WEBVTT

NOTE The Road to Prosperity

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It is good to see all of you here this morning. It's great to be back in the Bay Area. It's

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certainly good to be among friends. As Lew mentioned, I spent several years across the

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Bay at the University of California at Berkeley in the economics department, a home of such

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illustrious scholars as Laura Tyson, President Clinton's first head of his Council of Economic

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Advisors and now special economic policy assistant, whatever that may entail. It certainly was

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kind of being behind enemy lines is the feeling that I had.

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People would sometimes ask me, well, were there any conservatives in your department

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at Berkeley?

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And I had to respond, well, yes, there was one conservative fellow.

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The only problem was he was a native of communist China.

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So to be a conservative to him meant he thought that the crackdown at Tiananmen Square had

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been a little bit too soft.

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So that was the kind of conservatism, gives you something about the range of opinion that

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existed in the economics department there. Among my teachers were several economists who

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have now gone on to become bureaucrats. Some of you may have seen an article in the Wall

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Street Journal a few months ago about the Berkeley economics department where the article

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was praising the fact that so many members of the department have gone on to service

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is quote-unquote in Washington, apparently that's the measure these days of a quality

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economics department is how many of its members can go on and become members of various agencies

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in our nation's capital.

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And among my teachers was Richard Gilbert who is now the chief economist at the Antitrust

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Division of the Department of Justice where he toils at tasks such as trying to stop that

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That Great Menace to American Civilization, the Microsoft Corporation, another fellow named

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Michael Katz, who is the chief economist at Federal Communications Commission.

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And maybe at the end, during the question period, we might talk a little bit about things

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like this new telecommunications bill that was just passed on Thursday and the issue

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of censorship in electronic communications and censorship, especially in the case of the

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internet.

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I know that some of you were present at the most recent John Randolph Club meeting here

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just down on the peninsula, and I spoke there about the issue of Internet censorship and

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a little bit about the history of the Internet, and I'd certainly be happy to talk about

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that some more for those who are interested.

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Just to make one brief comment, right now, I have kind of mixed feelings about this question

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of Money, The Theory of Money and State, The Theory of Money and State, The Theory of Money

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will be other forms of offensive speech and offensive text and pictures, which of course

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would include all the various hate crimes that are so defined today. So of course most

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of the things that any of us in this room would like to say may end up being banned

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on the internet as well. Just to give you one recent example, there's a bulletin board

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or an electronic mailing list on the internet supposed to be devoted to Austrian economics.

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In fact, it's dominated by a group of slightly wacko theoreticians who call themselves Austrian economists.

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And there was a very interesting comment last week where someone made the charge, one of

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these people made the charge that those of us who are opposed to central banking and

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indeed opposed to fractional reserve banking are really motivated not by scholarly concerns

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but by anti-Semitism that it's a hatred of the Jewish merchant banking elite that motivated

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people like Murray Rothbard in his critique of fractional reserve banking.

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So clearly, if those people were in charge, there would be no discussions on the internet

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or anywhere else about the problems of the fractional reserve system.

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Indeed, many of the issues that we're here to talk about this weekend.

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But I do just want to say thank you to all of you here who helped make it possible for

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me to survive those dark years.

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And it really is true that among the many roles that the Mises Institute plays, giving

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support to students, graduate students, young professors such as myself is really a crucial,

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it's a very crucial role, not only financial support but also moral support, intellectual

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ammunition and so on.

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You can only, I can't tell you what it is like to be in a place like that day in and

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day out and then get to come for a weekend to a Mises Institute conference, or get to

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come for a week to the Mises University in the summer and spend a whole week with other

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Austrian economists, free market intellectuals.

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It really is not just a breath of fresh air, it's almost a whole sort of intellectual rebirth

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that gets the juices flowing, gets you charged up, makes you want to go back and finish the

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the work that you're doing, complete your degree, write articles, whatever it is, whatever you're up to.

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So that really is crucial and I don't think I would have been able to do it had it not been for the support of people like yourselves.

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What I want to talk about this morning is the road to prosperity, the road to prosperity.

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And in fact I could make this a very short speech, some of you, which some of you might prefer, and just give you a short answer that, I mean, it's very simple.

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The road to prosperity depends on the L word, the great L word, and I don't mean liberal, of course I mean liberty.

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Liberty is the key to prosperity, the key to progress, and what we really need to have prosperity in the United States

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is a political system that promotes the traditional Lockean virtues of the right to life, liberty and property.

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Not life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness as Jefferson mistakenly inserted it into our founding documents, but life, liberty and property.

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So the freedom in a sense, especially the freedom to own property, to write contracts, freedom to associate with whomever we please.

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That's the easy answer. That's the short answer. That's the means by which we can achieve our goal.

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Let me, what I want to talk to you is give you a longer answer and talk a little bit this morning about some strategies that we might use, talk a little bit about strategies that other free market thinkers have advocated and I especially want to talk to you about this because strategy was a great passion of Murray Rothbard, he lamented often that whereas those on the left especially the traditional Marxists spent lots on

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The Marxists spent about 10% of their time developing the theory and 90% of their time planning how they would do it, how they would take over.

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Whereas free market intellectuals or libertarians or paleoconservatives, with them the proportions have been almost the reverse.

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We spend 90% of our time thinking about developing our doctrine and only about 10% of our time thinking about how we would do it.

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and only about 10% of our time thinking about developing our doctrine and only about 10% of our time thinking about how we would actually put these kinds of reforms into place and something that Murray Rothbard cared about quite a lot and something that we here at the Mises Institute are thinking about actively is this question of tactics, means, given what we want to accomplish, how is it that we're going to be able to do it given the current political realities and I want to start to get us thinking a little bit about some of these issues

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I know that other speakers throughout the day will go into greater detail on these.

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Let me begin by talking to you a little bit about the classic book that is evoked by the

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title of my talk today, and that's the book by Friedrich Hayek, The Road to Serfdom, published

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in 1944.

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Hayek of course was one of the most eminent of the modern Austrian economists.

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He was a student, an indirect student, younger colleague and in many ways a disciple of Ludwig

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von Mises.

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Hayek of course won the Nobel Prize in economics in 1974 and helped to give some legitimacy

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to the Austrian school right at the start of the so-called Austrian revival when modern

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and Austrian Economics was coming back back into play. Incidentally, the relationship

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between Hayek and Mises is very important because Hayek says that as a young man, he,

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along with many others of his generation who had just been through the First World War,

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were mild socialists. Hayek says he was a socialist of the Fabian variety, along with

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Hayek and many other prominent men of his generation, such as Gottfried Hobbler, a great economist and scholar in Europe and at Harvard, and an associate of the Mises Institute.

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Hobbler was also converted to the free market, to laissez-faire, by reading Mises' book, Socialism.

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And so something that, I think, is very important to me, and I think it's very important to me, and I think it's very important to me, and I think it's very important to me, and I think it's very important to me, and I think it's very important to me,

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and Free Market to laissez-faire by reading Mises' book Socialism.

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And so something that we're all very conscious of is the fact that we need to always be on the lookout for more potential Hayek's.

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Part of our educational strategy is to make sure that bright young people who might be interested in free market ideas will get exposed to them

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and will have a chance to convert from their whatever it is that they currently believe.

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So Hayek published The Road to Serfdom first in Britain and then later in the United States

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right around the end of World War II, and it was a very controversial book. Hayek's main point

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was that the kind of central planning that had already begun to be implemented in Britain,

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and of course was being undertaken in the United States as well as part of the war,

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that this central planning was leading us down the road to serfdom, that it would bring not

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not prosperity, but the opposite of that. In short, Hayek was trying to show that all

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forms of collectivism and not just fascism of the German or Italian varieties would lead

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us down the same road to tyranny, the same road that the Axis powers had taken, that

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in a sense Britain and the United States were headed down that same road, that by imposing

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sort of what were considered mild collectivist measures to assist in the war, and of course

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in Britain the road, socialist measures had already been introduced. Hayek tried to argue

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that those were the wrong tactics, those tactics would lead us down the same road that Germany,

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Italy and Russia had taken. The book caused quite a sensation, mostly among the, in the

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among lay readers not so much among the intellectuals to whom Hayek thought he

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was addressing his thesis. He made some very other very some other important and

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interesting points in that book and I do recommend that you that you look at the

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road to serfdom. He in one place attacked the spurious distinction between so-called

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positive liberty and negative liberty. This is the what you get in the political

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of Science textbooks today that, well, of course, the kind of thing that we're interested in,

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true liberty, genuine freedom, well, that's just one kind of liberty.

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That's a limited notion of liberty. That's negative liberty, meaning the freedom

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not to be interfered with, which is, of course, what liberty means, right?

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The right to do what you want to do without restrictions from the state.

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This is defined as only a limited kind of liberty. There's also so-called positive liberty.

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of Liberty. And that's the liberty to have things, right? The freedom from want, freedom

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from need, freedom from hunger, the right to a decent job, the right to housing, so

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on. So the whole notion of freedom and liberty has been completely corrupted in modern day

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usage. Here's how Hayek says it in the Road to Serfdom. Hayek notes that, quote, to make

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To make a totalitarian system function efficiently, it is not enough that everybody should be

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forced to work for the ends selected by those in control. It is essential that the people

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should come to regard these ends as their own. This is brought about by propaganda and by

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complete control of all sources of information. The most effective way of making people accept

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the validity of the values they are to serve is to persuade them that these are really

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the same as those they have always held. And the most efficient technique to this end is

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is to use the old words but change their meaning.

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Few traits of totalitarian regimes are at the same time so confusing to the superficial

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observer and yet so characteristic of the whole intellectual climate as this complete

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perversion of language.

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He's talking about this misuse of the term liberty.

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And of course we see this around us all the time today.

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For example, the word racist, which used to refer to hatred towards a particular race,

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now refers to any opposition to the welfare state. Restaurants that don't serve all customers

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and exactly the way those customers demand to be served, as Lew explained last night

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in the Denny's case. Hayek continues, the worst suffer in this respect is the word liberty.

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It is a word used freely in totalitarian states as elsewhere. Indeed, it could almost be said

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that wherever liberty as we know it has been destroyed, this has been done in the name

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of some new freedom promised to the people. Even among us, and Hayek's writing in the

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1940s, even among us we have planners who promise us collective freedom, which is as

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misleading as anything said by totalitarian politicians. Collective freedom is not the

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freedom of the members of society, but the unlimited freedom of the planner to do with

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society what he pleases.

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And these are important words to keep in mind when we hear politicians and their media flunkies

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talk about the new eras of liberty and freedom that people like Bill Clinton are going to

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usher in.

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Okay, they're talking about, they're taking our words and using them to mean their opposite,

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Hayek was ostracized and outcast in the intellectual community among economists, and Hayek had

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already by this time achieved a great reputation as a skilled technical economist.

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He was working out the details of Mises' Theory of the Business Cycle, and he had won great acclaim for that.

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But after writing The Road to Serfdom, Hayek was dismissed by the intellectuals as being a mere polemicist,

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a mere polemicist journalist and not a real serious scholar for having written a popular book.

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Now, what were Hayek's ideas about strategy? How to bring about freedom, genuine freedom,

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in an era of great totalitarian sentiment? Well, Hayek did have a consciously articulated

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strategy and Hayek's strategy was that what you need to do is convert the intellectuals.

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You need to persuade fellow academics and top-level scholars, philosophers, that the

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and the free market, that laissez-faire is the proper creed.

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And Hayek believed that people, that intellectual opponents of laissez-faire, that prominent

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socialist academics, were not motivated by any malice or ill will, but were merely misinformed

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about the facts.

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They just didn't understand, they were well intentioned, they thought that their policies

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would bring about prosperity, but they just didn't understand how markets really work,

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and what the real consequences would be, and if you could get all these great minds together,

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you could persuade the socialists, persuade the socialists that the free market was the

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right way to go.

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In fact, the road to serfdom, if you notice, is dedicated to, quote, the socialists of

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all parties, close quote.

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And Hayek didn't mean that to be facetious.

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He really believed, or claims he believed, that socialists would read this book and would

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So Hayek's strategy was first to convert or convince the intellectuals, and the top intellectuals would then go on to convert the people that Hayek called, in a wonderful phrase, the second-hand dealers in ideas, by which he meant journalists, teachers, writers, the clergy, etc., the people where the average person gets the most money.

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gets most of his ideas about these kinds of issues and so what Hayek did to bring this

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about was to found an organization called the Mont Pelerin Society which you've probably

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heard of.

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It was founded in 1947 with the first ever meeting of a group of these like-minded intellectuals

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from all over the world in this period.

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Now, why did Hayek feel like an organization like the Mont Pelerin Society would be necessary?

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Well, partly he wanted to do this because the role of the economist, of the intellectual

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but especially the economist, had changed dramatically during the war.

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The traditional role of economists has been to say no to what the state says.

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When the king says, I'm going to tax the people, I'm going to levy heavy taxes on the people,

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that will bring great prosperity to me, the economist says, no, you don't understand,

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that's not going to work.

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That's going to cripple production, it's going to ruin the economy, it will devastate

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the land.

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No, you can't do that.

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That's not going to work.

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No, you can't have more guns and more butter at the same time.

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No, this policy is not going to work.

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This policy is going to have an adverse effect, and so on.

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That's historically what the role of the economist has been.

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In World War II, that role was completely corrupted. What happened in World War II was

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this strange phenomenon of all the economists going to Washington, which we now see culminated

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in things like what we were talking about earlier about the Berkeley Economics Department.

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In World War II, the economists en masse headed off to Washington to work for various government

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agencies, to do statistical work, to assist in procurement and wartime planning. And this

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This included not just people like John Kenneth Galbraith, who was head of the Office of Price

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Administration, whose job was to impose price controls during wartime.

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I don't mean just people like Galbraith, also people like Milton Friedman.

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Milton Friedman worked for the Treasury Department during World War II to come up with new ways

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of raising revenue to support the war.

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Friedman was the one who came up with the idea of the withholding tax, and by the way,

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some of us at the Mises Institute have been accused from time to time of Friedman bashing.

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Certainly to Friedman's credit, he admits now that that was a mistake, that a payroll

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tax, automatic deductions during peacetime are certainly not a good idea, although he

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He doesn't acknowledge any knowledge of that during the war when he imposed this as a temporary expediency.

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Those of you who have read Robert Higgs's great book, Crisis and Leviathan,

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know that Higgs's main thesis is the way big government expands is through this kind of ratchet effect,

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that there's some kind of crisis, like war for example, for which temporary emergency powers must be claimed.

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Well, of course, we're not going to impose totalitarianism, but just for the duration of the war, we need to have these price controls, we need to raise additional revenues, we need a payroll tax, etc., etc.

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But then, of course, once the war is over, we never go back to the way it was before the war. The temporary measures always remain, sometimes not in exactly the same form. They're disguised a little bit, but in essence, they remain.

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And so we ratchet upwards towards statism during the crisis and never really fall back very much once the crisis is over.

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So Hayek founds this society more or less as a debating group, where the ideas of liberty

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would be worked out and would then be disseminated to the second-hand dealers of ideas and then

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on to the general populace.

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And Hayek did assemble a very impressive group of scholars for the first meeting of this

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group which met at Mont Pelerin in Switzerland from which they decided to call themselves

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the Mont Pelerin Society.

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And present at that first meeting included people like Mises, Henry Hazlitt, Hayek of

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course, Wilhelm Rupka and Fritz Machlup, notable Austrian economists, Leonard Reed, the founder

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of the Foundation for Economic Education, and also some Chicago School economists like Friedman,

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George Stigler and Frank Knight. Among the specifics of Hayek's plan for this kind of

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group were the following. It should be composed mainly of economists, but also of scholars

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from other disciplines. In other words, economics is key, but economics is not the only thing.

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You also need political theorists, legal scholars, historians, philosophers, etc.

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As Hayek said, a political philosophy can never be based exclusively on economics or

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expressed mainly in economic terms.

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Because as we all know, economics is certainly very interesting to all of us here in this

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room.

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But to the man on the street, economics is, well, they might want to talk about it for

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for a few minutes, but they quickly get tired of it and want to move on to something else.

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It's sometimes hard to get people motivated and stirred up to action merely by catching

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things in economic terms.

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So we need more of an interdisciplinary approach, and I'm going to come back to that in just

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a few minutes.

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History was particularly important according to Hayek, because those who write the history

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Books have a disproportionate influence on the minds of the next generation.

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Can we have some great historians associated with the Mises Institute?

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And that's very key, because where do people get most of their ideas?

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These things like the distinction between positive and negative liberty, well, they learned

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it in school.

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They learned it from their textbooks or from their teachers in school and have never thought

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to question these kinds of things.

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Hayek also believed that the group should include some journalists, not to officially

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because you need to have some members of that profession involved in these kinds of discussions

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because they could have a great influence on the people for an obvious reason.

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One example of a success that came from this Hayekian strategy is the case of Ludwig Erhard

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who became the Minister of Economic Affairs for West Germany at the end of the war and

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who later became Chancellor in the 60s.

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Ludwig Erhard was himself a member of the Mont Pelerin Society

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and his two main economic advisors were Wilhelm Rupke, who was a founder along with Hayek of the Mont Pelerin Society

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and another German scholar named Walter Oiken.

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And what Erhard did, his first major act on assuming his post as essentially Minister of Finance was to remove all price and wage controls, to completely deregulate prices and wages.

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The result was a spectacular post-war recovery in West Germany.

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The result of which was Germany is one of the great prosperous economies of the day.

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And it's interesting to note what the mainstream economist's reaction at the time was to Erhard's proposal,

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this decision to deregulate prices and wages, to remove the wartime price controls.

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You can only imagine what the mainstream economist thought about this.

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John Kenneth Galbraith, for example, to make an easy target, said in 1948,

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there has never been the slightest possibility of getting German recovery

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by the wholesale repeal of controls and regulations.

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Walter Heller, another prominent economist who became John F. Kennedy's,

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the head of Kennedy's Council of Economic Advisors, said a couple years later,

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quote, the positive use of fiscal and monetary measures which he supports,

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In other words, intervention, is to be sure, not in harmony with the orthodox free market

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policies espoused by the current administration of the West German Federal Republic.

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So he wanted to make it clear that he did not support any of this free market stuff

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that was going on in Germany.

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Now what's the situation today among economists when asked about these kinds of issues?

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Well, things have changed.

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Things have certainly changed for the better, but we still have a very long way to go.

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And what I mean by that is most of us thought that the collapse of socialism and the fall

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of the Berlin Wall in 89 and then the collapse of the Soviet Union would prove to be the

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final irrefutable evidence that Mises was right in his prediction back in the 1920s

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that socialism couldn't work, that a socialist economy was just not possible.

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And Austrians have been arguing over the years that developing Mises' position, showing how

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Mises would be right.

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And then finally, in one glorious moment, the whole thing fell down and Mises was demonstrated

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to have been correct by the evidence.

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And you would think that would be enough to convince everybody.

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But of course it hasn't.

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Of course it hasn't.

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And this is especially true among academic economists.

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Here's what these people say. There are very few sort of outright explicit Marxists or socialists

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among the economics profession today. Everybody says, well, yeah, of course, sure, we know

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that socialism didn't work. Pure socialism didn't work. You need to have markets in

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some form or some fashion. You can't completely have central planning from the top down. So

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So markets are good, but markets are good only in moderation.

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Capitalism is okay only if it's just a little bit of capitalism, not a lot.

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Free markets, markets are good, markets are better than central planning, but only if

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there's a strong central government to perform essential functions, such as targeting strategic

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industries, maintaining infrastructure, especially investments in quote-unquote human capital,

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which means state-run education, of course regulation of monopolies, the establishment

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of a strong central bank to assure macroeconomic stability, the wonderful glories that we've

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experienced here in the United States.

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These things have to be in place for markets to be okay, according to the academic economist,

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the mainstream economist today.

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These things have to be in place for markets to be okay, according to the academic economist,

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the mainstream economist today.

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And again, I want to read you some quotes from some prominent mainstream economists,

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and I'm not going to pick on people like Galbraith, although it would be easy to dig

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I think you could pick up a lot of quotes that would make you chuckle from people like Paul Samuelson and Galbraith and others saying things even up to 1988 about the glories of the Soviet system and how the Soviet Union was soon going to eclipse the Western economies and its GNP and so on.

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It's too easy to go after those people. It's not enough of a challenge. It's not any fun.

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Incidentally, let me quote from three very prestigious economists, younger economists working today.

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All of these have won what's called the Clark Medal, which is an award that's given out to the best economist under the age of 40.

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This is supposed to be kind of the first thing that you win before you go on to win a Nobel Prize in your 60s or 70s.

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One of these is Lawrence Summers. Lawrence Summers was an economist at Harvard, one of the youngest people ever to get tenure in the economics department at Harvard. Incidentally, he had a very distinguished pedigree, being Paul Samuelson's nephew.

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He then became a bureaucrat, was the chief economist at the World Bank, later the Treasury

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Secretary for International Affairs, and I want to quote him from some remarks he made

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in a World Bank publication in 1993 on the issue of economic development and the transition

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towards a market economy in the former socialist countries.

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This is a hot issue, of course.

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And these comments that I made earlier about markets being okay in moderation applies especially

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to these situations, to those countries.

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This is where all the big shot Harvard economists are going over to Eastern Europe and Russia

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and the former Soviet republics to be advisors and consultants and to tell them how to plan

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the transition.

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Slowly, don't go too fast, don't rush things.

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Gradually try to impose a little bit of liberty, a little bit of economic freedom in these

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Formerly Planned Societies Here's what Summers has to say on the subject.

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He says, market development itself requires government action.

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The socialist economies in transition from Eastern Europe to East Asia are finding out

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that the establishment of the rules of the game by the government is crucial to the success

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of market reforms.

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And by the way, by rules of the game, he doesn't mean establishing the rule of law or having

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The Need for Government Action goes further, its rationale resting on various notions of market failure. Investment in human capital and physical infrastructure by the government are usually justified because of externalities or spillover effects in the consumption or production of both of these categories and the inadequate incentives for markets to take them into account. In the case of primary education, for example, there are consumption-related spillover

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Spill-overs. We might talk a little bit later about what these people mean by spill-overs.

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The benefits to literacy go well beyond the gains of the individuals becoming literate.

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In the case of physical infrastructure such as roads, there are production-related externalities

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– I'll come back to externalities in a minute – based on the need to make lumpy

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investments – by which he means big investments, like the Hoover Dam – or to integrate the

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Service in Large Networks. Negative spillovers, too, justify government intervention. Environmental

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pollution and congestion are inadequately accounted for by the market. Of course, he

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doesn't go into the property rights solutions for things like environmental pollution that

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have been discussed by market economists. So, Summers winds up, the central issue then

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is one of the state and the market, but it is not a question of intervention versus laissez-faire.

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a popular dichotomy, but a false one.

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As he goes on to show, it is rather a question of the proper division of

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responsibilities between the two

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and of efficiency in their respective functions.

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So these people are not outright explicit socialists saying we need to

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nationalize everything.

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They want to allow markets to work a little bit, but only in the presence of

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the only if the strong hand of the state is there

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to correct market failure, to provide things that the markets

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are not providing. Another notable economist is Paul Krugman, who's formerly a professor

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at MIT and now at Stanford, and a specialist in international trade and development. Krugman

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said a little earlier, well last year in the fall of 95, talking about the kinds of things

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The great myth of American politics is that the middle class is groaning under the burden of huge taxes deployed to support the undeserving poor.

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In fact, what the welfare state really does is to take from the well off, a little, and give to the poor, also a little, but because they are so poor it matters a lot.

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Families in the middle are not much affected either way.

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And I think Lew gave us some statistics, plenty of evidence last night for how people in the middle sure as heck are affected.

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We can go on to talk about that later.

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Krugman goes on with a bizarre quote about social welfare programs are really just insurance.

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They're not transfers, they're just insurance.

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and that's the best justification for them and he's surprised that he doesn't see that in the

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justification discussed much in the literature. I mean of course if all it is is insurance then why

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doesn't private insurance handle that? Why do we need state insurance to take care of those problems?

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Let me just read you one more quote which I think you'll find amusing if not completely

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by Joseph Stiglitz

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The Standard Theories of the Efficiency of Competitive Markets are based on the premise

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that there is perfect information, or more precisely, that the information held by individuals

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or firms is not affected by what they observe in the market and cannot be altered by any

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action they can undertake, including acquiring more information.

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Thus, the fundamental theorems of welfare economics, which assert that every competitive

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equilibrium is Pareto-efficient, provide no guidance with respect to the question of whether

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markets such as financial markets, which are essentially concerned with the production,

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processing, dissemination and utilization of information, are efficient.

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On the contrary, economies with imperfect information or incomplete markets are in general not

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constrained Pareto-efficient, and he has a citation to one of his own learned papers

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on the subject as proof.

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There are feasible government interventions that can make all individuals better off.

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Thus, not only is there no presumption that competitive markets are efficient, but there

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is a presumption that they are inefficient.

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Moreover, even with no other barriers to entry, in the presence of costly information there

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is a presumption that markets will not, in general, be fully competitive.

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This strengthens the presumption that markets, in the absence of government intervention,

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are not constrained Pareto-efficient.

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And thus, obviously, the government has to step in to correct those failures to bring

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about Pareto-efficiency.

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And of course, Austrians completely reject the mainstream notions of welfare theory from

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economics, general equilibrium, and the concept of Pareto-optimality.

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And I mean, this is the reason why Austrian economics is so important and what's very

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important that we continue to develop the Austrian school and encourage young scholars

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to become, to read the Austrian literature, to get students to be exposed to these ideas

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and not just the ideas of the Stiglitz.

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People like Stiglitz are the ones who are writing the textbooks.

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That's what the current generation of college students, that's what they're getting in

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in most of their economics courses, unless they're fortunate enough to have one of the

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speakers at this conference or a Mises Institute adjunct scholar as their professor, this is

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the kind of stuff that they're getting.

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I want to tell you a little bit about some of the popular examples of market failure

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that are in the academic economics literature today, what people like Stiglitz mean by market

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Failure.

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One of these is a subject that's called path dependence.

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Path dependence is the idea that has become very trendy lately among economists that certain

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outcomes are sort of historically determined in the sense that, for example, in the choice

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The choice of technologies, the choice of establishing a standard, a technical standard, like for video cassettes, the VHS standard versus Sony's Betamax standard.

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The claim is made that the market will sometimes choose the wrong standard, the less efficient standard, and we get locked into that.

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Because a standard by definition only works when everybody else is on the same standard.

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So when we have technologies that have what these economists call a network externality,

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a network externality, it's possible for the market to choose the wrong standard and we get locked into it.

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The famous example of this was the example of the typewriter keyboard, the so-called QWERTY keyboard,

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named after the letters in the first row.

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There was a very influential article by a Stanford economist named Paul David claiming that,

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Talking a little bit about the history of the QWERTY keyboard, and some of you, I'm sure, know this, that the original layout, the sort of standard layout that we have today, had to do with the arrangement of keys that in the old fashioned typewriters with keys, designers put the, they tried to put letters, the most frequently typed letters evenly spaced apart on the keyboard so the keys would jam less frequently. And according to Paul David, this is an inferior alignment, this is not the

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The most efficient way to put the keys. He claimed that there are some rival keyboard arrangements, one called the Dvorak keyboard, which put the keys in different places and which are much more efficient.

410
00:41:23.700 --> 00:41:33.700
People can type much faster with the Dvorak keyboard. But because the market chose the QWERTY standard as the standard, now we're all locked in.

411
00:41:33.700 --> 00:41:39.700
We can't switch over to a new keyboard layout because everybody was trained to type with the QWERTY layout.

412
00:41:39.700 --> 00:41:43.300
and of course now with computers and so on it doesn't matter it that there's

413
00:41:43.300 --> 00:41:48.040
nothing about the key the keys jamming that makes any difference and economists

414
00:41:48.040 --> 00:41:52.260
have picked up this QWERTY story like you would not believe okay and now we're

415
00:41:52.260 --> 00:41:57.540
all looking out there around us to try to find more QWERTY's examples of bad

416
00:41:57.540 --> 00:42:01.480
technologies inefficient inferior technologies that the market has locked

417
00:42:01.480 --> 00:42:05.340
us into and of course what they propose as an alternative is that the government

418
00:42:05.340 --> 00:42:09.100
set standards for these kinds of things that whenever there's a new technology

419
00:42:09.100 --> 00:42:29.100
The VHS beta example is another good one. The problem is, all these examples, upon closer inspection, turn out to be wrong. They turn out to be false. For example, the QWERTY story is all wrong, or what's wrong, Paul David's claim that there is something wrong with the VHS beta is false.

420
00:42:29.100 --> 00:42:43.100
Paul Davids claimed that there existed a rival keyboard, this Dvorak keyboard, that worked better.

421
00:42:43.100 --> 00:42:49.100
The evidence for that claim turned out to be based only on a report by Dvorak himself.

422
00:42:49.100 --> 00:42:54.100
Mr. Dvorak claimed that his own keyboard allowed people to type much faster.

423
00:42:54.100 --> 00:43:08.100
And in fact studies, people went back and looked at the historical record and found studies, an Air Force study at the time, which showed that really any arrangement of the keys is just as good as any other once you learn it.

424
00:43:08.100 --> 00:43:17.100
It's just repetition that matters and it really doesn't matter where you put the keys as long as you learn to type on a particular keyboard and you stick to it.

425
00:43:17.100 --> 00:43:23.100
Typing speeds all kind of converge at about the same amount no matter what keyboard arrangement you use.

426
00:43:23.100 --> 00:43:27.620
Okay, so there's no evidence that there's anything wrong with the QWERTY standard, okay?

427
00:43:27.620 --> 00:43:33.140
There's also no evidence that the Betamax technology was really better than the VHS technology,

428
00:43:33.140 --> 00:43:35.540
even though now we're stuck with VHS.

429
00:43:35.540 --> 00:43:38.980
In fact, they worked just as well, and VHS was cheaper at the time,

430
00:43:38.980 --> 00:43:41.500
which is why the market selected it.

431
00:43:41.500 --> 00:43:44.180
Another example, of course, is with Microsoft.

432
00:43:44.180 --> 00:43:49.660
This is the big bugaboo of the network externality path dependence guys today.

433
00:43:49.660 --> 00:43:56.660
They claim that Microsoft, the Microsoft sort of standard for its operating system, is not a good standard.

434
00:43:56.660 --> 00:44:03.660
The MS-DOS and Microsoft's Windows are far inferior to other technologies like the Macintosh operating system

435
00:44:03.660 --> 00:44:09.660
and ones provided by other manufacturers, yet Microsoft has 85% of the PC market.

436
00:44:09.660 --> 00:44:18.660
So everybody is stuck with using Microsoft products, Microsoft's operating system, even though it's really not as good as rival operating systems.

437
00:44:18.660 --> 00:44:25.260
Again, this claim turns out, upon closer inspection, to be, we can easily dismiss it as being false.

438
00:44:25.260 --> 00:44:30.560
There's no evidence that from an economic perspective, as opposed to a purely technical perspective,

439
00:44:30.560 --> 00:44:35.860
that Microsoft's operating system is any worse than any other.

440
00:44:35.860 --> 00:44:42.760
Let me briefly mention one other example of a market failure that is popular among economists today.

441
00:44:42.760 --> 00:44:48.060
You would think that if there was any one issue that economists agreed on,

442
00:44:48.060 --> 00:44:53.260
Obviously, everybody knows economists disagree on macroeconomic policy and things like that.

443
00:44:53.260 --> 00:44:59.060
But you would think that just about everyone would agree that minimum wage laws create unemployment,

444
00:44:59.060 --> 00:45:01.060
especially among teenage workers.

445
00:45:01.060 --> 00:45:05.260
Just about all economists, mainstream economists, Austrian economists,

446
00:45:05.260 --> 00:45:11.660
economists of just about every stripe, agreed that minimum wages cause unemployment among teenagers.

447
00:45:11.660 --> 00:45:15.360
If you set the wage higher than what the market wage would be,

448
00:45:15.360 --> 00:45:23.360
Then some teenagers are going to be priced out of the market. No one will hire them because they don't generate $4.25 an hour worth of productivity.

449
00:45:23.360 --> 00:45:31.360
Well, this consensus was shattered a couple of years ago by a sensational publication by two Princeton economists, and David Card and Alan Kruger.

450
00:45:31.360 --> 00:45:36.360
Kruger was actually the chief economist for the Department of Labor before returning to Princeton.

451
00:45:36.360 --> 00:45:42.080
Princeton, and they began to circulate some research where they claimed to show that minimum

452
00:45:42.080 --> 00:45:48.820
wages actually, the imposition of minimum wages, especially left-wing economists nationwide

453
00:45:48.820 --> 00:45:54.040
were proclaiming, aha, here we finally have some evidence that price controls are good.

454
00:45:54.040 --> 00:45:57.960
They don't create, minimum wages don't create a surplus of labor, they don't create

455
00:45:57.960 --> 00:46:02.720
unemployment, they're good, we need higher minimum wages.

456
00:46:02.720 --> 00:46:09.400
And even now, some good economists stepped into the picture and showed that the Cardin-Kruger

457
00:46:09.400 --> 00:46:13.280
study was a horrible study.

458
00:46:13.280 --> 00:46:18.440
They based their numbers, they called some fast food restaurants to ask them about their

459
00:46:18.440 --> 00:46:23.080
employment practices and whoever answered the phone, they wrote that down as the manager

460
00:46:23.080 --> 00:46:26.120
and the manager reported that we hired this many people.

461
00:46:26.120 --> 00:46:29.040
Anyway, they're saying it was just awful.

462
00:46:29.040 --> 00:46:39.040
I guess my point in bringing this up is that even with the collapse of socialism and the consensus that a pure planned economy isn't feasible,

463
00:46:39.040 --> 00:46:48.040
we're still a long ways from any sort of agreement on laissez-faire among economists.

464
00:46:48.040 --> 00:46:52.040
Economists all have this kind of middle of the road position, most of them.

465
00:46:52.040 --> 00:46:57.040
Well, yeah, we have to have markets. You can't do away with markets. You've got to have them around.

466
00:46:57.040 --> 00:47:01.440
But there's market failure lurking behind every tree.

467
00:47:01.440 --> 00:47:04.200
There's a QWERTY lurking behind that tree

468
00:47:04.200 --> 00:47:07.920
and there's some other kind of externality over there

469
00:47:07.920 --> 00:47:09.620
and we've got to have a strong central state

470
00:47:09.620 --> 00:47:11.020
to come in and combat these.

471
00:47:12.840 --> 00:47:14.880
Of course, these people don't understand

472
00:47:14.880 --> 00:47:17.620
and I'm sure have not read Mises' wonderful essay

473
00:47:17.620 --> 00:47:20.520
from 1950 called Middle of the Road Leads to Socialism.

474
00:47:20.520 --> 00:47:23.520
And I think we have that on the table.

475
00:47:23.520 --> 00:47:25.100
I know we've recently republished it

476
00:47:25.100 --> 00:47:27.820
along with Liberty and Property.

477
00:47:27.820 --> 00:47:30.660
And Mises makes the very important point

478
00:47:30.660 --> 00:47:34.780
that the sort of middle of the road, mixed economy solutions

479
00:47:34.780 --> 00:47:37.420
are not stable.

480
00:47:37.420 --> 00:47:40.780
It's not possible to have just one or two interventions,

481
00:47:40.780 --> 00:47:42.780
but a free market the rest of the way,

482
00:47:42.780 --> 00:47:44.900
because every intervention introduces

483
00:47:44.900 --> 00:47:47.480
unintended consequences.

484
00:47:47.480 --> 00:47:49.900
Minimum wages create unemployment.

485
00:47:49.900 --> 00:47:52.020
And so, oh, well, then we need another intervention

486
00:47:52.020 --> 00:47:53.320
to deal with the unemployment.

487
00:47:53.320 --> 00:47:57.320
Unemployment Relief, Stronger Welfare State

488
00:47:57.320 --> 00:48:01.320
Oh well, and that provides disincentives for people to enter the labor force in the first place

489
00:48:01.320 --> 00:48:05.320
That causes another problem. Oh well, we need a new program to deal with that problem

490
00:48:05.320 --> 00:48:09.320
So one intervention begats another intervention

491
00:48:09.320 --> 00:48:13.320
So if you have this kind of attempt to have this kind of

492
00:48:13.320 --> 00:48:17.320
mixture, it inevitably has to lead in one direction or another. In this case it has to lead

493
00:48:17.320 --> 00:48:21.320
towards more and more intervention, till we end up at something that's more like

494
00:48:21.320 --> 00:48:30.480
Okay, very briefly, I want to tell you about Murray Rothbard's, his approach to strategy.

495
00:48:30.480 --> 00:48:38.640
What can we do, and how is it different from Hayek's strategy?

496
00:48:38.640 --> 00:48:47.440
Well, Rothbard said that the kind of strategy that Hayek advocated, that's what Rothbard

497
00:48:47.440 --> 00:48:56.440
or call that educationism, the educationist strategy where the goal is to try to persuade others.

498
00:48:56.440 --> 00:49:05.440
We try to persuade the intellectuals and then we try to persuade the next lower level and then eventually we try to persuade the masses.

499
00:49:05.440 --> 00:49:16.440
Show them that the ideas of liberty are true, correct and just. Show them that this will bring about prosperity to all.

500
00:49:16.440 --> 00:49:29.440
There's a problem, unfortunately, with this strategy, a couple problems with what Rothbard called the pure educationist strategy.

501
00:49:29.440 --> 00:49:40.440
The first is that it takes a long time, it may be years and years, even hundreds of years before we see any concrete results as the true ideas gradually trickle down.

502
00:49:40.440 --> 00:49:43.440
Some of us don't want to wait that long.

503
00:49:43.440 --> 00:49:48.720
Another problem is that you can't rely just on the intellectuals because the media have

504
00:49:48.720 --> 00:49:54.680
a huge influence. The media, of course, tend to ostracize any intellectuals who dissent

505
00:49:54.680 --> 00:50:01.000
from the prevailing mainstream wisdom. Can we see this around us all the time? For example,

506
00:50:01.000 --> 00:50:05.920
there's a very eminent epidemiologist at Berkeley named Peter Duisburg who's done some controversial

507
00:50:05.920 --> 00:50:13.120
research on AIDS and is completely shunned and shut out by the media. Philip Johnson,

508
00:50:13.120 --> 00:50:19.680
The law professor at Berkeley, who is critical of Darwin's theory of evolution, is seen

509
00:50:19.680 --> 00:50:25.680
as portrayed as a right-wing religious kook by the mainstream media.

510
00:50:25.680 --> 00:50:33.080
Oh, and I can't resist talking about the scholars who have done research in controversial

511
00:50:33.080 --> 00:50:40.200
areas such as IQ testing, the relationship between IQ and socioeconomic performance and

512
00:50:40.200 --> 00:50:41.200
IQ and heredity.

513
00:50:41.200 --> 00:50:45.840
I don't know if any of you saw the article in this morning's San Francisco Chronicle

514
00:50:45.840 --> 00:50:51.760
about some conference on IQ testing, where there was a report that a new study showed

515
00:50:51.760 --> 00:51:00.760
that if we focus our efforts on babies, on young children, we can increase average IQ

516
00:51:00.760 --> 00:51:03.640
scores, but we've got to get the kids very early.

517
00:51:03.640 --> 00:51:10.960
There was a study that tried to show that if you have massive teaching and mental drills

518
00:51:10.960 --> 00:51:14.680
and I don't know exactly what they are for children as early as, but you have to get

519
00:51:14.680 --> 00:51:19.840
them before they're four months old and you have to begin this training in the first few

520
00:51:19.840 --> 00:51:24.580
months and they had some study trying to show that a control group who had had this done

521
00:51:24.580 --> 00:51:31.740
to them averaged so many points higher on IQ tests years later and so you can only imagine

522
00:51:31.740 --> 00:51:38.880
what this implies, right, that just head start, that's way too late, that's not enough, we've

523
00:51:38.880 --> 00:51:50.240
The Village has to begin educating the kids as soon as they come out of the womb.

524
00:51:50.240 --> 00:51:56.920
The other problem with the pure educationist strategy is that intellectuals aren't always

525
00:51:56.920 --> 00:52:01.120
motivated just by the search for truth.

526
00:52:01.120 --> 00:52:03.520
Intellectuals and academics have their own agendas.

527
00:52:03.520 --> 00:52:08.720
Sometimes they want fame and fortune and they enjoy going to Washington and serving in a

528
00:52:08.720 --> 00:52:13.720
and a position of power. You can't rely exclusively on the intellectual class to bring about this revolution,

529
00:52:13.720 --> 00:52:17.720
because they may not have purely altruistic motives.

530
00:52:17.720 --> 00:52:24.720
So education is key, education is crucial, but it's not sufficient, it's not enough.

531
00:52:24.720 --> 00:52:40.220
Rothbard's strategy was what he called right-wing populism, right-wing populism or right-wing

532
00:52:40.220 --> 00:52:46.960
radicalism, meaning that we have to use both the educationalist strategy, both intellectual

533
00:52:46.960 --> 00:52:54.280
educational means, but also we need to encourage a rebellion, resentment among the people against

534
00:52:54.280 --> 00:52:59.280
The Crimes Committed by the Elites, by the Regulators and by the State.

535
00:52:59.280 --> 00:53:09.280
Rothbard calls this, he describes his right-wing populism as exciting, dynamic, tough and confrontational,

536
00:53:09.280 --> 00:53:17.280
rousing and inspiring not only the exploited masses, but the often shell-shocked right-wing intellectual cadre as well.

537
00:53:17.280 --> 00:53:19.280
So how do we do this? What do we want?

538
00:53:19.280 --> 00:53:28.960
We need a cadre of intellectuals and academics on our side, and we certainly need that to

539
00:53:28.960 --> 00:53:35.560
achieve long run change and also sort of medium run change to attract students to listen to

540
00:53:35.560 --> 00:53:43.360
our ideas, to get young professors and so on to help develop and promote the ideas of

541
00:53:43.360 --> 00:53:47.200
of Austrian Economics and of Liberty.

542
00:53:47.200 --> 00:53:52.200
But we also need journalists, we need grassroots activists,

543
00:53:53.260 --> 00:53:56.660
we need sort of popular agitator types.

544
00:53:56.660 --> 00:53:59.760
Okay, because Rothbard felt that deep down

545
00:53:59.760 --> 00:54:03.440
the masses really were on our side, and I think he's right.

546
00:54:03.440 --> 00:54:08.200
The sort of Heartland folks certainly do not,

547
00:54:08.200 --> 00:54:12.960
despite the way they're portrayed in the media, okay,

548
00:54:12.960 --> 00:54:15.280
are definitely on our side.

549
00:54:15.280 --> 00:54:18.840
These are the people that, I think it was Bill Kaufman

550
00:54:18.840 --> 00:54:22.160
who drew this wonderful distinction between the people

551
00:54:22.160 --> 00:54:25.400
who run America and the people who live in America.

552
00:54:25.400 --> 00:54:27.280
So we're talking about the people who live in America,

553
00:54:27.280 --> 00:54:30.400
real Americans, not the beltway insiders,

554
00:54:30.400 --> 00:54:33.360
not the bicoastal cultural elite.

555
00:54:33.360 --> 00:54:36.040
But the people in the middle, what the elites refer to

556
00:54:36.040 --> 00:54:39.040
as people who live in flyover country,

557
00:54:39.040 --> 00:54:42.680
the Midwest, the South, those people

558
00:54:42.680 --> 00:55:01.680
So Rothbard's strategy was to try to mobilize the radical and revolutionary sentiment expressed in the 94 elections that Lew talked about last night.

559
00:55:01.680 --> 00:55:09.680
So we need to educate the public, we need to educate businessmen, we need to educate students and academics, journalists and politicians.

560
00:55:09.680 --> 00:55:27.680
We need to put pressure on legislators, we need to expose them for what they really are and we need to take back our language and not allow them to change the terms, to take our words and twist them around, as Hayek said, back in the 1940s.

561
00:55:29.680 --> 00:55:34.680
And how does the Mises Institute figure into this?

562
00:55:34.680 --> 00:55:42.680
Well, we're deeply committed to the same kind of strategy for change that Murray Rothbard outlined.

563
00:55:42.680 --> 00:55:50.680
So on the scholarly side, we're committed to the Rothbardian program of sort of a broad interdisciplinary science of liberty,

564
00:55:50.680 --> 00:56:03.680
with an emphasis on Austrian economics, but also attention to political theory and philosophy, history, law and so on.

565
00:56:03.680 --> 00:56:22.680
And we also have, certainly have great journalists as part of the team, you can look at the list of the Mises Institute's media fellows, find those few, just about everyone, every good member of the media is one of our group.

566
00:56:22.680 --> 00:56:52.680
Also, the Mises Institute, we insist on being independent. We're not sort of corrupted by power. We don't go off to Washington like the Berkeley economists and roam the corridors of power whispering in the ears of the great leaders and publishing opinion studies and working for the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund and the Federal Reserve Bank.

567
00:56:52.680 --> 00:56:56.320
Austrian economists and the Mises Institute economists don't do that. We're not interested

568
00:56:56.320 --> 00:57:06.380
in doing that. We have no desire to do that. So what is it that we can do? What can we

569
00:57:06.380 --> 00:57:15.320
expect to achieve our goals? Well, first of all, we can't rely on mainstream economists.

570
00:57:15.320 --> 00:57:19.320
As I've tried to make clear earlier, we can't rely on the mainstream economists to be on

571
00:57:19.320 --> 00:57:22.120
on our side.

572
00:57:22.120 --> 00:57:25.440
What we have to do is train more Austrian economists.

573
00:57:25.440 --> 00:57:30.600
We need more young scholars to be promoting the Austrian School of Economics.

574
00:57:30.600 --> 00:57:34.720
I want to see a day where, if you look at the list of adjunct scholars of the Mises

575
00:57:34.720 --> 00:57:38.880
Institute, that will be a longer list than the list of members of the American Economic

576
00:57:38.880 --> 00:57:39.880
Association.

577
00:57:39.880 --> 00:57:44.360
Then we'll know that we've got real progress, that we're really somewhere.

578
00:57:44.360 --> 00:57:46.960
We need to take back our language.

579
00:57:46.960 --> 00:57:52.080
We need to use liberty to mean liberty and not allow it to be twisted the way it has

580
00:57:52.080 --> 00:57:53.560
been.

581
00:57:53.560 --> 00:57:55.080
And we certainly don't want to play nice.

582
00:57:55.080 --> 00:57:57.320
That was another part of Hayek's strategy.

583
00:57:57.320 --> 00:58:03.200
Hayek had an idea that he had to be very sort of genteel and stay strictly within the mainstream

584
00:58:03.200 --> 00:58:05.920
and you don't say anything nasty about anybody.

585
00:58:05.920 --> 00:58:08.980
And I think this is a flawed strategy.

586
00:58:08.980 --> 00:58:11.320
We need to expose the people for what they are.

587
00:58:11.320 --> 00:58:16.560
Don't call the socialists nice, intelligent people who are a little bit misguided.

588
00:58:16.560 --> 00:58:22.640
Call them wrong, call them false, call them monstrous, as Murray Rothbard would say.

589
00:58:22.640 --> 00:58:29.280
Lew for example did this when Laura Tyson was first announced as Clinton's appointee.

590
00:58:29.280 --> 00:58:33.160
Lew was one of the first in print to expose, and it's very easy to do, you just quote

591
00:58:33.160 --> 00:58:38.640
from her previous writings, her work on comparative economic systems, her praise of the Ceausescu

592
00:58:38.640 --> 00:58:44.120
regime for the miraculous economic wonders that had worked in Romania.

593
00:58:44.120 --> 00:58:50.200
We need to show these people what they are. If we want prosperity, if we want real progress,

594
00:58:50.200 --> 00:58:55.320
then we need liberty. What we need is liberty. And Hayek says in The Road to Serfdom, a policy

595
00:58:55.320 --> 00:59:01.360
of freedom for the individual is the only true progressive policy. And that, that is

596
00:59:01.360 --> 00:59:03.200
the road to prosperity. Thank you.
