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NOTE XXIX. Restriction of Production

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CHAPTER 29 RESTRICTION OF PRODUCTION

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1. THE NATURE OF RESTRICTION

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We shall deal in this chapter with those measures which are directly and primarily intended to divert production in the broadest meaning of the word,

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including commerce and transportation, from the ways it would take in the unhampered market economy.

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Each authoritarian interference with business diverts production, of course, from the lines it would take if it were only directed by the demand of the consumers, as manifested on the market.

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The characteristic mark of restrictive interference with production is that the diversion of production is not merely an unavoidable and unintentional secondary effect, but precisely what the authority wants to bring about.

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Like any other act of intervention, such restrictive measures affect consumption also.

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But this again, in the case of the restrictive measures we are dealing with in this chapter,

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is not the primary end the authority aims at.

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The government wants to interfere with production.

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The fact that its measure influences the ways of consumption also is, from its point of

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view either altogether contrary to its intentions or at least an unwelcome consequence with

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which it puts up because it is unavoidable and is considered as a minor evil when compared

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with the consequences of non-intervention.

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Restriction of production means that the government either forbids or makes more difficult or

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more expensive the production, transportation or distribution of definite articles, or the

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the application of definite modes of production, transportation or distribution.

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The authority thus eliminates some of the means available for the satisfaction of human

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wants.

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The effect of its interference is that people are prevented from using their knowledge and

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abilities, their labor and their material means of production in the way in which they

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would earn the highest returns and satisfy their needs as much as possible.

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Such interference makes people poorer and less satisfied.

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This is the crux of the matter.

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All the subtlety and hair-splitting wasted in the effort to invalidate this fundamental

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thesis are vain.

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On the unhampered market there prevails an irresistible tendency to employ every factor

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of Production for the best possible satisfaction of the most urgent needs of the consumers.

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If the government interferes with this process, it can only impair satisfaction.

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It can never improve it.

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The correctness of this thesis has been proved in an excellent and irrefutable manner with

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regard to the historically most important class of government interference with production,

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and the Barriers to International Trade.

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In this field, the teachings of the classical economists, especially those of Ricardo, are

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final and settle the issue forever.

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All that a tariff can achieve is to divert production from those locations in which the

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output per unit of input is higher to locations in which it is lower.

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It does not increase production.

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It curtails it.

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will expatiate on alleged government encouragement of production.

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However, government does not have the power to encourage one branch of production except

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by curtailing other branches.

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It withdraws the factors of production from those branches in which the unhampered market

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would employ them and directs them into other branches.

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It little matters what kind of administrative procedures the government resorts to for the

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What alone counts is the fact that people are forced to forego some satisfactions which they value more highly, and are compensated only by satisfactions which they value less.

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At the bottom of the interventionist argument, there is always the idea that the government or the state is an entity outside and above the social process of production, that it owns something which is not derived from taxing its subjects, and that it can spend this mythical something for definite purposes.

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This is the Santa Claus fable raised by Lord Keynes to the dignity of an economic doctrine and enthusiastically endorsed by all those who expect personal advantage from government spending.

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As against these popular fallacies, there is need to emphasize the truism that a government can spend or invest only what it takes away from its citizens,

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and that its additional spending and investment curtail the citizen's spending and investment to the full extent of its quantity.

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While government has no power to make people more prosperous by interference with business,

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it certainly does have the power to make them less satisfied by restriction of production.

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2. The Prize of Restriction

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The fact that restricting production invariably involves a curtailment of the individual citizen's satisfaction does not mean that such restriction is necessarily to be regarded as a damage.

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A government does not wantonly resort to restrictive measures. It wants to attain certain ends, and considers the restriction as the appropriate means for the realization of its plan.

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The appraisal of restrictive policies depends, therefore, on the answer to two questions.

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Is the means chosen by the government fitted to attain the end sought?

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Is the realization of this end a compensation for the individual citizen's privation?

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In raising these questions, we look upon restriction of production as we look upon taxes.

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The amount of taxes also directly curtails the taxpayer's satisfaction, but it is the

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price he pays for the services which government renders to society and to each of its members.

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As far as the government fulfills its social functions and the taxes do not exceed the

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amount required for securing the smooth operation of the government apparatus, they are necessary

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costs and repay themselves.

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The adequacy of this mode of dealing with restrictive measures is especially manifest

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in all those cases in which restriction is resorted to as a substitute for taxation.

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The bulk of expenditure for national defense is defrayed by the Treasury out of the public

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revenue.

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But occasionally another procedure is chosen.

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It happens sometimes that the nation's preparedness to repel aggression depends on the existence

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and the importance of certain branches of industry which would be absent in the unhampered market.

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These industries must be subsidized, and the subsidies granted are to be considered as any other armaments expenditure.

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Their character remains the same if the government grants them indirectly by the imposition of an import duty for the products concerned.

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The difference is only that then the consumers are directly burdened with the costs incurred,

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while in the case of a government subsidy they defray these costs indirectly in paying higher taxes.

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In enacting restrictive measures, governments and parliaments have hardly ever been aware of the consequences of their meddling with business.

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Thus, they have blithely assumed that protective tariffs are capable of raising the nation's

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standard of living, and they have stubbornly refused to admit the correctness of the economic

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teachings concerning the effects of protectionism.

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The economist's condemnation of protectionism is irrefutable and free of any party bias.

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For the economists do not say that protection is bad from any preconceived point of view.

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They show that protection cannot attain those ends which the governments as a rule want

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to attain by resorting to it.

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They do not question the ultimate end of the government's action.

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They merely reject the means chosen as inappropriate to realize the ends aimed at.

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Most popular among all restrictive measures are those styled pro-labor legislation.

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Here too, the governments and public opinion badly misjudge the effects.

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They believe that restricting the hours of work and prohibiting child labor exclusively

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burdens the employers and is a social gain for the wage earners.

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However, this is true only to the extent that such laws reduce the supply of labor, and

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thus raise the marginal productivity of labor as against the marginal productivity of capital.

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But the drop in the supply of labor results also in a decrease in the total amount of

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goods produced, and thereby in the average per capita consumption.

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The total cake shrinks, but the portion of the smaller cake which goes to the wage earners

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is proportionately higher than what they received from the bigger cake.

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Concomitantly, the portion of the capitalists drops.

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Entrepreneurial profits and losses are not affected by pro-labor legislation as they

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entirely depend on the more or less successful adjustment of production to the changing conditions

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of the Market.

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With regard to these, labor legislation counts only as a factor producing change.

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It depends on the concrete data of each case whether or not this outcome improves or impairs

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the real wage rates of the various groups of wage earners.

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The popular appraisal of pro-labor legislation was based on the error that wage rates have

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have no causal relation whatever to the value that the worker's labor adds to the material.

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Wage rates, says the iron law, are determined by the minimum amount of indispensable necessities

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of life.

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They can never rise above the subsistence level.

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The difference between the value produced by the worker and the wages paid to him goes

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to the exploiting employer.

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If this surplus is curtailed by restricting the working hours, the wage earner is relieved

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of a part of his toil and trouble.

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His wages remain unchanged, and the employer is deprived of a part of his unfair profit.

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The restriction of total output curtails only the income of the exploiting bourgeois.

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It has been pointed out already that the role which pro-labor legislation played in the

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The rapid evolution of Western capitalism was, until a few years ago, much less important than would be suggested by the vehemence with which the problems involved have been publicly discussed.

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Labor legislation, for the most part, merely provided a legal recognition of changes in conditions already consummated by the rapid evolution of business.

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But in the countries which were slow in adopting capitalistic modes of production and are backward

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in developing modern methods of processing and manufacturing, the problem of labor legislation

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is crucial.

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Deluded by the spurious doctrines of interventionism, the politicians of these nations believe that

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they can improve the lot of the destitute masses by copying the labor legislation of

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of the most advanced capitalistic countries, they look upon the problems involved as if

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they were merely to be treated from what is erroneously called the human angle and fail

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to recognize the real issue.

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It is a sad fact indeed that in Asia many millions of tender children are destitute

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and starving, that wages are extremely low when compared with American or Western European

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Words, that hours of work are long, and that sanitary conditions in the workshops are deplorable.

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But there is no means of eliminating these evils other than to work, to produce, and

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to save more, and thus to accumulate more capital.

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This is indispensable for any lasting improvement.

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The restrictive measures advocated by self-styled philanthropists and humanitarians would be

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be futile.

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They would not only fail to improve conditions, they would make things a good deal worse.

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If the parents are too poor to feed their children adequately, prohibition of child

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labor condemns the children to starvation.

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If the marginal productivity of labor is so low that a worker can only earn, in ten hours,

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wages which are substandard when compared with American wages, one does not benefit

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at the Laborer by Decreeing the Eight-Hour Day.

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The problem under discussion is not the desirability of improving the wage earner's material well-being.

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The advocates of what are miscalled pro-labor laws intentionally confuse the issue in repeating

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again and again that more leisure, higher real wages and freeing children and married

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Women from the Necessity of Seeking Jobs would make the families of the workers happier.

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They resort to falsehood and mean calumny in calling those who oppose such laws as detrimental

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to the vital interests of the wage earners, labor-baiters, and enemies of labor.

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The disagreement does not refer to the end sought.

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It concerns solely the means to be applied for their realization.

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The question is not whether or not improvement of the masses welfare is desirable.

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It is exclusively whether or not government decrees restricting the hours of work and

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the employment of women and children are the right means for raising the worker's standard

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of living.

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This is a purely catallactic problem to be solved by economics.

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Emotional talk is beside the point.

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It is a poor disguise for the fact that these self-righteous advocates of restriction are

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unable to advance any tenable objections to the economist's well-founded argumentation.

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The fact that the standard of living of the average American worker is incomparably more

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satisfactory than that of the average Chinese worker, that in the United States hours of

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work are shorter and that the children are sent to school and not to the factories, is

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is not an achievement of the government and the laws of the country, it is the outcome

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of the fact that the capital invested per head of the employees is much greater than

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in China, and that consequently the marginal productivity of labor is much higher.

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This is not the merit of social policies, it is the result of the laissez-faire methods

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of the Past which abstained from sabotaging the evolution of capitalism.

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It is this laissez-faire that the Asiatics must adopt if they want to improve the lot

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of their peoples.

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The poverty of Asia and other backward countries is due to the same causes which made conditions

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unsatisfactory in the early periods of Western capitalism.

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While population figures increased rapidly, restrictive policies delayed the adjustment

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of production methods to the needs of the growing number of mouths.

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It is to the imperishable credit of the laissez-faire economists, whom the typical textbooks of our

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universities dismiss as pessimists and apologists of the unfair greed of exploiting bourgeois,

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that they paved the way for economic freedom, which raised the average standard of living

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to an unprecedented height.

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Economics is not dogmatic, as the self-styled unorthodox advocates of government omnipotence

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and totalitarian dictatorship contend.

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Economics neither approves nor disapproves of government measures restricting production

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and output.

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merely considers it its duty to clarify the consequences of such measures.

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The choice of policies to be adopted devolves upon the people.

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But in choosing, they must not disregard the teachings of economics if they want to attain

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the end sought.

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There are certainly cases in which people may consider definite restrictive measures

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as justified.

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Questions concerning fire prevention are restrictive and raise the cost of production, but the

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curtailment of total output they bring about is the price to be paid for avoidance of greater

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disaster.

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The decision about each restrictive measure is to be made on the ground of a meticulous

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weighing of the costs to be incurred and the prize to be obtained.

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No reasonable man could possibly question this rule.

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3. Restriction as a Privilege

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Every disarrangement of the market data affects various individuals and groups of individuals

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in a different way. For some people it is a boon, for others a blow.

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Only after a while, when production is adjusted to the emergence of the new datum,

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Here again, the most striking example is provided by protectionism, the imposition of a duty

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on the importation of a commodity burdens the consumers. But, to the domestic producers,

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it is a boon. From their point of view, decreeing new tariffs and raising already existing tariffs

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is an excellent thing. The same is valid with regard to many other restrictive measures.

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If the government restricts, either by direct restriction or by fiscal discrimination, big

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Business and Corporations, the competitive position of small size enterprises is strengthened.

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If it restricts the operation of big stores and chain stores, the small shopkeepers rejoice.

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It is important to realize that what those benefited by these measures consider an advantage

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for themselves, lasts only for a limited time.

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In the long run, the privilege accorded to a definite class of producers loses its power

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to create specific gains.

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The privileged branch attracts newcomers, and their competition tends to eliminate the

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specific gains derived from the privilege.

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Thus the eagerness of the law's pet children to acquire privileges is insatiable.

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They continue to ask for new privileges because the old ones lose their power.

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On the other hand, the repeal of a restrictive measure to the existence of which the structure

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of production has already been adjusted means a new disarrangement of the market data favors

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the short-run interests of some people and hurts the short-run interests of other people.

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Let us illustrate the issue by referring to a tariff item. Ruritania, years ago, let us

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say in 1920, decreed a tariff on the importation of leather. This was a boon for the enterprises

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which, at the moment, happened to be engaged in the tanning industry. But then, later,

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the size of the industry expanded, and the windfall gains which the tanners enjoyed in

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1920 and, in the following years, Peter Doubt. What remains is merely the fact that a part

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of the world's leather production is shifted from locations in which the output per unit

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of input is higher to locations in ruritania in which production requires higher costs.

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The residents of ruritania pay higher prices for leather than they would pay in the absence

219
00:22:11.840 --> 00:22:13.840
of the Tariff.

220
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As a greater part of Ruritania's capital and labor is employed in the tanneries than would

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be the case under free trade for leather, some other domestic industries shrank, or

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were at least prevented from growing.

223
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Less leather is imported from abroad, and a smaller amount of Ruritanian products is

224
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exported as payment for leather imported.

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The volume of Ruritania's foreign trade is curtailed.

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Not a single soul in the whole world derives any advantage from the preservation of the

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old tariff.

228
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On the contrary, everyone is hurt by the drop in the total output of mankind's industrial

229
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effort.

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If the policy adopted by Ruritania with regard to leather were to be adopted by all nations

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and with regard to every kind of merchandise in the most rigid way so as to abolish international

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trade altogether and to make every nation perfectly autarkic, all people would have

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to forgo entirely the advantages which the international division of labor gives them.

234
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It is obvious that the repeal of the ruritanian tariff on leather must in the long run benefit

235
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Everybody, Ruritanians as well as foreigners. However, in the short run it would hurt the

236
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interests of the capitalists who have invested in Ruritanian tanneries. It would no less

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hurt the short run interests of the Ruritanian workers specialized in tannery work. A part

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of them would have either to emigrate or to change their occupation. These capitalists

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Lawyers and workers passionately fight all attempts to lower the leather tariff or to

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abolish it altogether.

241
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This shows clearly why it is politically extremely difficult to brush away measures restricting

242
00:24:11.880 --> 00:24:18.040
production once the structure of business has been adjusted to their existence.

243
00:24:18.040 --> 00:24:24.700
Although their effects are pernicious to everybody, their disappearance is in the short run disadvantageous

244
00:24:24.700 --> 00:24:27.140
to special groups.

245
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These special groups interested in the preservation of the restrictive measures are, of course,

246
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only minorities.

247
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In Ruritania, only the small fraction of the population engaged in the tanneries can suffer

248
00:24:40.660 --> 00:24:44.180
from the abolition of the tariff on leather.

249
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The immense majority are buyers of leather and leather goods, and would be benefited

250
00:24:49.540 --> 00:24:52.700
by a drop in their prices.

251
00:24:52.700 --> 00:25:09.460
The last objection advanced by the opponents of free trade runs this way.

252
00:25:09.460 --> 00:25:15.620
Granted that only those ruritanians engaged in tanning hides are immediately interested

253
00:25:15.620 --> 00:25:21.580
in the preservation of the tariff on leather, but every ruritanian belongs to one of the

254
00:25:21.580 --> 00:25:28.780
are many branches of production. If each domestic product is protected by the tariff, the transition

255
00:25:28.780 --> 00:25:35.080
to free trade hurts the interests of each industry, and thereby those of all specialized

256
00:25:35.080 --> 00:25:41.800
groups of capital and labor, the sum of which is the whole nation. It follows that repealing

257
00:25:41.800 --> 00:25:48.560
the tariff would in the short run be prejudicial to all citizens, and it is short run interests

258
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only that count.

259
00:25:51.120 --> 00:25:54.160
This argument involves a three-fold error.

260
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First, it is not true that all branches of industry would be hurt by the transition to

261
00:26:00.040 --> 00:26:01.760
free trade.

262
00:26:01.760 --> 00:26:07.760
On the contrary, those branches in which the comparative costs of production are lowest

263
00:26:07.760 --> 00:26:10.780
will expand under free trade.

264
00:26:10.780 --> 00:26:15.740
Their short-run interests would be favored by the abolition of the tariff.

265
00:26:15.740 --> 00:26:21.780
The tariff on those products they themselves turn out is of no advantage for them as they

266
00:26:21.780 --> 00:26:26.660
could not only survive but expand under free trade.

267
00:26:26.660 --> 00:26:32.000
The tariff on those products for which the comparative cost is higher in ruritania than

268
00:26:32.000 --> 00:26:38.340
abroad hurts them by directing capital and labor, which otherwise would have fertilized

269
00:26:38.340 --> 00:26:41.020
them into those other branches.

270
00:26:41.020 --> 00:26:53.020
Second, the short-run principle is entirely fallacious. In the short-run, every change in the market data hurts those who did not anticipate it in time.

271
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A consistent champion of the short-run principle must advocate perfect rigidity and immutability of all data, and oppose any change, including any therapeutical and technological improvement.

272
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If, in acting, people were always to prefer the avoidance of an evil in the nearer future

273
00:27:14.980 --> 00:27:20.100
to the avoidance of an evil in the remoter future, they would come down to the animal

274
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level.

275
00:27:21.380 --> 00:27:27.620
It is the very essence of human action, as distinct from animal behavior, that it consciously

276
00:27:27.620 --> 00:27:34.580
renounces some temporally nearer satisfaction in order to reap some greater but temporally

277
00:27:34.580 --> 00:27:37.860
remoter satisfaction.

278
00:27:37.860 --> 00:27:44.120
Time preference is not absolute with man. It is only one of the items entering into the

279
00:27:44.120 --> 00:27:51.860
weighing and balancing of pros and cons. Man swallows bitter pills for the sake of beneficent

280
00:27:51.860 --> 00:27:58.560
effects to be reaped at a later date. There cannot be any question of unconditionally

281
00:27:58.560 --> 00:28:04.680
preferring what is good in the short run to what is good in the long run. The intensity

282
00:28:04.680 --> 00:28:11.680
The quality of the satisfaction expected from each of the alternatives must be taken into account too.

283
00:28:11.680 --> 00:28:19.680
Finally, if the problem of the abolition of Ruritania's comprehensive tariff system is under discussion,

284
00:28:19.680 --> 00:28:30.680
one must not forget the fact that the short-run interests of those engaged in tanning are hurt only by the abolition of one of the items of the tariff,

285
00:28:30.680 --> 00:28:35.640
while they are favored by the abolition of the other items concerning the products of

286
00:28:35.640 --> 00:28:40.080
the industries in which comparative cost is high.

287
00:28:40.080 --> 00:28:45.840
It is true that wage rates of the tannery workers will drop for some time, as against

288
00:28:45.840 --> 00:28:51.680
those in other branches, and that some time will elapse until the appropriate long-run

289
00:28:51.680 --> 00:28:57.480
proportion between wage rates in the various branches of ruritanian production will be

290
00:28:57.480 --> 00:28:59.480
established.

291
00:28:59.480 --> 00:29:06.000
Concomitantly, with the merely temporary drop in their earnings, these workers will experience

292
00:29:06.000 --> 00:29:10.280
a drop in the prices of many articles they are buying.

293
00:29:10.280 --> 00:29:15.560
And this tendency toward an improvement in their conditions is not a phenomenon only

294
00:29:15.560 --> 00:29:18.160
of the period of transition.

295
00:29:18.160 --> 00:29:24.840
It is the consummation of the lasting blessings of free trade, which, in shifting every branch

296
00:29:24.840 --> 00:29:35.840
The switch of industry to the location in which comparative cost is lowest increases the productivity of labor and the total quantity of goods produced.

297
00:29:35.840 --> 00:29:43.840
It is the lasting long-run boom which free trade secures to every member of the market society.

298
00:29:43.840 --> 00:29:52.840
The opposition to the abolition of tariff protection would be reasonable from the personal point of view of those engaged in the leather industry

299
00:29:52.840 --> 00:29:58.040
Theory, if the tariff on leather were the only tariff.

300
00:29:58.040 --> 00:30:04.680
Then one could explain their attitude as dictated by status interests, the interests of a caste

301
00:30:04.680 --> 00:30:10.600
which would be temporarily hurt by the abolition of a privilege, although its mere preservation

302
00:30:10.600 --> 00:30:14.440
no longer confers any benefit on them.

303
00:30:14.440 --> 00:30:19.920
But in this hypothetical case the opposition of the tanners would be hopeless.

304
00:30:19.920 --> 00:30:23.160
The majority of the nation would overrule it.

305
00:30:23.160 --> 00:30:28.260
What strengthens the ranks of the protectionists is the fact that the tariff on leather is

306
00:30:28.260 --> 00:30:34.340
no exception, that many branches of industry are in a similar position and are fighting

307
00:30:34.340 --> 00:30:39.280
the abolition of tariff items concerning their own branch.

308
00:30:39.280 --> 00:30:45.580
This is, of course, not an alliance based on each group's special group interests.

309
00:30:45.580 --> 00:30:52.180
If everybody is protected to the same extent, everybody not only loses as consumer as much

310
00:30:52.180 --> 00:30:58.660
as he gains as producer. Everybody is harmed by the general drop in the productivity of

311
00:30:58.660 --> 00:31:04.620
labor which the shifting of industries from more favorable to less favorable locations

312
00:31:04.620 --> 00:31:12.020
brings about. Conversely, the abolition of all tariff items would benefit everybody in

313
00:31:12.020 --> 00:31:17.860
in the long run, while the short-run harm which the abolition of some special tariff

314
00:31:17.860 --> 00:31:23.820
item brings to the special interests of the group concerned, is already in the short-run

315
00:31:23.820 --> 00:31:30.600
at least partly compensated by the consequences of the abolition of the tariff on the products

316
00:31:30.600 --> 00:31:34.860
the members of this group are buying and consuming.

317
00:31:34.860 --> 00:31:40.160
Many people look upon tariff protection as if it were a privilege accorded to their nation's

318
00:31:40.160 --> 00:31:50.160
and its wage earners, procuring them, for the full duration of its existence, a higher standard of living than they would enjoy under free trade.

319
00:31:50.160 --> 00:32:01.160
This argument is advanced not only in the United States, but in every country in the world in which average real wage rates are higher than in some other country.

320
00:32:01.160 --> 00:32:15.660
Now it is true that under perfect mobility of capital and labor, there would prevail all over the world a tendency toward an equalization of the price paid for labor of the same kind and quality.

321
00:32:15.660 --> 00:32:29.160
Yet, even if there were free trade for products, this tendency is absent in our real world of migration barriers and institutions hindering foreign investment of capital.

322
00:32:29.160 --> 00:32:35.160
The marginal productivity of labor is higher in the United States than it is in China

323
00:32:35.160 --> 00:32:40.160
because capital invested per head of the working population is greater,

324
00:32:40.160 --> 00:32:48.160
and because Chinese workers are prevented from moving to America and competing on the American labor market.

325
00:32:48.160 --> 00:32:53.160
There is no need in dealing with the explanation of this difference

326
00:32:53.160 --> 00:33:06.160
to investigate whether natural resources are or are not more abundant in America than in China and whether or not the Chinese worker is racially inferior to the American worker.

327
00:33:06.160 --> 00:33:20.160
However, this may be, these facts, namely the institutional checks upon the mobility of capital and labor, suffice to account for the absence of the equalization tendency.

328
00:33:20.160 --> 00:33:26.120
If the abolition of the American tariff could not affect these two facts, it could not impair

329
00:33:26.120 --> 00:33:31.440
the standard of living of the American wage earner in an adverse sense.

330
00:33:31.440 --> 00:33:36.760
On the contrary, given a state of affairs in which the mobility of capital and labor

331
00:33:36.760 --> 00:33:44.260
is restricted, the transition to free trade for products must necessarily raise the American

332
00:33:44.260 --> 00:33:46.440
standard of life.

333
00:33:46.440 --> 00:33:52.720
Those industries in which American costs are higher, American productivity is lower, would

334
00:33:52.720 --> 00:34:00.080
shrink, and those in which costs are lower, productivity is higher, would expand.

335
00:34:00.080 --> 00:34:06.200
It is certainly true that wage rates in Swiss watchmaking and in Chinese embroidering are

336
00:34:06.200 --> 00:34:11.880
low when compared with wage rates in the competing American industries.

337
00:34:11.880 --> 00:34:18.240
Under free trade, the Swiss and the Chinese would expand their sales on the American market,

338
00:34:18.240 --> 00:34:22.120
and the sales of their American competitors would shrink.

339
00:34:22.120 --> 00:34:26.720
But this is only a part of the consequences of free trade.

340
00:34:26.720 --> 00:34:32.520
Selling and producing more, the Swiss and Chinese would earn and buy more.

341
00:34:32.520 --> 00:34:37.400
It does not matter whether they themselves buy more of the products of other American

342
00:34:37.400 --> 00:34:42.280
in American Industries or whether they increase their domestic purchases and those in other

343
00:34:42.280 --> 00:34:45.560
countries, for instance in France.

344
00:34:45.560 --> 00:34:51.920
Whatever happens, the equivalent of the additional dollars they earned must finally go to the

345
00:34:51.920 --> 00:34:57.620
United States and increase the sales of some American industries.

346
00:34:57.620 --> 00:35:03.560
If the Swiss and Chinese do not give away their products as a gift, they must spend

347
00:35:03.560 --> 00:35:06.680
these dollars in buying.

348
00:35:06.680 --> 00:35:13.120
The popular opinion, to the contrary, is due to the illusory idea that America could expand

349
00:35:13.120 --> 00:35:20.900
its purchases of imported products by reducing the total sum of its citizens' cash holdings.

350
00:35:20.900 --> 00:35:26.880
This is the notorious fallacy according to which people buy without regard to the size

351
00:35:26.880 --> 00:35:33.360
of their cash holdings, and according to which the very existence of cash holdings is simply

352
00:35:33.360 --> 00:35:46.320
We have already shown why this mercantilist doctrine is entirely wrong.

353
00:35:46.320 --> 00:35:51.180
What the tariff really brings about in the field of wage rates and the wage earner's

354
00:35:51.180 --> 00:35:55.300
standard of living is something quite different.

355
00:35:55.300 --> 00:36:00.900
In a world in which there is free trade for commodities while the migration of workers

356
00:36:00.900 --> 00:36:03.920
Wages and foreign investment are restricted.

357
00:36:03.920 --> 00:36:10.080
There prevails a tendency toward an establishment of a definite relation between the wages paid

358
00:36:10.080 --> 00:36:15.440
for the same kind and quality of labor in various countries.

359
00:36:15.440 --> 00:36:21.200
There cannot prevail a tendency toward an equalization of wage rates.

360
00:36:21.200 --> 00:36:28.040
But the final price to be paid for labor in various countries is in a certain numerical

361
00:36:28.040 --> 00:36:29.680
relation.

362
00:36:29.680 --> 00:36:36.680
This final price is characterized by the fact that all those eager to earn wages get a job,

363
00:36:36.680 --> 00:36:42.760
and all those eager to employ workers are able to hire as many hands as they want.

364
00:36:42.760 --> 00:36:45.560
There is full employment.

365
00:36:45.560 --> 00:36:52.160
Let us assume that there are two countries only, Ruritania and Mauritania.

366
00:36:52.160 --> 00:36:58.060
In Ruritania, the final wage rate is double what it is in Mauritania.

367
00:36:58.060 --> 00:37:03.060
Now the government of ruritania resorts to one of those measures which are erroneously

368
00:37:03.060 --> 00:37:05.880
styled pro-labor.

369
00:37:05.880 --> 00:37:11.480
It burdens the employers with an additional expenditure, the size of which is proportional

370
00:37:11.480 --> 00:37:14.420
to the number of workers employed.

371
00:37:14.420 --> 00:37:19.900
For example, it reduces the hours of work without permitting a corresponding drop in

372
00:37:19.900 --> 00:37:22.140
weekly wage rates.

373
00:37:22.140 --> 00:37:27.940
The result is a drop in the quantity of goods produced, and a rise in the price of the

374
00:37:27.940 --> 00:37:30.420
and the unit of every good.

375
00:37:30.420 --> 00:37:36.740
The individual worker enjoys more leisure, but his standard of living is curtailed.

376
00:37:36.740 --> 00:37:42.600
What else could a general decrease in the quantity of goods available bring about?

377
00:37:42.600 --> 00:37:46.980
This outcome is an internal event in ruritania.

378
00:37:46.980 --> 00:37:51.580
It would emerge also in the absence of any foreign trade.

379
00:37:51.580 --> 00:37:58.580
The fact that Ruritania is not autarkic, but buys from and sells to Mauritania does not

380
00:37:58.580 --> 00:38:01.300
alter its essential features.

381
00:38:01.300 --> 00:38:04.380
But it implicates Mauritania.

382
00:38:04.380 --> 00:38:11.220
As the Ruritanians produce and consume less, they will buy less from Mauritania.

383
00:38:11.220 --> 00:38:17.140
In Mauritania there will not be a general drop in production, but some industries which

384
00:38:17.140 --> 00:38:22.700
which produced for export to Ruritania will henceforth have to produce for the domestic

385
00:38:22.700 --> 00:38:24.980
Mauritanian market.

386
00:38:24.980 --> 00:38:29.620
Mauritania will see the volume of its foreign trade drop.

387
00:38:29.620 --> 00:38:33.940
It will become, willy-nilly, more autarkic.

388
00:38:33.940 --> 00:38:37.260
This is a blessing in the eyes of the protectionists.

389
00:38:37.260 --> 00:38:42.340
In truth, it means deterioration in the standard of living.

390
00:38:42.340 --> 00:38:47.460
Even at higher costs is substituted for that at lower costs.

391
00:38:47.460 --> 00:38:52.980
What Mauritania experiences is the same thing that the residents of an autarkic country

392
00:38:52.980 --> 00:38:59.740
would experience if an act of God were to curtail the productivity of one of the country's

393
00:38:59.740 --> 00:39:01.060
industries.

394
00:39:01.060 --> 00:39:07.140
As far as there is division of labor, everybody is affected by a drop in the amount other

395
00:39:07.140 --> 00:39:10.740
people contribute to supplying the market.

396
00:39:10.740 --> 00:39:23.740
However, these inexorable final international consequences of Ruritania's new pro-labor law will not affect the various branches of Mauritania's industry in the same way.

397
00:39:23.740 --> 00:39:33.740
A sequence of steps is needed in both countries until at last a perfect adjustment of production to the new state of data is brought about.

398
00:39:33.740 --> 00:39:38.740
These short-run effects are different from the long-run effects.

399
00:39:38.740 --> 00:39:44.980
Effects. They are more spectacular than the long-run effects. While hardly anybody can

400
00:39:44.980 --> 00:39:52.620
fail to notice the short-run effects, the long-run effects are recognized only by economists.

401
00:39:52.620 --> 00:39:58.300
While it is not difficult to conceal the long-run effects from the public, something must be

402
00:39:58.300 --> 00:40:05.300
done about the easily recognizable short-run effects, lest the enthusiasm for such allegedly

403
00:40:05.300 --> 00:40:15.300
The first short-run effect to appear is the weakening of the competitive power of some

404
00:40:15.300 --> 00:40:21.100
ruritanian branches of production as against those of ruritania.

405
00:40:21.100 --> 00:40:28.140
As prices rise in ruritania, it becomes possible for some ruritanians to expand their sales

406
00:40:28.140 --> 00:40:30.500
in ruritania.

407
00:40:30.500 --> 00:40:33.180
This is a temporary effect only.

408
00:40:33.180 --> 00:40:40.000
In the end, the total sales of all Mauritanian industries in Mauritania will drop.

409
00:40:40.000 --> 00:40:45.920
It is possible that in spite of this general drop in the total amount of Mauritanian exports

410
00:40:45.920 --> 00:40:53.500
to Mauritania, some of the Mauritanian industries will expand their sales in the long run.

411
00:40:53.500 --> 00:40:58.220
This depends on the new configuration of comparative costs.

412
00:40:58.220 --> 00:41:04.940
But there is no necessary interconnection between these short-run and long-run effects.

413
00:41:04.940 --> 00:41:11.500
The adjustments of the period of transition create kaleidoscopically changing situations,

414
00:41:11.500 --> 00:41:15.740
which may differ entirely from the final outcome.

415
00:41:15.740 --> 00:41:21.980
Yet the short-sighted public's attention is completely absorbed by these short-run effects.

416
00:41:21.980 --> 00:41:28.780
They hear the businessmen affected complain that the new Ruritanian law gives to Mauritanians

417
00:41:28.780 --> 00:41:34.700
the opportunity to undersell both in Ruritania and in Mauritania.

418
00:41:34.700 --> 00:41:40.140
They see that some Ruritanian businessmen are forced to restrict their production and

419
00:41:40.140 --> 00:41:46.340
to discharge workers, and they begin to suspect that something may be wrong with the teachings

420
00:41:46.340 --> 00:41:51.220
of the self-styled unorthodox friends of labor.

421
00:41:51.220 --> 00:41:56.940
But the picture is different if there is, in Ruritania, a tariff high enough to prevent

422
00:41:56.940 --> 00:42:03.700
Mauritanians from even temporarily expanding their sales on the Ruritanian market.

423
00:42:03.700 --> 00:42:09.820
Then, the most spectacular short-run effects of the new measure are masked in such a way

424
00:42:09.820 --> 00:42:13.500
that the public does not become aware of them.

425
00:42:13.500 --> 00:42:19.340
The long-run effects, of course, cannot be avoided, but they are brought about by another

426
00:42:19.340 --> 00:42:25.540
Another sequence of short-run effects which is less offensive because less visible.

427
00:42:25.540 --> 00:42:31.620
The talk about alleged social gains produced by the shortening of the hours of work is

428
00:42:31.620 --> 00:42:37.900
not exploded by the immediate emergence of effects which everyone, and most of all the

429
00:42:37.900 --> 00:42:41.980
discharged workers, consider undesirable.

430
00:42:41.980 --> 00:42:49.100
The main function of tariffs and other protectionist devices today is to disguise the real effects

431
00:42:49.100 --> 00:42:56.100
of Interventionist Policies Designed to Raise the Standard of Living of the Masses.

432
00:42:56.100 --> 00:43:02.080
Economic nationalism is the necessary complement of these popular policies, which pretend to

433
00:43:02.080 --> 00:43:09.660
improve the wage earner's material well-being, while they are, in fact, impairing it.

434
00:43:09.660 --> 00:43:11.400
4.

435
00:43:11.400 --> 00:43:17.760
Restriction as an Economic System There are, as has been shown, cases in which

436
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A restrictive measure can attain the end sought by its application.

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If those resorting to such a measure think that the attainment of this goal is more important

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than the disadvantages brought about by the restriction, that is, the curtailment in the

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quantity of material goods available for consumption, the recourse to restriction is justified from

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the point of view of their value judgments.

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They incur costs and pay a price in order to get something that they value more than

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what they had to expend or to forgo.

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Nobody, and certainly not the theorist, is in a position to argue with them about the

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propriety of their value judgments.

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The only adequate mode of dealing with measures restricting production is to look at them

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as sacrifices made for the attainment of a definite end.

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They are quasi-expenditures and quasi-consumption.

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They are an employment of things that could be produced and consumed in one way for the

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realization of certain other ends.

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These things are prevented from coming into existence, but this quasi-consumption is precisely

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what satisfies the authors of these measures better than the increase in goods available

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which the omission of the restriction would have produced.

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With certain restrictive measures this point of view is universally adopted.

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If a government decrees that a piece of land should be kept in its natural state as a national

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park and should be withheld from any other utilization, nobody would classify such a

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venture as anything else than an expenditure.

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The government deprives the citizens of the increment in various products which the cultivation

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It follows that restriction of production can never play any role other than that of

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an ancillary complement of a system of production.

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One cannot construct a system of economic action out of such restrictive measures alone.

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So complex of such measures can be linked together into an integrated economic system.

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They cannot form a system of production.

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They belong in the sphere of consumption, not in the sphere of production.

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In scrutinizing the problems of interventionism, we are intent upon examining the claims of

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the advocates of government interference with business that their system offers an alternative

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to Other Economic Systems.

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No such claim can reasonably be raised with regard to measures restricting production.

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The best they can attain is curtailment of output and satisfaction.

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Wealth is produced by expending a certain quantity of factors of production.

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Curtailing this quantity does not increase, but decreases the amount of goods produced.

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Even if the ends aimed at by shortening the hours of work could be attained by such a

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decree, it would not be a measure of production.

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It is invariably a way of cutting down output.

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Capitalism is a system of social production.

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Socialism, say the socialists, is also a system of social production.

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But with regard to measures restricting production, even the interventionists cannot raise a similar

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Economics does not contend that restriction is a bad system of production.

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asserts that it is not a system of production at all, but rather a system of quasi-consumption.

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Most of the ends the interventionists want to attain by restriction cannot be attained

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this way.

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But even where restrictive measures are fit to attain the ends sought, they are only restrictive.

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The enormous popularity which restriction enjoys in our day is due to the fact that

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In dealing with the problem of shortening the hours of work by government decree, the public is not aware of the fact that total output must drop, and that it is very probable that the wage earner's standard of living will be potentially lowered too.

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It is a dogma of present-day unorthodoxy that such a pro-labor measure is a social gain

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for the workers, and that the costs of these gains fall entirely upon the employers.

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Whoever questions this dogma is branded as a sycophantic apologist of the unfair pretensions

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of rugged exploiters and pitilessly persecuted.

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It is insinuated that he wants to reduce the wage earners to the poverty and the long working

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hours of the early stages of modern industrialism.

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As against all this slander, it is important to emphasize again that what produces wealth

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and well-being is production and not restriction.

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That in the capitalist countries the average wage earner consumes more goods and can afford

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to enjoy more leisure than his ancestors, and that he can support his wife and children

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and need not send them to work, is not an achievement of governments and labor unions.

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It is the outcome of the fact that profit-seeking business has accumulated and invested more

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for Capital, and thus increased a thousand-fold the productivity of labor.
