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NOTE XIV. The Scope and Method of Catallactics

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Part 4. Catallactics or Economics of the Market Society

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Chapter 14. The Scope and Method of Catallactics

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1. The Delimitation of Catallactic Problems

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There have never been any doubts and uncertainties about the scope of economic science.

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Ever since people have been eager for a systematic study of economics or political economy,

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All have agreed that it is the task of this branch of knowledge to investigate the market

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phenomena, that is, the determination of the mutual exchange ratios of the goods and services

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negotiated on markets, their origin in human action, and their effects upon later action.

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The intricacy of a precise definition of the scope of economics does not stem from uncertainty

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with regard to the orbit of the phenomena to be investigated.

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It is due to the fact that the attempts to elucidate the phenomena concerned must go

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beyond the range of the market and of market transactions.

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In order to conceive the market fully, one is forced to study the action of hypothetical

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isolated individuals on one hand, and to contrast the market system with an imaginary socialist

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First Commonwealth, on the other hand.

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In studying interpersonal exchange, one cannot avoid dealing with autistic exchange.

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But then it is no longer possible to define neatly the boundaries between the kind of

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action which is the proper field of economic science in the narrower sense, and other action.

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This widens its horizon and turns into a general science of all and every human action, into

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praxeology.

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The question emerges of how to distinguish precisely, within the broader field of general

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praxeology, a narrower orbit of specifically economic problems.

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The abortive attempts to solve this problem of a precise delimitation of the scope of

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of Catallactics have chosen as a criterion either the motives causing action or the goals

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which action aims at.

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But the variety and manifoldness of the motives instigating a man's action is without relevance

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for a comprehensive study of acting.

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Every action is motivated by the urge to remove a felt uneasiness.

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It does not matter for the science of action how people qualify this uneasiness from a

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physiological, psychological or ethical point of view.

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It is the task of economics to deal with all commodity prices as they are really asked

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and paid in market transactions.

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It must not restrict its investigations to the study of those prices which result, or

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are likely to result from a conduct displaying attitudes to which psychology, ethics or any

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other way of looking at human behavior would attach a definite label.

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The classification of actions according to their various motives may be momentous for

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psychology and may provide a yardstick for a moral evaluation.

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For economics, it is inconsequential.

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Only the same is valid with regard to the endeavors to restrict the scope of economics

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to those actions which aim at supplying people with tangible material things of the external

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universe.

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Strictly speaking, people do not long for tangible goods as such, but for the services

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which these goods are fitted to render them.

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They want to attain the increment in well-being which these services are able to convey.

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But if this is so, it is not permissible to accept from the orbit of economic action those

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actions which remove uneasiness directly without the interposition of any tangible and visible

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things.

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The advice of a doctor, the instruction of a teacher, the recital of an artist, and other

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personal services are no less an object of economic studies than the architect's plans

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for the construction of a building.

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The Scientist's Formula for the Production of a Chemical Compound and the Author's Contribution

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to the Publishing of a Book.

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The subject matter of catallactics is all market phenomena, with all their roots, ramifications

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and consequences.

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It is a fact that people in dealing on the market are motivated not only by the desire

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Man is always concerned both with material and ideal things.

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He chooses between various alternatives, no matter whether they are to be classified as

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material or ideal.

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In the actual scales of value, material and ideal things are jumbled together.

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Even if it were feasible to draw a sharp line between material and ideal concerns, one must

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realize that every concrete action either aims at the realization both of material and

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ideal ends, or is the outcome of a choice between something material and something ideal.

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Whether it is possible to separate neatly those actions which aim at the satisfaction

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of Needs exclusively conditioned by man's physiological constitution from other, higher

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needs can be left undecided.

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But we must not overlook the fact that in reality, no food is valued solely for its

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nutritive power, and no garment or house solely for the protection it affords against cold

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weather and rain.

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It cannot be denied that the demand for goods is widely influenced by metaphysical, religious

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and ethical considerations, by aesthetic value judgments, by customs, habits, prejudices,

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tradition, changing fashions and many other things.

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To an economist who would try to restrict his investigations to material aspects only,

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the subject matter of inquiry vanishes as soon as he wants to catch it.

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All that can be contended is this.

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Economics is mainly concerned with the analysis of the determination of money prices of goods

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and services exchanged on the market.

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In order to accomplish this task, it must start from a comprehensive theory of human

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action.

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Moreover, it must study not only the market phenomena, but no less the hypothetical conduct

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of an Isolated Man and of a Socialist Community. Finally, it must not restrict its investigations

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to those modes of action which, in mundane speech, are called economic actions, but must

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deal also with actions which are, in a loose manner of speech, called uneconomic.

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The scope of praxeology, the general theory of human action, can be precisely defined

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and Circumscribed.

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The specifically economic problems, the problems of economic action in the narrower sense,

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can only by and large be disengaged from the comprehensive body of praxeological theory.

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Accidental facts of the history of science and conventions play a role in all attempts

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to provide a definition of the scope of genuine economics.

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Not logical or epistemological rigor, but considerations of expediency and traditional

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convention make us declare that the field of catallactics or of economics in the narrower

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sense is the analysis of the market phenomena.

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This is tantamount to the statement, catallactics is the analysis of those actions which are

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conducted on the basis of monetary calculation.

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Direct exchange and monetary calculation are inseparably linked together.

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A market in which there is direct exchange only is merely an imaginary construction.

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On the other hand, money and monetary calculation are conditioned by the existence of the market.

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It is certainly one of the tasks of economics to analyze the working of an imaginary socialist

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system of production.

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But access to this study too is possible only through the study of catallactics, the elucidation

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of a system in which there are money prices and economic calculation.

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The Denial of Economics

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There are doctrines flatly denying that there can be a science of economics.

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What is taught nowadays at most of the universities under the label of economics is practically

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a denial of it.

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He who contests the existence of economics virtually denies that man's well-being is

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disturbed by any scarcity of external factors.

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Everybody, he implies, could enjoy the perfect satisfaction of all his wishes, provided a

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reform succeeds in overcoming certain obstacles brought about by inappropriate man-made institutions.

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In the doctrine of Karl Marx and his followers, scarcity is a historical category only.

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It is the feature of the primeval history of mankind which will be forever liquidated

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by the abolition of private property.

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Once mankind has effected the leap from the realm of necessity into the realm of freedom,

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and thereby reached the higher phase of communist society, there will be abundance, and consequently

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it will be feasible to give to each according to his needs.

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There is in the vast flood of Marxian writings not the slightest allusion to the possibility

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that a Communist society in its higher phase might have to face a scarcity of natural factors

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of production.

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The fact of the disutility of labor is spirited away by the assertion that to work, under

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Communism of course, will no longer be pain, but pleasure, the primary necessity of life.

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The unpleasant experiences of the Russian experiment are interpreted as caused by the

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capitalists' hostility, by the fact that socialism in one country only is not yet perfect

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and therefore has not yet been able to bring about the higher phase, and, more recently,

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by the war.

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Then there are the radical inflationists, as represented, for example, by Proudhon,

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Ernest Solvay, and, in present-day America, by the doctrine of functional finance.

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In their opinion, scarcity is created by the artificial checks upon credit expansion and

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other methods of increasing the quantity of money in circulation, enjoined upon the gullible

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public by the selfish class interests of bankers and other exploiters.

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They recommend unlimited public spending as the panacea.

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The foremost American champion of the substitution of an economy of abundance for the allegedly

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artificial economy of scarcity is the former Vice President of the United States, Henry

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A. Wallace.

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Mr. Wallace will be remembered in history as the originator of the vastest scheme ever

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are carried out to restrict, by government decree, the supply of essential foodstuffs

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and raw materials.

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However, this record in no way impairs the popularity of his teachings.

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Such is the myth of potential plenty and abundance.

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Economics may leave it to the historians and psychologists to explain the popularity of

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this kind of wishful thinking and indulgence in daydreams.

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All that economics has to say about such idle talk is that economics deals with the problems

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man has to face on account of the fact that his life is conditioned by natural factors.

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It deals with action, that is, with the conscious endeavors to remove, as far as possible, felt

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uneasiness.

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It has nothing to assert with regard to the state of affairs in an unrealizable, and for

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or Human Reason, even inconceivable universe of unlimited opportunities.

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In such a world, it may be admitted, there will be no law of value, no scarcity and no

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economic problems.

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These things will be absent because there will be no choices to be made, no action and

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no tasks to be solved by reason.

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Beings, which would have thrived in such a world, would never have developed reasoning

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and thinking.

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If ever such a world were to be given to the descendants of the human race, these blessed

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beings would see their power to think wither away, and would cease to be human.

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For the primary task of reason is to cope consciously with the limitations imposed upon

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man by nature, to fight against scarcity.

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Acting and thinking man is the product of a universe of scarcity, in which whatever

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Whatever well-being can be attained is the prize of toil and trouble, of conduct popularly

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called economic.

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2.

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The Method of Imaginary Constructions.

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The specific method of economics is the method of imaginary constructions.

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This method is the method of praxeology.

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That it has been carefully elaborated and perfected in the field of economic studies

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in the narrower sense is due to the fact that economics, at least until now, has been the

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best developed part of praxeology.

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Everyone who wants to express an opinion about the problems commonly called economic takes

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recourse to this method.

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The employment of these imaginary constructions is, to be sure, not a procedure peculiar to

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the scientific analysis of these problems.

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The layman, in dealing with them, resorts to the same method.

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But while the layman's constructions are more or less confused and muddled, economics is

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intent upon elaborating them with the utmost care, scrupulousness and precision, and upon

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examining their conditions and assumptions critically.

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An imaginary construction is a conceptual image of a sequence of events logically evolved

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from the elements of action employed in its formation.

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It is a product of deduction, ultimately derived from the fundamental category of action, the

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act of preferring and setting aside.

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In designing such an imaginary construction, the economist is not concerned with the question

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of whether or not it depicts the conditions of reality which he wants to analyze, nor

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Or does he bother about the question of whether or not such a system as his imaginary construction

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posits could be conceived as really existent and in operation?

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Even imaginary constructions which are inconceivable, self-contradictory or unrealizable can render

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useful even indispensable services in the comprehension of reality, provided the economist

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knows how to use them properly.

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The method of imaginary constructions is justified by its success.

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Praxeology cannot, like the natural sciences, base its teachings upon laboratory experiments

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and sensory perception of external objects.

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It had to develop methods entirely different from those of physics and biology.

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It would be a serious blunder to look for analogies to the imaginary constructions in

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the field of the natural sciences.

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The imaginary constructions of praxeology can never be confronted with any experience

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of things external, and can never be appraised from the point of view of such experience.

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Their function is to serve man in a scrutiny which cannot rely upon his senses.

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In confronting the imaginary constructions with reality, we cannot raise the question

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We must ask whether the assumptions of our construction are identical with the conditions

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of those actions which we want to conceive.

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The main formula for designing of imaginary constructions is to abstract from the operation

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of some conditions present in actual action.

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Then we are in a position to grasp the hypothetical consequences of the absence of these conditions,

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and to conceive the effects of their existence.

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Thus we conceive the category of action by constructing the image of a state in which

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there is no action, either because the individual is fully contented and does not feel any uneasiness,

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or because he does not know any procedure from which an improvement in his well-being,

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state of satisfaction, could be expected.

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Thus we conceive the notion of originary interest from an imaginary construction in which no

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distinction is made between satisfactions in periods of time equal in length, but unequal

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with regard to their distance from the instant of action.

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The method of imaginary constructions is indispensable for praxeology.

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It is the only method of praxeological and economic inquiry.

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It is, to be sure, a method very difficult to handle because it can easily result in

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fallacious syllogisms.

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It leads along a sharp edge.

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On both sides yawns the chasm of absurdity and nonsense.

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Only merciless self-criticism can prevent a man from falling headlong into these abysmal

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depths.

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3.

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The Pure Market Economy

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The imaginary construction of a pure or unhampered market economy assumes that there is a division

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of labor and private ownership, control, of the means of production, and that, consequently,

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there is market exchange of goods and services.

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It assumes that the operation of the market is not obstructed by institutional factors.

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It assumes that the government, the social apparatus of compulsion and coercion, is intent

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upon preserving the operation of the market system, abstains from hindering its functioning,

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and protects it against encroachments on the part of other people.

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The market is free.

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There is no interference of factors foreign to the market with prices, wage rates and

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interest rates.

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Starting from these assumptions, economics tries to elucidate the operation of a pure

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market economy.

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Only at a later stage, having exhausted everything which can be learned from the study of this

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imaginary construction, does it turn to the study of the various problems raised by interference

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It is amazing that this logically incontestable procedure, the only one that is fitted to

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solve the problems involved, has been passionately attacked.

234
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People have branded it as a pre-possession in favor of a liberal economic policy, which

235
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They Stigmatize as Reactionary Economic Royalism, Manchesterism, Negativism and so on.

236
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They deny that anything can be gained for the knowledge of reality from occupation with

237
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this imaginary construction.

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However, these turbulent critics contradict themselves as they take recourse to the same

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method in advancing their own assertions.

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In asking for minimum wage rates, they depict the alleged unsatisfactory conditions of

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a free labor market, and in asking for tariffs, they describe the alleged disasters brought

242
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about by free trade.

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There is, of course, no other way available for the elucidation of a measure limiting

244
00:21:48.920 --> 00:21:55.400
the free play of the factors operating on an unhampered market, than to study first

245
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the state of affairs prevailing under economic freedom.

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It is true that economists have drawn from their investigations the conclusion that the

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goals which most people, practically even all people, are intent on attaining by toiling

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and working and by economic policy, can best be realized where the free market system is

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not impeded by government decrees.

250
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But this is not a preconceived judgment stemming from an insufficient occupation with the

251
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operation of government interference with business.

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It is, on the contrary, the result of a careful, unbiased scrutiny of all aspects of interventionism.

253
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It is also true that the classical economists and their epigones used to call the system

254
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Interventionism of unhampered market economy, natural, and government meddling with market

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phenomena, artificial and disturbing.

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But this terminology also was the product of their careful scrutiny of the problems

257
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of interventionism.

258
00:23:01.900 --> 00:23:07.660
They were in conformity with the semantic practice of their age in calling an undesirable

259
00:23:07.660 --> 00:23:12.460
state of social affairs contrary to nature.

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M and Dism of the Age of Enlightenment viewed the regularity of natural phenomena as an

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emanation of the decrees of Providence.

262
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When the philosophers of the Enlightenment discovered that there prevails a regularity

263
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of phenomena also in human action and in social evolution, they were prepared to interpret

264
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it likewise as evidence of the paternal care of the Creator of the universe.

265
00:23:39.380 --> 00:23:44.960
This was the true meaning of the doctrine of the predetermined harmony as expounded by

266
00:23:44.960 --> 00:23:47.340
some economists.

267
00:23:47.340 --> 00:23:52.740
The doctrine of the predetermined harmony in the operation of an unhampered market system

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must not be confused with the theorem of the harmony of the rightly understood interests

269
00:23:58.200 --> 00:24:04.240
within a market system, although there is a certain congeniality between them.

270
00:24:04.240 --> 00:24:10.320
The social philosophy of paternal despotism laid stress upon the divine mission of kings

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and autocrats predestined to rule the peoples.

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The liberals retorted that the operation of an unhampered market, on which the consumer,

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that is, every citizen, is sovereign, brings about more satisfactory results than the decrees

274
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of anointed rulers.

275
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Observe the functioning of the market system, they said, and you will discover in it the finger of God.

276
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Along with the imaginary construction of a pure market economy, the classical economists elaborated its logical counterpart,

277
00:24:45.320 --> 00:24:49.320
the imaginary construction of a socialist Commonwealth.

278
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In the heuristic process which finally led to the discovery of the operation of a market economy,

279
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This image of a socialist order even had logical priority.

280
00:25:01.320 --> 00:25:08.320
The question which preoccupied the economists was whether a tailor could be supplied with bread and shoes

281
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if there was no government decree compelling the baker and the shoemaker to provide for his needs.

282
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The first thought was that authoritarian interference is required to make every specialist serve his fellow citizens.

283
00:25:24.320 --> 00:25:30.320
The economists were taken aback when they discovered that no such compulsion is needed.

284
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In contrasting productivity and profitability, self-interest and public welfare, selfishness and altruism,

285
00:25:39.320 --> 00:25:44.320
the economists implicitly referred to the image of a socialist system.

286
00:25:44.320 --> 00:25:50.320
Their astonishment at the automatic, as it were, steering of the market system

287
00:25:50.320 --> 00:25:56.600
was precisely due to the fact that they realized that an anarchic state of production results

288
00:25:56.600 --> 00:26:03.100
in supplying people better than the orders of a centralized, omnipotent government.

289
00:26:03.100 --> 00:26:09.740
The idea of socialism, a system of the division of labor entirely controlled and managed by

290
00:26:09.740 --> 00:26:16.020
a planning authority, did not originate in the heads of utopian reformers.

291
00:26:16.020 --> 00:26:23.580
These utopians aimed rather at the autarkic coexistence of small, self-sufficient bodies.

292
00:26:23.580 --> 00:26:26.940
Take for instance Fourier's Falange.

293
00:26:26.940 --> 00:26:33.000
The radicalism of the reformers turned toward socialism when they took the image of an economy

294
00:26:33.000 --> 00:26:38.940
managed by a national government or a world authority, implied in the theories of the

295
00:26:38.940 --> 00:26:43.020
economists as a model for their new order.

296
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The Maximization of Profits It is generally believed that economists in

297
00:26:48.580 --> 00:26:54.180
dealing with the problems of a market economy are quite unrealistic in assuming that all

298
00:26:54.180 --> 00:26:59.580
men are always eager to gain the highest attainable advantage.

299
00:26:59.580 --> 00:27:05.460
They construct, it is said, the image of a perfectly selfish and rationalistic being

300
00:27:05.460 --> 00:27:08.900
for whom nothing counts but profit.

301
00:27:08.900 --> 00:27:15.140
Such a homo economicus may be a likeness of stock-jobbers and speculators, but the immense

302
00:27:15.140 --> 00:27:17.860
majority are very different.

303
00:27:17.860 --> 00:27:22.420
Nothing for the cognition of reality can be learned from the study of the conduct of

304
00:27:22.420 --> 00:27:24.780
this delusive image.

305
00:27:24.780 --> 00:27:30.380
It is not necessary to enter again into a refutation of all the confusion, error and

306
00:27:30.380 --> 00:27:33.780
distortion inherent in this contention.

307
00:27:33.780 --> 00:27:38.740
The first two parts of this book have unmasked the fallacies implied.

308
00:27:38.740 --> 00:27:44.900
At this point it is enough to deal with the problem of the maximization of profits.

309
00:27:44.900 --> 00:27:50.500
Praxeology in general and economics in its special field assume with regard to the springs

310
00:27:50.500 --> 00:27:58.140
of human action nothing other than that acting man wants to remove uneasiness.

311
00:27:58.140 --> 00:28:05.240
Under the particular conditions of dealing on the market, action means buying and selling.

312
00:28:05.240 --> 00:28:11.800
Asserting that economics asserts about demand and supply refers to every instance of demand

313
00:28:11.800 --> 00:28:18.760
and supply, and not only to demand and supply brought about by some special circumstances

314
00:28:18.760 --> 00:28:23.120
requiring a particular description or definition.

315
00:28:23.120 --> 00:28:28.720
To assert that a man faced with the alternative of getting more or less for a commodity he

316
00:28:28.720 --> 00:28:35.800
He wants to sell, Ceteris Paribus chooses the high price, does not require any further

317
00:28:35.800 --> 00:28:36.800
assumption.

318
00:28:36.800 --> 00:28:42.880
A higher price means for the seller a better satisfaction of his wants.

319
00:28:42.880 --> 00:28:47.340
The same applies mutatus mutundus to the buyer.

320
00:28:47.340 --> 00:28:53.400
The amount saved in buying the commodity concerned enables him to spend more for the satisfaction

321
00:28:53.400 --> 00:28:55.300
of other needs.

322
00:28:55.300 --> 00:29:00.860
To buy in the cheapest market and to sell in the dearest market is, other things being

323
00:29:00.860 --> 00:29:06.940
equal, not conduct which would presuppose any special assumptions concerning the actor's

324
00:29:06.940 --> 00:29:09.420
motives and morality.

325
00:29:09.420 --> 00:29:16.380
It is merely the necessary offshoot of any action under the conditions of market exchange.

326
00:29:16.380 --> 00:29:22.540
In his capacity as a businessman, a man is a servant of the consumers, bound to comply

327
00:29:22.540 --> 00:29:24.480
with their wishes.

328
00:29:24.480 --> 00:29:31.100
He cannot indulge in his own whims and fancies, but his customers' whims and fancies are,

329
00:29:31.100 --> 00:29:37.000
for him, ultimate law, provided these customers are ready to pay for them.

330
00:29:37.000 --> 00:29:43.040
He is under the necessity of adjusting his conduct to the demand of the consumers.

331
00:29:43.040 --> 00:29:48.720
If the consumers, without a taste for the beautiful, prefer things ugly and vulgar,

332
00:29:48.720 --> 00:29:53.560
he must, contrary to his own convictions, supply them with such things.

333
00:29:53.560 --> 00:29:58.800
A painter is a businessman if he is intent upon making paintings which could be sold

334
00:29:58.800 --> 00:30:00.880
at the highest price.

335
00:30:00.880 --> 00:30:06.460
A painter who does not compromise with the taste of the buying public and, disdaining

336
00:30:06.460 --> 00:30:13.620
all unpleasant consequences, lets himself be guided solely by his own ideals is an artist,

337
00:30:13.620 --> 00:30:15.900
a creative genius.

338
00:30:15.900 --> 00:30:21.960
If consumers do not want to pay a higher price for domestic products than for those produced

339
00:30:21.960 --> 00:30:27.480
Abroad, he must buy the foreign product, provided it is cheaper.

340
00:30:27.480 --> 00:30:32.080
An employer cannot grant favors at the expense of his customers.

341
00:30:32.080 --> 00:30:37.200
He cannot pay wage rates higher than those determined by the market if the buyers are

342
00:30:37.200 --> 00:30:43.400
not ready to pay proportionately higher prices for commodities produced in plants in which

343
00:30:43.400 --> 00:30:47.040
wage rates are higher than in other plants.

344
00:30:47.040 --> 00:30:52.000
It is different with man in his capacity as spender of his income.

345
00:30:52.000 --> 00:30:54.580
He is free to do what he likes best.

346
00:30:54.580 --> 00:30:56.480
He can bestow alms.

347
00:30:56.480 --> 00:31:02.000
He can, motivated by various doctrines and prejudices, discriminate against goods of

348
00:31:02.000 --> 00:31:09.040
a certain origin or source, and prefer the worse or more expensive product to the technologically

349
00:31:09.040 --> 00:31:11.640
better and cheaper one.

350
00:31:11.640 --> 00:31:16.640
As a rule, people in buying do not make gifts to the seller.

351
00:31:16.640 --> 00:31:19.340
But nonetheless that happens.

352
00:31:19.340 --> 00:31:25.540
The boundaries between buying goods and services needed and giving alms are sometimes difficult

353
00:31:25.540 --> 00:31:27.300
to discern.

354
00:31:27.300 --> 00:31:33.340
He who buys at a charity sale usually combines a purchase with a donation for a charitable

355
00:31:33.340 --> 00:31:34.760
purpose.

356
00:31:34.760 --> 00:31:40.680
He who gives a dime to a blind street musician certainly does not pay for the questionable

357
00:31:40.680 --> 00:31:44.580
performance, he simply gives alms.

358
00:31:44.580 --> 00:31:47.420
Man in acting is a unity.

359
00:31:47.420 --> 00:31:53.160
The businessman who owns the whole firm may sometimes efface the boundaries between business

360
00:31:53.160 --> 00:31:54.940
and charity.

361
00:31:54.940 --> 00:32:00.660
If he wants to relieve a distressed friend, delicacy of feeling may prompt him to resort

362
00:32:00.660 --> 00:32:06.220
to a procedure which spares the latter the embarrassment of living on alms.

363
00:32:06.220 --> 00:32:11.780
He gives the friend a job in his office, although he does not need his help, or could hire

364
00:32:11.780 --> 00:32:16.780
The Federal Reserve and the Federal Reserve are an equivalent helper at a lower salary.

365
00:32:16.780 --> 00:32:21.780
Then the salary granted appears formally as a part of business outlays.

366
00:32:21.780 --> 00:32:26.780
In fact, it is the spending of a fraction of the businessman's income.

367
00:32:26.780 --> 00:32:35.780
It is, from a correct point of view, consumption and not an expenditure designed to increase the firm's profits.

368
00:32:35.780 --> 00:32:43.780
The boundaries between business outlays and consumptive spending is often encouraged by institutional conditions.

369
00:32:43.780 --> 00:32:52.780
An expenditure debited to the account of trading expenses reduces net profits and thereby the amount of taxes due.

370
00:32:52.780 --> 00:33:01.780
If taxes absorb 50% of profits, the charitable businessman spends only 50% of the gift out of his own pocket.

371
00:33:01.780 --> 00:33:05.620
Rest burdens the Department of Internal Revenue.

372
00:33:05.620 --> 00:33:11.900
Awkward mistakes are due to the tendency to look only upon things tangible, visible and

373
00:33:11.900 --> 00:33:15.860
measurable, and to neglect everything else.

374
00:33:15.860 --> 00:33:20.640
What the consumer buys is not simply food or calories.

375
00:33:20.640 --> 00:33:23.160
He does not want to feed like a wolf.

376
00:33:23.160 --> 00:33:26.260
He wants to eat like a man.

377
00:33:26.260 --> 00:33:31.860
Food satisfies the appetite of many people the better, the more appetizingly and tastefully

378
00:33:31.860 --> 00:33:33.400
it is prepared.

379
00:33:33.400 --> 00:33:40.440
The finer the table is set, and the more agreeable the environment is in which the food is consumed.

380
00:33:40.440 --> 00:33:46.420
Such things are regarded as of no consequence by a consideration exclusively occupied with

381
00:33:46.420 --> 00:33:50.600
the chemical aspects of the process of digestion.

382
00:33:50.600 --> 00:33:55.800
To be sure, a consideration from the point of view of the physiology of nutrition will

383
00:33:55.800 --> 00:33:59.480
will not regard such things as negligible.

384
00:33:59.480 --> 00:34:05.320
But the fact that they play an important role in the determination of food prices is perfectly

385
00:34:05.320 --> 00:34:11.920
compatible with the assertion that people prefer satyrus paribus to buy in the cheapest

386
00:34:11.920 --> 00:34:13.480
market.

387
00:34:13.480 --> 00:34:19.200
Whenever a buyer, in choosing between two things which chemists and technologists deem

388
00:34:19.200 --> 00:34:24.600
perfectly equal, prefers the more expensive, he has a reason.

389
00:34:24.600 --> 00:34:31.280
If he does not err, he pays for services which chemistry and technology cannot comprehend

390
00:34:31.280 --> 00:34:35.040
with their specific methods of investigation.

391
00:34:35.040 --> 00:34:40.820
If a man prefers an expensive place to a cheaper one because he likes to sip his cocktails

392
00:34:40.820 --> 00:34:47.840
in the neighborhood of a duke or of café society, we may remark on his ridiculous vanity.

393
00:34:47.840 --> 00:34:53.280
But we must not say that the man's conduct does not aim at an improvement of his own

394
00:34:53.280 --> 00:35:02.440
What a man does is always aimed at an improvement of his own state of satisfaction.

395
00:35:02.440 --> 00:35:08.640
In this sense, and in no other, we are free to use the term selfishness and to emphasize

396
00:35:08.640 --> 00:35:13.780
that action is necessarily always selfish.

397
00:35:13.780 --> 00:35:20.580
Even an action directly aiming at the improvement of other people's conditions is selfish.

398
00:35:20.580 --> 00:35:26.900
The actor considers it as more satisfactory for himself to make other people eat than

399
00:35:26.900 --> 00:35:29.120
to eat himself.

400
00:35:29.120 --> 00:35:35.800
His uneasiness is caused by the awareness of the fact that other people are in want.

401
00:35:35.800 --> 00:35:42.080
It is a fact that many people behave in another way and prefer to fill their own stomach and

402
00:35:42.080 --> 00:35:44.800
not that of their fellow citizens.

403
00:35:44.800 --> 00:35:47.480
But this has nothing to do with economics.

404
00:35:47.480 --> 00:35:50.700
It is a datum of historical experience.

405
00:35:50.700 --> 00:35:56.800
At any rate, economics refers to every kind of action, no matter whether motivated by

406
00:35:56.800 --> 00:36:02.000
the urge of a man to eat or to make other people eat.

407
00:36:02.000 --> 00:36:08.300
If maximizing profits means that a man in all market transactions aims at increasing

408
00:36:08.300 --> 00:36:15.980
to the utmost the advantage derived, it is a pleonastic and periphrastic circumlocution.

409
00:36:15.980 --> 00:36:20.980
It only asserts what is implied in the very category of action.

410
00:36:20.980 --> 00:36:26.380
If it means anything else, it is the expression of an erroneous idea.

411
00:36:26.380 --> 00:36:31.540
Some economists believe that it is the task of economics to establish how in the whole

412
00:36:31.540 --> 00:36:38.300
of society the greatest possible satisfaction of all people, or of the greatest number,

413
00:36:38.300 --> 00:36:40.160
could be attained.

414
00:36:40.160 --> 00:36:45.100
They do not realize that there is no method which would allow us to measure the state

415
00:36:45.100 --> 00:36:49.160
of Satisfaction attained by various individuals.

416
00:36:49.160 --> 00:36:54.380
They misconstrue the character of judgments which are based on the comparison between

417
00:36:54.380 --> 00:36:57.220
various people's happiness.

418
00:36:57.220 --> 00:37:02.220
While expressing arbitrary value judgments, they believe themselves to be establishing

419
00:37:02.220 --> 00:37:03.940
facts.

420
00:37:03.940 --> 00:37:09.020
One may call it just to rob the rich in order to make presents to the poor.

421
00:37:09.020 --> 00:37:15.660
However, to call something fair or unfair is always a subjective value judgment, and

422
00:37:15.660 --> 00:37:23.020
as such purely personal and not liable to any verification or falsification.

423
00:37:23.020 --> 00:37:27.020
Economics is not intent upon pronouncing value judgments.

424
00:37:27.020 --> 00:37:32.860
It aims at a cognition of the consequences of certain modes of acting.

425
00:37:32.860 --> 00:37:38.500
It has been asserted that the physiological needs of all men are of the same kind, and

426
00:37:38.500 --> 00:37:44.500
and that this equality provides a standard for the measurement of the degree of their objective satisfaction.

427
00:37:44.500 --> 00:37:52.500
In expressing such opinions and in recommending the use of such criteria to guide the government's policy,

428
00:37:52.500 --> 00:37:57.500
one proposes to deal with men as the breeder deals with his cattle.

429
00:37:57.500 --> 00:38:05.500
But the reformers fail to realize that there is no universal principle of alimentation valid for all men.

430
00:38:05.500 --> 00:38:13.500
Which one of the various principles one chooses depends entirely on the aims one wants to attain.

431
00:38:13.500 --> 00:38:23.500
The cattle breeder does not feed his cows in order to make them happy, but in order to attain the ends which he has assigned to them in his own plans.

432
00:38:23.500 --> 00:38:28.500
He may prefer more milk or more meat or something else.

433
00:38:28.500 --> 00:38:32.500
What type of man do the man breeders want to rear?

434
00:38:32.500 --> 00:38:38.020
Athletes or mathematicians? Warriors or factory hands?

435
00:38:38.020 --> 00:38:44.180
He who would make man the material of a purposeful system of breeding and feeding, would arrogate

436
00:38:44.180 --> 00:38:50.540
to himself despotic powers, and would use his fellow citizens as means for the attainment

437
00:38:50.540 --> 00:38:56.340
of his own ends, which differ from those they themselves are aiming at.

438
00:38:56.340 --> 00:39:02.420
The value judgments of an individual differentiate between what makes him more satisfied and

439
00:39:02.420 --> 00:39:04.260
What Less?

440
00:39:04.260 --> 00:39:09.740
The value judgments a man pronounces about another man's satisfaction do not assert

441
00:39:09.740 --> 00:39:13.380
anything about this other man's satisfaction.

442
00:39:13.380 --> 00:39:19.420
They only assert what condition of this other man better satisfies the man who pronounces

443
00:39:19.420 --> 00:39:21.320
the judgment.

444
00:39:21.320 --> 00:39:27.180
The reformers searching for the maximum of general satisfaction have told us merely what

445
00:39:27.180 --> 00:39:32.180
State of Other People's Affairs would best suit themselves.

446
00:39:32.180 --> 00:39:35.580
4. The Autistic Economy

447
00:39:35.580 --> 00:39:41.500
No other imaginary construction has caused more offense than that of an isolated economic

448
00:39:41.500 --> 00:39:49.460
actor entirely dependent on himself. However, economics cannot do without it. In order to

449
00:39:49.460 --> 00:39:56.640
study interpersonal exchange, it must compare it with conditions under which it is absent.

450
00:39:56.640 --> 00:40:02.420
It constructs two varieties of the image of an autistic economy in which there is only

451
00:40:02.420 --> 00:40:09.420
autistic exchange, the economy of an isolated individual and the economy of a socialist

452
00:40:09.420 --> 00:40:11.240
society.

453
00:40:11.240 --> 00:40:16.760
In employing this imaginary construction, the economists do not bother about the problem

454
00:40:16.760 --> 00:40:20.960
of whether or not such a system could really work.

455
00:40:20.960 --> 00:40:25.340
We are dealing here with problems of theory, not of history.

456
00:40:25.340 --> 00:40:30.540
We can therefore abstain from refuting the objections raised against the concept of an

457
00:40:30.540 --> 00:40:38.000
isolated actor by referring to the historical role of the self-sufficient household economy.

458
00:40:38.000 --> 00:40:43.740
They are fully aware of the fact that their imaginary construction is fictitious.

459
00:40:43.740 --> 00:40:49.840
Robinson Crusoe, who for all that may have existed, and the general manager of a perfectly

460
00:40:49.840 --> 00:40:55.280
isolated socialist commonwealth that never existed would not have been in a position

461
00:40:55.280 --> 00:41:02.400
to plan and to act as people can only when taking recourse to economic calculation.

462
00:41:02.400 --> 00:41:09.520
However, in the frame of our imaginary construction, we are free to pretend that they could calculate

463
00:41:09.520 --> 00:41:14.480
whenever such a fiction may be useful for the discussion of the specific problem to

464
00:41:14.480 --> 00:41:16.180
be dealt with.

465
00:41:16.180 --> 00:41:22.200
The imaginary construction of an autistic economy is at the bottom of the popular distinction

466
00:41:22.200 --> 00:41:29.520
between productivity and profitability as it developed as a yardstick of value judgments.

467
00:41:29.520 --> 00:41:35.180
Those resorting to this distinction consider the autistic economy, especially that of the

468
00:41:35.180 --> 00:41:41.740
socialist type, the most desirable and most perfect system of economic management.

469
00:41:41.740 --> 00:41:47.060
Every phenomenon of the market economy is judged with regard to whether or not it could

470
00:41:47.060 --> 00:41:51.740
be justified from the viewpoint of a socialist system.

471
00:41:51.740 --> 00:41:57.420
Only to acting that would be purposeful in the plans of such a systems manager are positive

472
00:41:57.420 --> 00:42:02.220
value and the epithet productive attached.

473
00:42:02.220 --> 00:42:07.820
All other activities performed in the market economy are called unproductive, in spite

474
00:42:07.820 --> 00:42:11.820
of the fact that they may be profitable to those who perform them.

475
00:42:11.820 --> 00:42:19.500
Thus, for example, sales promotion, advertising and banking are considered as activities profitable

476
00:42:19.500 --> 00:42:22.500
but non-productive.

477
00:42:22.500 --> 00:42:27.060
Ludwig's, of course, has nothing to say about such arbitrary value judgments.
