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NOTE XXVIII. Interference by Taxation

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Chapter 28 Interference by Taxation

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1. The Neutral Tax

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To keep the social apparatus of coercion and compulsion running requires expenditure of labor and commodities.

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Under a liberal system of government, these expenditures are small compared with the sum of the individual's incomes.

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The more the government expands the sphere of its activities, the more its budget increases.

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If the government itself owns and operates plants, farms, forests and mines, it might

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consider covering a part or the whole of its financial needs from interest and profit earned.

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But government operation of business enterprises as a rule is so inefficient that it results

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in Losses rather than in Profits. Governments must resort to taxation, that is, they must

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raise revenues by forcing the subjects to surrender a part of their wealth or income.

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A neutral mode of taxation is conceivable that would not divert the operation of the

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market from the lines in which it would develop in the absence of any taxation. However, the

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The vast literature on problems of taxation, as well as the policies of governments, have

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hardly ever given thought to the problem of the neutral tax.

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They have been more eager to find the just tax.

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The neutral tax would affect the conditions of the citizens only to the extent required

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by the fact that a part of the labor and material goods available is absorbed by the government

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apparatus.

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In the imaginary construction of the evenly rotating economy, the Treasury continually

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levies taxes and spends the whole amount raised, neither more nor less, for defraying the costs

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incurred by the activities of the government's officers.

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A part of each citizen's income is spent for public expenditure.

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If we assume that in such an evenly rotating economy there prevails perfect income equality

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in such a way that every household's income is proportional to the number of its members,

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both a head tax and a proportional income tax would be neutral taxes.

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Under these assumptions there would be no difference between them.

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A part of each citizen's income would be absorbed by public expenditure, and no secondary effects

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of taxation would emerge.

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The changing economy is entirely different from this imaginary construction of an evenly

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rotating economy with income equality.

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Continuous change and the inequality of wealth and income are essential and necessary features

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of the changing market economy.

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The only real and working system of the market economy.

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In the frame of such a system, no tax can be neutral.

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The very idea of a neutral tax is as unrealizable as that of neutral money.

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But of course, the reasons for this inescapable non-neutrality are different in the case of

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taxes from what they are in the case of money.

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A head tax that taxes every citizen equally and uniformly without any regard to the size

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of his income and wealth, falls more heavily upon those with more moderate means than upon

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those with more ample means.

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It restricts the production of the articles consumed by the masses more sharply than that

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of the articles mainly consumed by the wealthier citizens.

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On the other hand, it curtails saving and capital accumulation less than a more burdensome

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taxation of the wealthier citizens does.

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It does not slow down the tendency toward a drop in the marginal productivity of capital

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goods as against the marginal productivity of labor to the same extent as does taxation

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discriminating against those with higher income and wealth.

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And consequently, it does not to the same extent retard the tendency toward a rise in

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wage rates.

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The actual fiscal policies of all countries are today exclusively guided by the idea that

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taxes should be apportioned according to each citizen's ability to pay.

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In the considerations which finally resulted in the general acceptance of the ability to

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To Pay Principle, there was some dim conception that taxing the well-to-do more heavily than

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those with moderate means renders a tax somewhat more neutral.

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However this may be, it is certain that any reference to tax neutrality was very soon

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entirely discarded.

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The ability to pay principle has been raised to the dignity of a postulate of social justice.

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As people see it today, the fiscal and budgetary objectives of taxation are of secondary importance

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only.

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The primary function of taxation is to reform social conditions according to justice.

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Taxation is a method of government interference with business.

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A tax is the more satisfactory, the less neutral it is, and the more it serves as a device

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Case for diverting production and consumption from those lines into which the unhampered

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market would have directed them.

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2.

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The Total Tax.

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The idea of social justice implied in the ability to pay principle is that of perfect

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financial equality of all citizens.

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As long as any inequality of income or wealth remains, it can as plausibly be argued that

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these larger incomes and fortunes, however small their absolute amount, indicate some

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excess of ability to be levied upon, as it can be argued that any existing inequalities

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of income and wealth indicate differences in ability.

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The only logical stopping place of the ability to pay doctrine is at the complete equalization

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of incomes and wealth by confiscation of all incomes and fortunes above the lowest amount

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in the hands of anyone.

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The notion of the total tax is the antithesis of the notion of the neutral tax.

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The total tax completely taxes away, confiscates all incomes and estates.

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Then, the government, out of the community chest thus filled, gives to everybody an allowance

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for defraying the costs of his sustenance.

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Or, what comes to the same thing, the government, in taxing, leaves free that amount which it

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considers everybody's fair share, and completes the shares of those who have less, up to the

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The idea of the total tax cannot be thought out to its ultimate logical consequences.

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If the entrepreneurs and capitalists do not derive any personal benefit or damage from

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their utilization of the means of production, they become indifferent with regard to the

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choice between various modes of conduct.

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Their social function fades away and they become disinterested irresponsible administrators

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of public property.

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They are no longer bound to adjust production to the wishes of the consumers.

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If only the income is taxed away while the capital stock itself is left free, an incentive

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is offered to the owners to consume parts of their wealth and thus to hurt the interests

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of everyone.

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A total income tax would be a very inept means for the realization of socialism.

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If the total tax affects wealth no less than income, it is no longer a tax, that is, a

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device for collecting government revenue within a market economy.

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It becomes a measure for the transition to socialism.

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As soon as it is consummated, socialism has been substituted for capitalism.

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Even when looked upon as a method for the realization of socialism, the total tax is disputable.

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Some socialists launched plans for a pro-socialist tax reform.

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They recommended either a 100% estate and gift tax, or taxing away totally the rent

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of land, or all unearned income.

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That is, in the socialist terminology, all revenue not derived from labor performed.

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The examination of these projects is superfluous.

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It is enough to know that they are utterly incompatible with the preservation of the

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market economy.

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3.

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Fiscal and non-fiscal objectives of taxation.

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The fiscal and non-fiscal objectives of taxation do not agree with one another.

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Consider for instance excise duties on liquor.

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If one considers them as a source of government revenue, the more they yield, the better they

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appear.

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Of course, as the duty must enhance the price of the beverage, it restricts sales and consumption.

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It is necessary to find out by testing under what rate of duty the yield becomes highest.

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But if one looks at liquor taxes as a means of reducing the consumption of liquor as much

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as possible, the rate is better the higher it is.

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Pushed beyond a certain limit, the tax makes consumption drop considerably, and also the

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revenue concomitantly.

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If the tax fully attains its non-fiscal objective of weaning people entirely from drinking alcoholic

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beverages, the revenue is zero.

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It no longer serves any fiscal purpose.

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Its effects are merely prohibitive.

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The same is valid not only with regard to all kinds of indirect taxation, but no less

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for direct taxation.

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Discriminating taxes levied upon corporations and big business would, if raised above a

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certain limit, result in the total disappearance of corporations and big business.

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Capital levies, inheritance and estate taxes, and income taxes are similarly self-defeating

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if carried to extremes.

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There is no solution for the irreconcilable conflict between the fiscal and the non-fiscal

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The Power to Tax is, as Chief Justice Marshall pertinently observed, the power to destroy.

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This power can be used for the destruction of the market economy, and it is the firm

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resolution of many governments and parties to use it for this purpose.

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With the substitution of socialism for capitalism, the dualism of the coexistence of two distinct

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and its spheres of action disappears. The government swallows the whole orbit of the

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individual's autonomous actions and becomes totalitarian. It no longer depends for its

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financial support on the means exacted from the citizens. There is no longer any such

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thing as a separation of public funds and private funds.

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Management is a matter of the market economy.

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It is one of the characteristic features of the market economy that the government does

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not interfere with the market phenomena, and that its technical apparatus is so small that

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its maintenance absorbs only a modest fraction of the total sum of the individual citizen's

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incomes.

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Then, taxes are an appropriate vehicle for providing the funds needed by the government.

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They are appropriate because they are low and do not perceptibly disarrange production

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and consumption.

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If taxes grow beyond a moderate limit, they cease to be taxes and turn into devices for

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the destruction of the market economy.

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This metamorphosis of taxes into weapons of destruction is the mark of present-day public

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finance.

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We do not deal with the quite arbitrary value judgments concerning the problems of whether

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heavy taxation is a curse or a benefit, and whether the expenditures financed by the tax

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yield are or are not wise and beneficial.

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What matters is that the heavier taxation becomes, the less compatible it is with the

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preservation of the market economy.

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There is no need to raise the question of whether or not it is true that no country

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was ever yet ruined by large expenditures of money by the public and for the public.

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It cannot be denied that the market economy can be ruined by large public expenditures,

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and that it is the intention of many people to ruin it in this way.

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People often complain about the oppressiveness of heavy taxes.

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Statesmen are alarmed about the danger of eating the seed corn.

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Yet the true crux of the taxation issue is to be seen in the paradox that the more taxes increase,

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the more they undermine the market economy and, concomitantly, the system of taxation itself.

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Thus the fact becomes manifest that ultimately the preservation of private property and confiscatory measures are incompatible.

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Every specific tax, as well as a nation's whole tax system, becomes self-defeating above a certain height of the rates.

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4. The Three Classes of Tax Interventionism

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The various methods of taxation which can be used for the regulation of the economy, that is, as instruments of an interventionist policy, can be classified in three groups.

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1. The tax aims at totally suppressing or at restricting the production of definite commodities.

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It thus indirectly interferes with consumption too.

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It does not matter whether this end is aimed at by the imposition of special taxes or

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by exempting certain products from a general tax imposed upon all other products, or upon

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those products which the consumers would have preferred in the absence of fiscal discrimination.

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Tax exemption is employed as an instrument of interventionism in the case of customs

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duties.

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The domestic product is not burdened by the tariff which affects only the merchandise imported

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from abroad.

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Many countries resort to tax discrimination in regulating domestic production.

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They try, for instance, to encourage the production of wine, a product of small or medium-sized

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grape growers, as against the production of beer, a product of big-size breweries, by

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by Submitting Beer to a More Burdensome Excise Tax Than Wine

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2. The tax expropriates a part of income or wealth.

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3. The tax expropriates income and wealth entirely.

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We do not have to deal with the third class, as it is merely a means for the realization of socialism,

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and as such is outside the scope of interventionism.

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The first class is, in its effects, not different from the restrictive measures dealt with in the following chapter.

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The second class encompasses confiscatory measures dealt with in Chapter 32.
