion of all this.

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They'll flood into the superior, the profit-making industries.

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As they flood into the high-profit industries, production increases, supply curve shifts to the right, the price falls, costs are bid up, wage rates, raw materials, et cetera, in that industry.

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And you wind up, eventually, in a couple of years, let's say, with a uniform profit rate.

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What the uniform profit rate is, what it comes from, we'll get to later on.

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Let's say it's 8%, just for the heck of it.

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So we'll get to the uniform 8% and stop. In the meantime, those firms that are now in the capitalist, investing in the losing industry, say the hula hoop industry, now the hula hoops are more or less defunct, we'll get out of there, stop making losses, move into other profitable industries, and whatever hula hoop firms exist, if any do exist, we'll also be making 8%. There's still a couple of horse and buggy manufacturers. They're not very big. They make, say, horse and buggies for Central Park horse and buggy market.

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Presumably they're making the usual uniform rate of profit.

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So you wind up then, if you freeze everything, if you have this magic permanent freeze, you

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wind up with a uniform profit rate throughout the whole system.

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Every firm, every industry is making this long-run normal rate of profit.

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And I say, we'll get to later what determines long-run normal rate of profit, why it exists

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in the first place, etc., etc.

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Right now we're focusing on the fact that short-run profits tend to disappear given

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a freeze, in other words, given certainty.

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If you know that there's a freeze, if you know that the freeze will persist forever,

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then you have certainly what the future will lie, you know with certainty what future consumer

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demands will be, what future costs will be, etc., and then you make your changes and you

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wind up, after six months, two years, whatever the time period, after this time period, you

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wind up with an evenly rotating economy where everybody's making, every firm is making

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up 8% or 6%, whatever the uniform rate is. In other words, short-run profits and short-run

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Profits and losses are wiped out. Obviously, the reason we have persisting short-run profits

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and losses and why they keep changing all the time, fluctuating, appearing, popping

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up here and there, is because we don't have certainty, we have uncertainty, we have changes

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all the time, and all of these factors, changes in consumer values, changes in resources,

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changes in technology, etc. So what the function then, the profit maker, is engaged in a forecasting

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and Function.

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It's forecasting plus investment.

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I mean, forecasting with a bite, so to speak.

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It's not just forecasting as an abstract sociologist.

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It's forecasting with a pocketbook.

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He's investing money, and by doing this, he's forecasting where he thinks he will make a

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profit and not make a loss.

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This is not determined in advance.

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There's no guarantee that he's not going to make losses.

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There's no guarantee he'll make high profits.

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It all depends on his superior forecasting, in other words, forecasting better than his

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competitors.

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In the stock market, where it's clear this is what happens, the superior forecasters make

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heavy profits, the mediocre forecasters sort of peg along, break even, the lousy forecasters

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go out of business eventually and make severe losses.

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What you have then is the entrepreneur, in quotes, in other words, the capitalist as

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entrepreneur, as undertaker, so to speak, as risk taker, as uncertainty bearer, gains

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profits from superior forecasting. Superior forecasting for what? Superior forecasting

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and the best ways of meeting the most urgent consumer demand. In other words, the superior

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forecasters, he looks at the market and he sees, aha, there's not enough, whatever it

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is, tungsten production, let's say. If I go into the tungsten business and I open up a

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new tungsten mine or produce more tungsten or whatever, I'll be able to make high profits

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because they're not making enough now to satisfy consumer demands. He might think of a better

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way of producing tungsten. He might invent a new process or his brother-in-law might

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of a New Process, finances, or whatever. Again, he sees better than the other people, better

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than his competitors, where there are gaps in the market, where there are profit opportunities

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to be made, and then nips in to fill them. By filling these profit opportunities, he

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is increasing consumer welfare, because what he's doing is he's filling these gaps. In

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other words, he's kind of zipping in there to take advantage of these high profit opportunities,

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by directing production into those areas where consumers most urgently demand further resources,

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further production. So in other words, higher profits are an indicator of a superior, not

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only forecasting ability, but a superior ability in satisfying consumer, urgent consumer needs

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as quickly and as efficiently as possible. Low profits or losses are an indicator of

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for having wasted resources, being a lousy forecaster, have invested in areas where consumers

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either did not want the product too much, or there was a low demand for it, or invested

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in an inefficient manner.

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For example, this is only what the government can do because the government has no compunction

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as not to suffer losses because the taxpayer picks up the tab, is forced to pick up the

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tab.

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There's the famous British groundnut scheme in West Africa about 20 years ago or so when

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The British government invested or caused to invest in an enormous acreage of peanuts,

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known in England as groundnuts. Some joker had the idea that the West African soil, whatever

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is suitable for peanuts, is an enormous investment, all of which went down to two. Usually private

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entrepreneurs don't do this because they have to be very cautious about investing correctly,

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which governments don't. In other words, there's all sorts of losses or embodiment

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of Malinvestment. In other words, the embodiment of the fact that the guy has wasted resources.

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So we have a very peculiar situation. And another thing I should say is that the high

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profit person, the firm that earns high profits, is pointing the way toward other firms to

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get into this industry. In other words, if let's say there's a firm invested in Tungsten

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and has a high profit in there, he's sort of pointing the road and saying, look, here's

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an area with a big gap in the market, big gap in filling consumer demand, and this is

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In the other hand, of course, the guy who loses money in peanuts is an indicator in

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a beacon light to other capitalists, stay out of peanuts, this is not the place to invest.

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So therefore, the profit maker of a capitalist who earns these profits from superior forecasting

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etc. is performing an enormous social service to the consumer, in addition to making profits

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And yet we have a peculiar situation in the current culture where the profit-maker is

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bitterly attacked and the loss-maker is slobbered over by writers and lecturers, etc.

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So in other words, in the current energy crisis, the oil companies are bitterly attacked for

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earning high profits.

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Instead of saying, hey, this is a great thing that you're earning high profits, an indication

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of being in an area where consumers need more stuff and we hope that other people will join

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in this great endeavor, producing more oil. Instead of that, we're attacking oil companies

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for the fact that they're making profits as a sign that somehow they're evil. On the other

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hand, we have other companies which are suffering losses chronically, say Lockheed or Penn Central,

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and the government and intellectuals feel compelled to rush to their defense, to subsidize

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them, to keep them floating forever, and thereby, of course, subsidizing their constant waste

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of resources, waste of land, labor, and capital, which would be better used, let's say, in

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and Oil, or some other profitable industry.

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So we have this peculiar situation where the people who make losses are weeped over and

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subsidized, whereas the people who make profits are culminated and profits taxed away or they're

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hobbled in all sorts of ways, thus of course penalizing efficient service of the consumer

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demands, consumer needs, and subsidizing inefficient and crummy service of consumer needs.

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It doesn't make too much sense, except of course if you want to smash the system altogether.

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Okay, so this is the function of the so-called short-run profit.

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As a marvelous illustration of the function of the entrepreneur and what the entrepreneur

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does in one of the great Somerset and More movies that appeared about 25, 30 years ago,

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I forget whether it was Trio or Quartet, one of these short subject things.

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And one of them was Morem's great short story called The Verger, and it's a charming story

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I want to tell you about this fairly elderly fellow who was a verger, in other words, a deacon, no, a sexton, I guess, at the St. Paul's Church, a small church in London.

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A new pastor comes in and wants to make the place efficient and rev it up. He finds with horror the sweet old verger performing his duties with great diligence, etc.

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He finds out this guy can't read. He says, this is a terrible thing. You're illiterate.

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What a shame this is for the community to have a verger of this great church that can't read.

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So he tries to force him to learn how to read and write, and the guy says, yes sir, I'll try to learn, but he can't do it, he can't read or write. Sorry sir, I'm too old.

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And so the pastor kicks him out, gives him a terminal leave, and he's walking the streets, very disconsolate, and here he is in fire, and he's 55 years old, whatever he was.

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He's walking the streets, he feels the need for a cigarette, he's pacing, he's walking down the streets of the neighborhood, looking for a tobacco in his shop, can't find one.

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He tells me you should go to open up a bank account, let them invest for you, etc.

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So he goes to this bank, he plops all his money on the desk, there's almost no money on the desk.

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And he says, I'd like to open a bank account, etc.

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He says, yes, yes, sir, of course.

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And the bank manager gives him the forms to fill out.

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And he says, well, just sign your name on this form.

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He says, sorry, I'm going to make an X.

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Why are you making an X? Because I can't read or write.

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The bank manager looks at him, astonished me, he says,

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My God, man, where would you be today if you only knew how to read or write?

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If I know where I'd be, I'd be the verger at St. Paul.

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This not only shows the entrepreneurship filling the gap of the market,

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it also shows that reading and writing, or a Ph.D., or whatever,

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is not necessarily a royal road to successful entrepreneurship.

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There are indeed lots of illiterate millionaires still roaming around who do very well, Lebanese

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importers and that sort of thing, who do very well even though they can't be here right.

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Again this indicates that successful entrepreneurship is an art rather than some kind of an educative

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science which you can go to school and learn.

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Okay, so I think we can see the profit and loss element in profits, that the short run

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Long-run profits and short-run losses see the social function that they perform.

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What about long-run profits?

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Now long-run profits, they were the things that were focused on in the 19th century.

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Long-run profit, for reasons which we will come to, can also be called a rate of interest.

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Capital earning a rate of interest in the long run.

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Why is there such?

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First of all, would there be long-run profits?

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Some economists have denied this.

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Some economists claim that in the evenly rotating economy, in this long-run equilibrium situation,

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Profits and losses would both be zero. Obviously losses would be zero because nobody is going

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to invest. They knew they were going to make losses. That's pretty clear. So if you had

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a world of certainty and you had this equilibrium situation, nobody would make losses. But the

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contention of many economists is profits would be zero also. I deny this and also I think

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many other economists do too. There's another thing to be explained here. Can't just use

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a nice explanation of entrepreneurship and short-run profits and losses and uncertainty.

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has also other stratum of 6%, 8%, 4%, whatever the percentage happens to be, which will tend

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to exist even in a world of certainty, even when there is no list to take, even when you

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know what the demands and costs will be forever and the technology forever and ever.

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Now the reason, of course, we're interested in this long-run equilibrium model, although

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most microeconomics is only interested in that, the reason why I am interested in other

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so-called Austrian economists who are interested in this equilibrium model is as a method of

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separating long-run and short-run and trying to figure out the explanations of both of

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them and also to see where the economy is tending because even if things are not frozen,

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of course they are not, we can say that while the economy is always tending in the direction

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of this equilibrium, even though it will never reach it, and it's not a great thing if it

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could reach it, it would be pretty miserable, that it will never reach it, it's a way of

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explaining direction and tendencies in the system.

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I like to think of the analogy I like to use as a dog chasing a mechanical rabbit, an economy

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The economy is a dog, long-run equilibrium, a uniform rate of profit throughout the system

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is a mechanical rabbit, and the mechanical rabbit is always changing direction in a sort

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of unpredictable manner, and the economy tries to, the dog tries to follow it.

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It sort of, it leads you to be able to explain the tendencies in which the economy is going,

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but it will never reach because the angel Gabriel has not come down to freeze values,

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resources, and technology.

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If the angel Gabriel did come down and freeze it, then we would after a couple of years

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wind up in this kind of evenly rotating and long-run equilibrium system.

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Okay, so among one of the components then, we talked about short-run profits and short-run losses, forecasting and uncertainty.

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What about this other vector, this other long-run profit? Where does that come from? What's the explanation for it, etc.?

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It's that profit, the long-run profit, for example, that Karl Marx was attacking as surplus value is illegitimate,

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is extracted from workers' wages and so forth.

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To be more specific, in the long run, labor earns wages, and wages are determined by the marginal productivity,

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the marginal revenue products we've seen of workers.

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Land earns rent, which is also determined by the marginal revenue products.

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We can see how that happens.

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What about capital? Where does profits come in?

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Or where does the long run profit or interest come in?

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We'll see a little later why it's called interest.

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The easy answer for this, and the answer to the so-called productivity theory, probably invented by a nationalist senior, the great English 19th century classical economist, which is still in the textbooks, by the way,

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the easy answer goes as follows, and it comes from this triad, which is really a legitimate triad, of land, labor, and capital.

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Three kinds of factors of production, labor earns wages in accordance with the marginal productivity, land earns rent in accordance with marginal productivity, and capital, in quotes,

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machines, equipment, buildings, all these man-made factors of production, earn profits,

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earn rate of interest, because of its productivity.

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And usually this sort of productivity explanation is, well, after all, since capital machines

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are very productive, they're very important in production, therefore, machines have to

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earn something too, so therefore, that machines get this rate of profit.

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And you'll see, for example, in most textbooks, this sort of diagram, the economists will

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We'll start with the marginal product productivity theory, wind up with this sort of thing, usually

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in the labor market.

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Say, okay, in the y-axis there's wage rates, in the x-axis there's purchase of labor, purchase

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of the factor, hiring.

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And the demand for, and there's a supply curve and demand curve, the demand curve for labor

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is equal to the marginal revenue product, marginal productivity.

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Then the next chapter or the next diagram, the author says, okay, in the same way capital

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Capital earns interest. Instead of having wage rates on the y-axis, you have interest

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suddenly pops up and then you have capital hired or purchased and then you have a demand

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curve for capital or a demand curve for machines or whatever, which is supposedly equal to

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the marginal revenue product, which then determines the interest rate. There's lots of problems

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with this. The first place is a tremendous equivocation of the word capital. There's

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two different uses of the word capital. As capital as a fund is available for investment

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Capital Goods, Machines, Tools, Buildings, Trucks, etc., etc.

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The problem with this is, it looks pretty easy.

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The economist then wraps the whole thing up, and that explains profit, and you go on to something else.

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The problem here is that interest has nothing to do with wage rates.

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It's not analogous at all.

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The analogous thing for capital is the price of the machine, or the price of a building, or whatever.

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So where does interest come in?

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In other words, the genius also earns its marginal revenue product, gives it a price.

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If the marginal revenue product of a machine is, let's say, $10,000 a year, let's assume

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for a while, for various, to simplify matters, that nobody buys a machine, I'll get back

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to buying machines later, let's assume everybody rents a machine, there's machine producers,

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there are capitalists who produce, and then other people who rent the machine out, assume

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they're all rented, and then the marginal revenue product of the machine, let's say,

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is $10,000 a year, the question then is, why is it not that the capitalist who rents the

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Why doesn't he have to pay $10,000 for it?

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In other words, this should be $10,000 here on the intersection point.

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We should wind up with the price of the machine being $10,000.

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In fact, it isn't.

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The point is, in fact, that it's lower than $10,000.

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The price of the machine is, let's say, $9,000,

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which means that the guy who rents the machine,

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the capitalist who rents the machine from the producer,

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earns a 10%, let's say, interest rate.

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It's usually less than that.

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Let's say it's 10%.

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That's it. Simple.

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Something like 10%.

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The question then to be discovered, you see, in other words, the modular productivity theory doesn't explain interest, the existence of interest or long-run profits at all.

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What it explains is the existence of a price for a machine that you have to pay a certain amount.

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So where does interest come in? The answer is it doesn't come in yet.

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So the productivity theory is not an explanation at all of the interest rate.

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So then the thing to be explained is why is there, why is it not the price bid up to 10,000?

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In the same way, wages and land rents are also discounted in a very similar way, so

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that we wind up with wages and land rents all discounted by an interest rate, by let's

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say 10%.

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That could be 6%, and all the time what the interest rate happens to be.

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So then the question is, how come permeating the system, we have an interest return for

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for Capitalists.

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Totally apart from forecasting, from risk taking and all the rest of it, why is it wages

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and land rents and capital and machinery are not bid up to their full margin of revenue

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product?

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Put it another way, Karl Marx pointed out that the laborer had to pay a surplus, had

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to pay a profit rate to capitalists.

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One of the answers to this is, well yes that's true, on the other hand also land has to pay

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a profit rate and machines have to pay it.

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you wind up with this discount going all the way across the board

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then the question is why are they willing to pay it?

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because they obviously are, why is it that the market winds up

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and the free market winds up with this sort of payment being made

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this call of exploitation doesn't really answer the question obviously

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and also we find out that this productivity theory doesn't answer it either

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what we had is that the answers to the

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Marxian or the other taxon profit

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were not satisfactory throughout the nineteenth century

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the answer finally came

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was one of the greatest economists in the history of economic thought.

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Eugen von Boehm-Bawerk has a great work, Capital and Interest, which came in as a combination

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of the older Austrian school and the middle 1880s.

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But only Boehm-Bawerk really sort of copper riveted the explanation.

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It came up with the answer to this whole puzzling question of where long-run profits come from,

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or interest rates come from.

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One way of introducing this Boehm-Bawerkian solution is that you rent out a machine and

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When you produce it over a year and you earn the 10% or 6% or whatever, the key thing wrapped

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up in this whole thing is time.

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In other words, time is a key element in the earning of interest.

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Or, to put it another way, part of the Marxian critique, he said, well, it's true that capital

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goods are productive, they're very important.

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However, capital goods are themselves produced, they don't drop from the sky, they're themselves

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produced by land, labor, and capital.

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If you push the whole thing back, logically capital drops out and you're left with only

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labor and land.

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And what Marx said is that therefore labor should get the entire income, the entire product.

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Of course, if you add, since he ignored land, which you have to do first of all is add land

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into the picture and say labor and land should get the whole product.

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And then you have to say, well after all product takes a long time, so the time in some way

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enters then.

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You wind up instead of saying, as Marx does, the capital goods are frozen labor or embodiments,

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frozen embodiments of labor, which should modify that and say first place, okay, first

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place we have to include in labor management, entrepreneurship, decision making, entrepreneurship

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in the short run uncertainty. So in other words, the president of General Motors would

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also be a laborer. And second of all, aside from that, it's also frozen land and it's

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also frozen time. And then we'll see that the key to the long run rate of profit is

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precisely this whole time consideration, our so-called time preference. Before I get into

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more into that, I want to put on the board a great diagram which has dropped out of current

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The so-called structure of production concept, which von Boehm-Bawerk and the Austrian School introduced to the world.

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Orthodox economics today, capitalism is treated as one big blob, a homogeneous lump.

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And so there's all sorts of measurements, supposed measurements of capital output ratios and so forth and so on,

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and there's a statement that all you need to increase production is more capital,

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which leads to things, for example, like the government investing in underdeveloped countries, say government investing in a steel mill,

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We start with consumption on the lowest level.

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Consumers, let's say, spend $100 billion during the year on retail stores.

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So you have $100 billion going from the consumer to the first stage of production, which is

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the retail industry.

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Designate this by a bar, $100 billion is the length of the bottom.

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So money is going up this bar, in other words, money is going from the consumers to the retailers

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and goods of all sorts are going down from the retailers to the consumer, that's the

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first bar.

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Okay, the retailers now have a hundred billion in their pockets and what are they going to

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do with it?

375
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Well, most of it of course goes to the wholesalers to buy the inventory and so forth, but a certain

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amount gets siphoned off to the people in the retail industry, let's say ten billion,

377
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So 10 billion goes off to function as income. In other words, to wages, land rent, interest and profits.

378
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So we have 100 then going to the retail industry, 10 billion gets siphoned off, and the other 90 billion goes to the wholesalers.

379
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Now we have another bar, the wholesale bar, which is however shorter, because 10 billion dollars have already been siphoned off.

380
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The same thing that happens to the wholesaler. Here's a retailer, wholesaler. A wholesaler

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is swiping off another $10 billion, let's say, and $80 billion goes to the jobbers to

382
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get their inventory. And once again, you have $10 billion going to wages, land rent, interest

383
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and profits in the wholesale industries. And then we go to the jobbers. The $80 billion

384
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goes to, let's say, $90 billion and $80 billion. And we keep on going. We've got the manufacturing

385
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and then the mining and the forming. And as we keep on going, in each stage of production,

386
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Money gets hived off until finally, logically, you wind up with all the money going to personal

387
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income.

388
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This is the structure of production.

389
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This is the latter kind of effect.

390
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A lot of things happen here.

391
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First place, a hundred billion gets hived off.

392
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They have a hundred billion in personal income.

393
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Then the consumers, the wager earners, the land owners, the capitalists, etc., take the

394
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hundred billion and they might even invest it.

395
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So let's say for a minute that they just spend it again, then they have the so-called circular

396
00:31:18.040 --> 00:31:22.800
flow then, and the dollars get turned over as they go on up a ladder.

397
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We have the structure of production, as the capitalist system advances, as more and more

398
00:31:27.600 --> 00:31:33.200
capital gets invested, more and more the structure becomes higher and higher.

399
00:31:33.200 --> 00:31:36.600
And here we have this enormous structure of capital which keeps increasing, and we'll

400
00:31:36.600 --> 00:31:41.120
see when we get to the business cycle theory how this can be used very readily to explain

401
00:31:41.120 --> 00:31:49.200
The point is, all this money gets hived off in income, and this of course endorses the

402
00:31:49.200 --> 00:31:54.000
Marxian point to the extent, yes it's true, each stage of the way is produced by other

403
00:31:54.000 --> 00:31:59.680
stages and you wind up with all the income, all the 100 billion, gets exhausted by each

404
00:31:59.680 --> 00:32:06.080
step of the way, so there's no net profit accruing to capital machine producers, per

405
00:32:06.080 --> 00:32:15.080
The Interest and Profits can't be explained by the, it's still unexplainable in this diagram.

406
00:32:15.080 --> 00:32:20.080
Again, you can't explain the interest and profits by the purely productivity kind of explanation.

407
00:32:20.080 --> 00:32:22.080
So what is the explanation?

408
00:32:22.080 --> 00:32:24.080
Well, as I said, it's time explanation.

409
00:32:24.080 --> 00:32:26.080
Each stage of the game takes time.

410
00:32:26.080 --> 00:32:28.080
How does time enter in the picture?

411
00:32:28.080 --> 00:32:30.080
Well, it goes like this.

412
00:32:30.080 --> 00:32:36.280
The function of the capitalist, again, this is not talking about the manager or the entrepreneur,

413
00:32:36.280 --> 00:32:40.160
it's talking about the pure capital function, the pure supplying of capital.

414
00:32:40.160 --> 00:32:44.720
The function of the capitalist is this, he saves up money from previous profits or previous

415
00:32:44.720 --> 00:32:50.200
income or whatever, the capitalist pays out money and pays money out to existing producers,

416
00:32:50.200 --> 00:32:54.840
to existing workers and landowners while they're producing.

417
00:32:54.840 --> 00:32:59.480
In other words, let's assume for a minute there are no capitalists, and it's certainly

418
00:32:59.480 --> 00:33:04.360
Logically, there's no reason on the free market why you can't have a world of producers' co-ops,

419
00:33:04.360 --> 00:33:08.840
of workers' and landowners' co-ops, or pure workers' co-ops, or whatever,

420
00:33:08.840 --> 00:33:12.120
which have no capital function at all. There's no capitalists.

421
00:33:12.120 --> 00:33:15.800
Everybody gets together and decides they're going to produce an automobile or whatever.

422
00:33:15.800 --> 00:33:19.080
Supposing they do, why has this not flourished on the free market?

423
00:33:19.080 --> 00:33:24.600
Because certainly on the free market, there are no laws repressing this kind of producers' co-op.

424
00:33:24.600 --> 00:33:28.080
Well, producers' coffers have always been abysmal failures. They never have succeeded

425
00:33:28.080 --> 00:33:35.440
worth a dime. The major reason is very simple. The workers say they're out to build tungsten

426
00:33:35.440 --> 00:33:39.000
or they're out to build oil and be able to produce oil and be able to do whatever. It'll

427
00:33:39.000 --> 00:33:42.000
take them quite a while to do it. In other words, the workers all get together and they

428
00:33:42.000 --> 00:33:45.640
work on this thing. They get the landowners, et cetera, and they get the raw material.

429
00:33:45.640 --> 00:33:48.840
Let's say, take them, let's say, three years, five years or whatever, producing oil and

430
00:33:48.840 --> 00:33:53.200
be able. Five years, they ain't getting paid. They're hoping that they'll be able to sell

431
00:33:53.200 --> 00:33:55.040
Hello Automobile is going to get on the market.

432
00:33:55.040 --> 00:33:58.840
Now, aside from the risk function, which we'll get to, we'll get back to in a minute, everybody

433
00:33:58.840 --> 00:34:00.640
understands the risk function, I think, pretty well.

434
00:34:00.640 --> 00:34:06.240
There's a pure time problem here, it's our waiting, in other words, the sheer problem

435
00:34:06.240 --> 00:34:09.760
of having to wait five years without getting paid, until the money comes rolling in.

436
00:34:09.760 --> 00:34:15.320
So, while I'm concerned, I would not be able to last more than a couple of weeks without

437
00:34:15.320 --> 00:34:16.320
payment.

438
00:34:16.320 --> 00:34:19.400
And I think for most people, this is true also.

439
00:34:19.400 --> 00:34:24.120
The function that the capitalist performs here, the very, very vital function for the producers,

440
00:34:24.120 --> 00:34:28.960
the workers and landowners, is to give them money now, while they're working, every week

441
00:34:28.960 --> 00:34:33.200
or every month, so they don't have to wait five years until the automobile is produced.

442
00:34:33.200 --> 00:34:34.200
Who waits?

443
00:34:34.200 --> 00:34:35.200
The capitalist waits.

444
00:34:35.200 --> 00:34:39.320
In other words, the capitalist takes on the waiting function, and then at the end of the

445
00:34:39.320 --> 00:34:42.680
six months or the five years, whatever the period of production happens to be for that

446
00:34:42.680 --> 00:34:48.680
particular product, the capitalist sells the car and gets the revenue, and what does he

447
00:34:48.680 --> 00:34:54.680
How was he rewarded for this? He was rewarded by the interest rate. He was rewarded by the rate of time preference.

448
00:34:54.680 --> 00:35:00.680
So he is performing an extremely important and vital function, a function which everybody should love.

449
00:35:00.680 --> 00:35:07.680
They really thought about it. It enables them to get money now instead of having to wait for five years until the money pours in.

450
00:35:07.680 --> 00:35:10.680
For this service they pay the capital as a discount.

451
00:35:10.680 --> 00:35:14.680
You have to modify, and this again you'll not find in the textbooks unfortunately,

452
00:35:14.680 --> 00:35:20.120
You have to modify the marginal productivity theory to say labor and land and all the other

453
00:35:20.120 --> 00:35:25.480
products, yet not their marginal revenue product, but their marginal revenue product discounted

454
00:35:25.480 --> 00:35:26.480
by the rate of interest.

455
00:35:26.480 --> 00:35:33.360
So the rate of interest, or the rate of long-run profit, is a willing exchange, since we realize

456
00:35:33.360 --> 00:35:37.520
in contrast to the Marxist and the free market, exchanges are voluntary, so we have to be

457
00:35:37.520 --> 00:35:41.840
some sort of function that this capitalist profit is reaping for this discount they're

458
00:35:41.840 --> 00:35:47.400
Capitalists are getting, the function is precisely handing out money now instead of the producers

459
00:35:47.400 --> 00:35:48.400
having to wait for it.

460
00:35:48.400 --> 00:35:54.160
To put it another way, this is a time preference change, or a time market, very, very similar

461
00:35:54.160 --> 00:35:58.800
as a matter of fact, economically, analytically identical to the credit debt change.

462
00:35:58.800 --> 00:36:04.160
What's happening when a capitalist hires workers, for example, the capitalist has saved up money

463
00:36:04.160 --> 00:36:08.680
previously, the capitalist is paying out money now, he's paying out a present good.

464
00:36:08.680 --> 00:36:13.140
In other words, money is a present good, money is something which can be used at any time

465
00:36:13.140 --> 00:36:16.000
in the present, any time a person wants to, you can spend it.

466
00:36:16.000 --> 00:36:23.220
So this is the so-called present good, workers and landowners, etc., producers in general,

467
00:36:23.220 --> 00:36:28.480
are getting the money now and in exchange for this, the capitalist is receiving future

468
00:36:28.480 --> 00:36:29.480
good.

469
00:36:29.480 --> 00:36:34.680
In other words, he's expecting, he's receiving a future income from the car or whatever.

470
00:36:34.680 --> 00:36:40.800
In other words, he is changing a present good for a future good, and here we get to the

471
00:36:40.800 --> 00:36:43.200
primordial universal fact of time preference.

472
00:36:43.200 --> 00:36:47.500
Again, Boehm-Bawerk was the first one to really govern and analyze.

473
00:36:47.500 --> 00:36:52.320
Time preference meaning, if you remember the old motto that a bird in the hand is worth

474
00:36:52.320 --> 00:36:56.000
two in the bush, where the time preference motto says a bird in the hand is worth more

475
00:36:56.000 --> 00:36:57.360
than one bird in the bush.

476
00:36:57.360 --> 00:36:59.080
Forget about two in the bush.

477
00:36:59.080 --> 00:37:03.880
The point is that a present good is worth more than the expectation of a future good.

478
00:37:03.880 --> 00:37:07.880
Now, different people and different groups and different societies have different rates of time preference.

479
00:37:07.880 --> 00:37:10.880
Some people have very high time preference.

480
00:37:10.880 --> 00:37:15.880
For example, myself, just before the next paycheck arrives, I have a very high rate of time preference.

481
00:37:15.880 --> 00:37:24.880
I've been willing to borrow at high rates for the three days or whatever it is as my money runs out, as my bad management takes over.

482
00:37:24.880 --> 00:37:25.880
That's a high rate of time preference.

483
00:37:25.880 --> 00:37:31.880
And then there are low rates of time preference with people who have great foresight and plan ahead for the future and so forth and so on.

484
00:37:31.880 --> 00:37:35.520
So there are all sorts of different rates of time preference, just as with other marginal

485
00:37:35.520 --> 00:37:39.400
utilities, there are all sorts of value scales in society, there are all sorts of value scales

486
00:37:39.400 --> 00:37:43.080
for hula hoops and for doughnuts and whatever.

487
00:37:43.080 --> 00:37:48.000
In a similar way, there are all sorts of value scales and relative marginal utilities for

488
00:37:48.000 --> 00:37:49.000
time.

489
00:37:49.000 --> 00:37:54.240
These time preferences get all intermixed in the time market, which spreads throughout

490
00:37:54.240 --> 00:37:59.000
the whole system, which results in one single or tendency toward one single rate of time

491
00:37:59.000 --> 00:38:03.640
time preference, which is a resultant of all these individual time preferences, just as

492
00:38:03.640 --> 00:38:07.800
the price of hula hoops on the market is a resultant of all of the marginal utility value

493
00:38:07.800 --> 00:38:10.160
scales for hula hoops.

494
00:38:10.160 --> 00:38:14.160
So if everybody has a low rate of time preference, you'll have a low rate of interest, a low

495
00:38:14.160 --> 00:38:15.160
rate of discount.

496
00:38:15.160 --> 00:38:18.120
If everybody has a very high rate of time preference, you'll have a very high rate of

497
00:38:18.120 --> 00:38:19.120
discount.

498
00:38:19.120 --> 00:38:23.000
This is analytically the same thing as a credit transaction.

499
00:38:23.000 --> 00:38:29.280
In a credit transaction, if I borrow $100 from my friendly local porn broker or whatever,

500
00:38:29.280 --> 00:38:38.280
the creditor pays out present money, let's say $100 as a present good, to the debtor.

501
00:38:38.280 --> 00:38:45.560
He's getting from the debtor, say from me, an IOU, a claim on some future good, money

502
00:38:45.560 --> 00:38:50.440
in the future, say a year from now, and instead of paying $100 back, I'm going to pay more

503
00:38:50.440 --> 00:38:55.000
More than that, I'm paying, let's say, $108, 8% rate of interest.

504
00:38:55.000 --> 00:38:58.280
Why am I willing to pay the 108 and why is he charging the 8% and why am I willing to

505
00:38:58.280 --> 00:38:59.280
pay it?

506
00:38:59.280 --> 00:39:04.320
For the same reason, because both of us, and the society in general, faces this premium

507
00:39:04.320 --> 00:39:05.320
on time.

508
00:39:05.320 --> 00:39:09.680
So that in this situation, it's worth more to me to borrow now, it's worth more than

509
00:39:09.680 --> 00:39:11.800
the 8%, so I will borrow.

510
00:39:11.800 --> 00:39:15.680
He has lower time preference than I've got, in other words, within this 8% framework,

511
00:39:15.680 --> 00:39:17.880
so he lends money to me.

512
00:39:17.880 --> 00:39:24.880
The point then is, for both of us, and society in general, values present goods more than

513
00:39:24.880 --> 00:39:31.120
future goods, values $100 now much more than the present value of $100 a year from now,

514
00:39:31.120 --> 00:39:34.920
and therefore the rate will be set accordingly in the market.

515
00:39:34.920 --> 00:39:39.560
Now sometimes the rate will be lower, if everybody's thriftier or more foresighted, the rate might

516
00:39:39.560 --> 00:39:45.160
shift to 4%, full or 4% or whatever, other times it might rise to 20%, but whatever the

517
00:39:45.160 --> 00:39:51.720
The rate is determined by the social time preferences of all the individuals in society.

518
00:39:51.720 --> 00:39:57.540
One example of what Ludwig von Mises used to give is that the year 1000 approached.

519
00:39:57.540 --> 00:40:01.880
Most Christians, the interpretation of the Bible was that the year 1000 Jesus would return

520
00:40:01.880 --> 00:40:04.400
to earth and the whole world would come to an end and we would have the kingdom of heaven

521
00:40:04.400 --> 00:40:05.400
on earth.

522
00:40:05.400 --> 00:40:06.400
This is a millennialist view.

523
00:40:06.400 --> 00:40:12.480
And so as you get to 998 AD, 999 AD, when most people expected the world would come

524
00:40:12.480 --> 00:40:17.040
In the end of the year 1000, nobody is very anxious to lend money for a three year period

525
00:40:17.040 --> 00:40:23.160
after that, to be returned in 1000 CAD, because it won't be of much use. As a result, the

526
00:40:23.160 --> 00:40:26.360
interest rates began to go up. People really expect the world to come to an end, interest

527
00:40:26.360 --> 00:40:31.400
rates would start going up to infinity, they really expected that. So as you get very close

528
00:40:31.400 --> 00:40:35.920
to the point of day of Armageddon, the interest rates would zoom up to 10,000% a day or whatever

529
00:40:35.920 --> 00:40:39.000
it would be. This would be a time preference rate.

530
00:40:39.000 --> 00:40:43.240
The function of the capitalist is very similar to the function of the creditor. The capitalist

531
00:40:43.240 --> 00:40:47.600
is supplying present goods, the creditor is supplying present goods. Instead of receiving

532
00:40:47.600 --> 00:40:52.680
a fixed debt in return, he's getting another kind of future good. He's getting the car

533
00:40:52.680 --> 00:40:56.320
when it's going to come off the assembly line and he'll be able to sell it. He's getting

534
00:40:56.320 --> 00:41:02.520
the ownership of the car when it eventually emerges. In both cases, the economic function

535
00:41:02.520 --> 00:41:07.320
is the same. What the capitalist is doing then, in the real world, he's performing two functions.

536
00:41:07.320 --> 00:41:11.200
One, he's performing the short-run function of, hopefully, successful entrepreneurship

537
00:41:11.200 --> 00:41:17.560
and forecasting, and forecasting changing future trends and meeting consumer demands

538
00:41:17.560 --> 00:41:21.880
in the future, forming his entrepreneurial uncertainty function, and two, he's performing

539
00:41:21.880 --> 00:41:27.660
his 8% function, he's performing his time function of supplying present goods and taking

540
00:41:27.660 --> 00:41:30.440
on the burden of waiting for the future.

541
00:41:30.440 --> 00:41:35.000
For this, as I say, the worker is happy to give him the 8%, at least they might think

542
00:41:35.000 --> 00:41:40.800
The point is in action they are happy to do it, otherwise they wouldn't be doing it.

543
00:41:40.800 --> 00:41:43.800
Otherwise they'd be forming workers' co-ops.

544
00:41:43.800 --> 00:41:49.040
So the two reasons we can say why workers' co-ops have failed, one, because most workers

545
00:41:49.040 --> 00:41:53.560
don't have the money to start in, to pay themselves out, they don't want to wait for five years

546
00:41:53.560 --> 00:41:57.120
before they get paid, and two, because they don't want to take on the risks of losing

547
00:41:57.120 --> 00:41:58.120
all their money.

548
00:41:58.120 --> 00:42:03.160
They want to take on the uncertainty risks, both of which the capitalist assumes, both

549
00:42:03.160 --> 00:42:09.960
the uncertainty bearing and the weighting burden. So that we have a selective sort of process

550
00:42:09.960 --> 00:42:14.680
where the capitalist entrepreneurs tend to be those who are most able to do both of these

551
00:42:14.680 --> 00:42:23.200
things, weight and forecast the future. So now we see a vision, so to speak, of the economic

552
00:42:23.200 --> 00:42:29.200
system, looming up, where the consumer goods prices are determined by values of consumers,

553
00:42:29.200 --> 00:42:32.360
In other words, it's too much value scale by the marginal utility and the law of diminishing

554
00:42:32.360 --> 00:42:33.360
marginal utility.

555
00:42:33.360 --> 00:42:39.880
Producers' goods prices, in other words, wages, land rents, machines, etc., are determined

556
00:42:39.880 --> 00:42:45.360
by marginal revenue product, the marginal productivity, set by the marginal productivity,

557
00:42:45.360 --> 00:42:50.160
and going through this whole system, discounting all the marginal productivity, whenever there's

558
00:42:50.160 --> 00:42:55.080
time involved, there's a rate of interest or a rate of time preference, where the capitalist

559
00:42:55.080 --> 00:42:56.080
earns the discount.

560
00:42:56.080 --> 00:43:01.880
So, as I say, von Boehm-Bawerk was the one who cleared up this problem. There's another

561
00:43:01.880 --> 00:43:07.040
similar problem, an addition to the Marxian problem, which Hornswoggle eventually laid

562
00:43:07.040 --> 00:43:12.400
low Catholic scholastic philosophers. Catholic scholastic philosophers, not only in the Middle

563
00:43:12.400 --> 00:43:17.720
Ages, but also much later than that, in the late 16th, 17th century, were extremely brilliant

564
00:43:17.720 --> 00:43:22.360
social analysts and also economists. And they analyzed, first of all, one of the reasons

565
00:43:22.360 --> 00:43:24.960
This hasn't been discovered until about 20 years ago.

566
00:43:24.960 --> 00:43:27.760
They all wrote in Latin, and you know how many people read Latin now.

567
00:43:27.760 --> 00:43:31.760
Nobody reads them, and nobody read them for a long, long time.

568
00:43:31.760 --> 00:43:35.960
And it turns out that in Book 12, there's some theologica or something.

569
00:43:35.960 --> 00:43:39.160
Here's a very sophisticated analysis of the market.

570
00:43:39.160 --> 00:43:40.760
They understood much about the market.

571
00:43:40.760 --> 00:43:42.960
As a matter of fact, they almost discovered marginal utility.

572
00:43:42.960 --> 00:43:45.560
They didn't quite do it, but they almost came up to that point.

573
00:43:45.560 --> 00:43:49.960
But there was one thing that they completely flubbed on, which later discredited them,

574
00:43:49.960 --> 00:44:19.960
And that was, they couldn't understand, they couldn't understand about risks, they couldn't understand why people would be risk-bearing and get a profit, they couldn't understand about making money on a risky investment, they couldn't understand about all sorts of stuff about profits, they could never understand about time preference, they could never understand the legitimacy of charging interest rate on a pure consumer loan. So they call this usury. Their analysis was, well, taking from Aristotle, which they were very good Aristotelians, they said, well, Aristotle says that money is a dead thing.

575
00:44:19.960 --> 00:44:43.960
It's not moral. It's sinful to charge any interest whatsoever on a pure loan. And they call that usury. Now, we think of usury now as somebody charging 28% per day interest. But usury, the technical definition of usury is any interest whatsoever, because this is the philosophical problem the classics had.

576
00:44:43.960 --> 00:44:50.240
And so the church, taking off from this, condemned usury for almost until about the middle of

577
00:44:50.240 --> 00:44:51.240
the 19th century or so.

578
00:44:51.240 --> 00:44:55.280
Now there were many problems involved in this, it meant that if you say that all interest

579
00:44:55.280 --> 00:45:00.520
is illegal and immoral, everybody started evading it, even very good Catholics started evading

580
00:45:00.520 --> 00:45:01.520
it.

581
00:45:01.520 --> 00:45:05.880
So they started discovering that the scholastic philosophers themselves would ratify all sorts

582
00:45:05.880 --> 00:45:10.140
of devious ways of getting around this prohibition, they had all sorts of things like forward

583
00:45:10.140 --> 00:45:14.100
Market and Foreign Exchange, those of exchange, maneuver it in such a way that you'd be charging

584
00:45:14.100 --> 00:45:19.220
interest but not saying it, pretending it's only a foreign exchange market.

585
00:45:19.220 --> 00:45:24.460
And also the very sophisticated devices, the church itself and its loan money charged interest,

586
00:45:24.460 --> 00:45:26.140
was therefore engaged in the sin of usury.

587
00:45:26.140 --> 00:45:31.140
So this whole usury thing, the spread of at least the economic analysis of the scholastics,

588
00:45:31.140 --> 00:45:35.140
was partly responsible for the decay of scholastic philosophy in general.

589
00:45:35.140 --> 00:45:38.340
The problem was they never discovered time preference, so they didn't have Boehm-Bawerk

590
00:45:38.340 --> 00:45:46.860
The problem in other words being that, yes you are performing a function by lending out

591
00:45:46.860 --> 00:45:51.820
money, you're giving somebody money now in return for future money, in other words you're

592
00:45:51.820 --> 00:45:55.340
giving them a present good, you're satisfying their time preference, their desire to have

593
00:45:55.340 --> 00:45:59.900
money now instead of the future, this is just as important as any other service, therefore

594
00:45:59.900 --> 00:46:01.900
nothing will charge interest on it.

595
00:46:01.900 --> 00:46:04.980
However, as I say, they hadn't, they didn't ever discover that.

596
00:46:04.980 --> 00:46:12.080
The other thing I should say here about wages and land rent, the theory of rent, which again

597
00:46:12.080 --> 00:46:16.820
was discovered by Frank Fetter as one of my favorite economists, Austrian School economist

598
00:46:16.820 --> 00:46:23.900
of Princeton Cornell in the 20th century, who built on Boehm-Bawerk time preference,

599
00:46:23.900 --> 00:46:29.180
purified the time preference theory of Boehm-Bawerk, kicked out the productivity stuff I've been

600
00:46:29.180 --> 00:46:30.940
talking about.

601
00:46:30.940 --> 00:46:34.180
More clearly than Boehm-Bawerk did, because Boehm-Bawerk kind of fudged a little bit till

602
00:46:34.180 --> 00:46:35.180
the end.

603
00:46:35.180 --> 00:46:41.580
Also, a very interesting theory of rent, saying that after all, rent is not just land rent.

604
00:46:41.580 --> 00:46:43.700
What really is, is very similar to renting out.

605
00:46:43.700 --> 00:46:48.020
In other words, it's a common sense view of renting a tuxedo or renting a house instead

606
00:46:48.020 --> 00:46:49.020
of buying it.

607
00:46:49.020 --> 00:46:51.100
So we have two different things here.

608
00:46:51.100 --> 00:46:56.460
Rent then becomes a charge for a service per unit time, rent per hour, rent per month,

609
00:46:56.460 --> 00:46:58.580
rent per year, etc.

610
00:46:58.580 --> 00:47:02.660
In English Classical Economics, in the old days in England, very few people, aristocratic

611
00:47:02.660 --> 00:47:06.580
families didn't sell land, they only rented it out, so you think of land only in terms

612
00:47:06.580 --> 00:47:12.660
of rent. What really happens is that every good and service, every labor and wages, land

613
00:47:12.660 --> 00:47:18.380
and rent, machines and so forth and so on, every productive factor earns a product, productivity

614
00:47:18.380 --> 00:47:23.780
per unit time, and this is there, it's rent. In other words, if a machine is worth $10,000

615
00:47:23.780 --> 00:47:27.020
a year, it's going to get $10,000 a year in rent, minus the rate of interest. This is

616
00:47:27.020 --> 00:47:36.660
and so rents then permeate the economy, not just for land but for everything.

617
00:47:36.660 --> 00:47:38.900
We can then look on wages as also a rent.

618
00:47:38.900 --> 00:47:45.220
A laborer sells his services per unit time, he doesn't sell his body, except under slavery.

619
00:47:45.220 --> 00:47:51.180
Absenting slavery, then, you can only rent yourself out, you can't sell yourself.

620
00:47:51.180 --> 00:47:53.260
And so wages are also a rent.

621
00:47:53.260 --> 00:47:56.340
You don't have only really two forms, in a world of certainty, there are only two forms

622
00:47:56.340 --> 00:47:59.900
In the world of income is rent and interest. In other words, every productive factor earns

623
00:47:59.900 --> 00:48:06.060
a rent, whether it's labor or land or capital goods. And then finally, the capitalist earns

624
00:48:06.060 --> 00:48:10.060
a discount, which is the rate of time preference and rate of interest. And then, of course,

625
00:48:10.060 --> 00:48:14.220
in the world of uncertainty, we have profits and losses, short-run profits and short-run

626
00:48:14.220 --> 00:48:21.300
losses. So that rent then becomes a universal kind of productive income in which everybody

627
00:48:21.300 --> 00:48:24.860
in a sense earns. And we can see this. One of the problems is that economists haven't

628
00:48:24.860 --> 00:48:30.860
I'm going to analyze the economics of slavery. Slavery is a fascinating institution from an economic point of view.

629
00:48:30.860 --> 00:48:33.860
How could I want to restore it for that reason?

630
00:48:33.860 --> 00:48:39.860
Because under slavery, for example, in the South, sometimes slaves were sold and sometimes they were rented out.

631
00:48:39.860 --> 00:48:44.860
So, in other words, the slave then became a slave master, treated the slave as any other capital,

632
00:48:44.860 --> 00:48:50.860
and so the slave was often rented out to other capitalists seasonally or whatever.

633
00:48:50.860 --> 00:48:56.660
Okay, so we've explained consumer goods prices, we've explained profits, wages, rents, marginal

634
00:48:56.660 --> 00:49:00.900
productivity, interest, time preference, etc., and even short-run profits.

635
00:49:00.900 --> 00:49:04.140
There's one thing left to go, really, in this explanation.

636
00:49:04.140 --> 00:49:07.580
We've explained the rental price of labor, or the rental price of the land, or the rental

637
00:49:07.580 --> 00:49:09.420
price of the machine, but not the price of the whole good.

638
00:49:09.420 --> 00:49:10.420
Where does that come from?

639
00:49:10.420 --> 00:49:11.420
Presumably it's some sort of relationship.

640
00:49:11.420 --> 00:49:18.780
If a slave could be rented out, say, for $1,000 a year, the sale price of the slave must have

641
00:49:48.780 --> 00:49:59.780
The capital value applies not just to that, it applies to everything. It applies to land, it applies to people under slavery, it applies to anything which can be owned.

642
00:49:59.780 --> 00:50:03.780
What's the capital value of a house or a machine or whatever?

643
00:50:03.780 --> 00:50:12.780
Well, the first approximation is it will be the sum of expected future returns, or in our terminology, expected future rent.

644
00:50:12.780 --> 00:50:19.780
Let's say you have a machine which you think you can rent out for $10,000 a year, and it's a 10 year life.

645
00:50:19.780 --> 00:50:28.780
So in that case, you expect a return now of $10,000 over 10 years, and a total return of $100,000.

646
00:50:28.780 --> 00:50:33.780
So therefore you might think the capital value, if you're going to sell the machine,

647
00:50:33.780 --> 00:50:38.780
you'll be able to get on the market $100,000 because that's how much the guy will get in return.

648
00:50:38.780 --> 00:50:41.780
That's the first approximation. However, of course, it's wrong.

649
00:50:41.780 --> 00:50:45.740
The reason why it's wrong is because you have to discount the expected future returns by

650
00:50:45.740 --> 00:50:46.740
what?

651
00:50:46.740 --> 00:50:47.740
By the rate of interest.

652
00:50:47.740 --> 00:50:49.620
So you have the discounted sum.

653
00:50:49.620 --> 00:50:50.620
You have this machine.

654
00:50:50.620 --> 00:50:51.620
You're thinking about buying this machine.

655
00:50:51.620 --> 00:50:53.780
You know that after 10 years it will give you $100,000.

656
00:50:53.780 --> 00:50:55.780
Let's say you know that.

657
00:50:55.780 --> 00:51:01.980
Your value that you place on the 10th year of $10,000 is a lot less than on today's $10,000.

658
00:51:01.980 --> 00:51:05.900
And the discount that you'll charge, that you'll consider or estimate it at, is the

659
00:51:05.900 --> 00:51:09.300
rate of interest, the going time preference rate and going rate of interest.

660
00:51:09.300 --> 00:51:17.300
Let's say it's 10% to make it simple. In that case, let's say you're getting the money in now, just to make it for the first year,

661
00:51:17.300 --> 00:51:24.300
your total sum that will be charged on the market, the market equilibrium price of the machine as a total sale value,

662
00:51:24.300 --> 00:51:30.300
will be $10,000 plus, not $10,000, but $10,000 discounted by, say, 10%, say $9,000,

663
00:51:30.300 --> 00:51:38.300
and then the second year's $10,000 will be discounted by that plus another 10%, possibly $8,100, $7,300, etc.

664
00:52:08.300 --> 00:52:24.300
In the next 20 years, the price won't be bid up to the $100,000 or $200,000 or whatever, it'll be that minus the rate of interest, so when you buy the house at the lower price, you'll have a room for the 10% return per year, or whatever the interest return happens to be.

665
00:52:24.300 --> 00:52:36.300
This process, by the way, of summing up this kind of future returns into a present value is called capitalizing expected future returns into a present sum.

666
00:52:36.300 --> 00:52:42.800
That's pretty obvious if we didn't have capitalization. Land, for example, wouldn't be able to be sold at all, because land is permanent.

667
00:52:42.800 --> 00:52:50.800
Assuming the Fifth Avenue or 42nd Street will always be there, because it's a fixed part of the earth, sort of an atom bomb explosion, something will always be there.

668
00:52:50.800 --> 00:52:59.800
So, we can expect that land is perpetual, or makes some sort of perpetual return. If we expect that land will bring you $10,000 return forever, let's say,

669
00:52:59.800 --> 00:53:05.800
without an interest rate this kind, you'll never be able to sell it, because the price would be infinite. I can sell something at an infinite price.

670
00:53:05.800 --> 00:53:10.680
Obviously the point then is that you sell land because the expectation of getting $10,000

671
00:53:10.680 --> 00:53:15.240
all the year and C-1000AD doesn't loom very large in your consciousness, you're discounting

672
00:53:15.240 --> 00:53:19.600
it by very heavily, it means almost nothing, you get down to a sort of asymptotic relationship

673
00:53:19.600 --> 00:53:24.680
where it's virtually zero and this sum becomes the amount that you're willing to sell it

674
00:53:24.680 --> 00:53:26.760
for and the amount the other guy is willing to buy it for.

675
00:53:26.760 --> 00:53:33.440
So in equilibrium, the market price of the entire thing, whether it's a slave under slavery

676
00:53:33.440 --> 00:53:39.880
or machine or a land or aggregations of these things will tend to be the discounted sum

677
00:53:39.880 --> 00:53:43.480
of effective future rents or effective future returns.

678
00:53:43.480 --> 00:53:48.200
The formula for a perpetual resource, the life of the thing is infinite such as land, is

679
00:53:48.200 --> 00:53:53.440
a simple formula for this which sort of illustrates the capital value of C is equal to R, the

680
00:53:53.440 --> 00:53:58.160
annual rent or the annual rate of return, divided by the rate of interest.

681
00:53:58.160 --> 00:54:04.280
So if the annual return is $1,000 a year and the rate of interest is 10%, capital value

682
00:54:04.280 --> 00:54:05.280
will be $10,000.

683
00:54:05.280 --> 00:54:09.080
Now we see this happening all the time, by the way, in the stock market.

684
00:54:09.080 --> 00:54:14.160
The point is that as returns increase, increased returns tend to increase the capital value

685
00:54:14.160 --> 00:54:15.160
and vice versa.

686
00:54:15.160 --> 00:54:21.120
The capital value of anything is proportionate to the annual return, expected annual return,

687
00:54:21.120 --> 00:54:22.480
inversely proportionate to the rate of interest.

688
00:54:22.480 --> 00:54:27.920
As the rate of interest goes up, it tends to lower the general capital value of everything.

689
00:54:27.920 --> 00:54:32.320
And we'll see how this applies to conservation and why copper miners will produce a certain

690
00:54:32.320 --> 00:54:36.880
amount now and wait for the next ten years to produce the rest of it, etc.

691
00:54:36.880 --> 00:54:38.960
I think we have enough for this lecture.
