For A New Liberty, The Libertarian Manifesto, by Murray N. Rothbard, narrated by Jeff Rigenbach, with a new introduction by Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
Copyright 2006 by the Ludwig von Mises Institute.
This audiobook was produced by the Ludwig von Mises Institute.
For more information or to discover more about the Ludwig von Mises Institute and Austrian Economics, visit Mises.org.
Introduction
There are many varieties of libertarianism alive in the world today, but Rothbardianism remains the center of its intellectual gravity,
its primary muse and conscience, its strategic and moral core, and the focal point of debate even when its name is not acknowledged.
The reason is that Murray Rothbard was the creator of modern libertarianism, a political ideological system that proposes a once and for all escape from the trappings of left and right and their central plans for how state power should be used.
Libertarianism is the radical alternative that says state power is unworkable and immoral.
Mr. Libertarian, Murray and Rothbard was called, and the state's greatest living enemy.
He remains so. Yet he had many predecessors from whom he drew, the whole of the classical liberal tradition, the Austrian economists, the American anti-war tradition, and the natural rights tradition. But it was he who put all these pieces together into a unified system that seems implausible at first, but inevitable once it has been defined and defended by Rothbard.
The individual pieces of the system are straightforward—self-ownership, strict property rights, free markets, and I state in every conceivable respect—but the implications are earth-shaking.
Once you are exposed to the complete picture, and for a new liberty has been the leading means of exposure for more than a quarter of a century, you cannot forget it.
It becomes the indispensable lens through which we can see events in the real world with the greatest possible clarity.
This book, more than any other explains by Rothbard, seems to grow in stature every year.
His influence has vastly risen since his death, and why Rothbardianism has so many enemies
on the left, right and center.
Quite simply, the science of liberty that he brought into clear relief is as thrilling
in the hope it creates for a free world as it is unforgiving of error.
Its logical and moral consistency, together with its empirical explanatory muscle, represents
Rothbard sets out to write this book soon after he got a call from Tom Mandel, an editor
at Macmillan who had seen an op-ed by Rothbard in the New York Times that appeared in the
spring of 1971.
It was the only commission Rothbard ever received from a commercial publishing house.
Looking at the original manuscript, which is so consistent in its typeface and almost
complete after its first draft, it does seem that it was nearly an effortless joy for him
to write it.
It is seamless, unrelenting and energetic.
The historical context illustrates a point often overlooked.
Modern libertarianism was born not in reaction to socialism or leftism, though it is certainly
anti-leftist as the term is commonly understood, and anti-socialist.
or rather libertarianism in the American historical context came into being in response to the
statism of conservatism and its selected celebration of a conservative-style central planning.
American conservatives may not adore the welfare state or excessive business regulation, but
they appreciate power exercised in the name of nationalism, warfareism, pro-family policies
and invasions of personal liberty and privacy.
In the post-LBJ period of American history, it has been Republican presidents more than
and democratic ones who have been responsible for the largest expansions of executive and
judicial power.
It was to defend a pure liberty against the compromises and corruptions of conservatism,
beginning with Nixon but continuing with Reagan and the Bush presidencies that inspired the
birth of Rothbardian political economy.
It is also striking how Rothbard chose to pull no punches in his argument.
Other intellectuals on the receiving end of such an invitation might have tended to water
Why, for example, make a case for statelessness or anarchism when a case for limited government might bring more people into the movement?
Why condemn U.S. imperialism when doing so can only limit the book's appeal to anti-Soviet conservatives who might otherwise appreciate the free market bent?
Why go into such depth about privatizing courts and roads and water when doing so might risk alienating people?
Why enter into the sticky area of regulation of consumption and of personal morality?
and Regulation of Consumption and of Personal Morality, and do it with such disorienting consistency when it would surely have drawn a larger audience to leave it out.
And why go into such detail about monetary affairs and central banking and the like when a watered-down case for free enterprise would have pleased so many Chamber of Commerce conservatives?
But trimming and compromising for the sake of the times of the audience was just not his way.
He knew that he had a once-in-a-lifetime chance to present the full package of libertarianism in all its glory, and he was not about to pass it up.
And thus do we read here, not a case for cutting government, but eliminating it altogether.
Not just an argument for assigning property rights, but for deferring to the market even on questions of contract enforcement.
And not just a case for cutting welfare, but for banishing the entire welfare warfare state.
Whereas other attempts to make a libertarian case both before and after this book might typically call for transitional or half-measures, or be willing to concede as much as possible to statists, that is not what we get from Murray.
Not for him such schemes as school vouchers or the privatization of government programs that should not exist at all.
Instead he presents and follows through with the full-blown and fully bracing vision of what liberty can be.
This is why so many other similar attempts to write the libertarian manifesto have not stood the test of time, and yet this book remains in high demand.
Similarly, there have been many books on libertarianism in the intervening years that have covered philosophy alone, politics alone, economics alone, or history alone.
Those that have put all these subjects together have usually been collections by various authors.
Rothbard alone had mastery in all fields that permitted him to write an integrated manifesto, one that has never been displaced.
And yet his approach is typically self-effacing. He constantly points to other writers and intellectuals of the past and his own generation.
In addition, some introductions of this sort are written to give the reader an easier passage into a difficult book, but that is not the case here.
He never talks down to his readers, but always with clarity. Rothbard speaks for himself.
I'll spare the reader an enumeration of my favorite parts, or speculations of what passages Rothbard might have clarified if he had a chance to put out a new edition.
The reader will discover on his or her own that every page exudes energy and passion, that the logic of his argument is impossibly compelling, and that the intellectual fire that inspired this work burns as bright now as it did all those years ago.
The book is still regarded as dangerous precisely because once the exposure to Rothbardianism takes place, no other book on politics, economics or sociology can be read the same way again.
What was once a commercial phenomenon has truly become a classical statement that I predict will be read for generations to come.