WEBVTT

NOTE XXX. Interference with the Structure of Prices (continued)

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3. Minimum Wage Rates

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The very essence of the interventionist politician's wisdom is to raise the price of labor either

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by government decree or by violent action on the part of labor unions. To raise wage

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rates above the height at which the unhampered market would determine them is considered

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apostolate of the eternal laws of morality as well as indispensable from the economic

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Point of View.

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Whoever dares to challenge this ethical and economic dogma is scorned both as depraved

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and ignorant.

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Many of our contemporaries look upon people who are foolhardy enough to cross a picket

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line as primitive tribesmen looked upon those who violated the precepts of taboo conceptions.

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Millions are jubilant if such scabs receive their well-deserved punishment from the hands

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The Market Wage Rate tends toward a height at which all those eager to earn wages get jobs, and all those eager to employ workers can hire as many as they want.

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It tends toward the establishment of what is nowadays called full employment.

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Where there is neither government nor union interference with the labor market, there

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is only voluntary or catallactic unemployment.

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But as soon as external pressure and compulsion, be it on the part of the government or on

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the part of the unions, tries to fix wage rates at a higher point, institutional unemployment

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emerges.

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While there prevails on the unhampered labor market a tendency for catallactic unemployment

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to Disappear.

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Institutional unemployment cannot disappear as long as the government or the unions are

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successful in the enforcement of their fiat.

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If the minimum wage rate refers only to a part of the various occupations while other

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sectors of the labor market are left free, those losing their jobs on its account enter

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are the free branches of business and increase the supply of labor in them.

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When unionism was restricted to skilled labor mainly, the wage rise achieved by the unions

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did not lead to institutional unemployment.

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It merely lowered the height of wage rates in those branches in which there were no efficient

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unions or no unions at all.

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The corollary of the rise in wages for organized workers was a drop in wages for unorganized workers.

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But with the spread of government interference with wages and with government support of unionism,

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conditions have changed.

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Institutional unemployment has become a chronic or permanent mass phenomenon.

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Writing in 1930, Lord Beveridge, now an enthusiastic advocate of government and union meddling

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with the Labor Market, pointed out that the potential effect of a high wages policy in

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causing unemployment is not denied by any competent authority.

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In fact, to deny this effect is tantamount to a complete disavowal of any regularity

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in the sequence and interconnectedness of market phenomena.

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Those earlier economists who sympathized with the unions were fully aware of the fact that

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Unionization can achieve its ends only when restricted to a minority of workers.

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They approved of unionism as a device beneficial to the group interests of a privileged labor

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aristocracy and did not concern themselves about its consequences for the rest of the

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wage earners.

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No one has ever succeeded in the effort to demonstrate that unionism could improve the

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It is important to remember also that Karl Marx did not contend that unions could raise

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the average standard of wages.

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As he saw it, the general tendency of capitalistic production is not to raise but to sink the

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average standard of wages.

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Such being the tendency of things, all that unionism can achieve with regard to wages is

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making the best of the occasional chances for their temporary improvement.

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The unions counted for Marx only as far as they attacked the very system of wage slavery

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and present-day methods of production.

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They should understand that instead of the conservative motto, a fair day's wages for

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for a Fair Day's Work, they ought to inscribe on their banner the revolutionary watchword,

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abolition of the wages system. Consistent Marxians always opposed attempts to impose

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minimum wage rates as detrimental to the interests of the whole labor class. From the beginning

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of the modern labor movement, there was always an antagonism between the unions and the revolutionary

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Socialists. The older British and American unions were exclusively dedicated to the enforcement

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of higher wage rates. They looked askance upon socialism, utopian as well as scientific.

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In Germany, there was a rivalry between the adepts of the Marxian creed and the union

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leaders. Finally, in the last decades preceding the outbreak of the First World War, the unions

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triumphed. They virtually converted the Social Democratic Party to the principles of interventionism

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and unionism. In France, Georges Sorrel aimed at imbuing the unions with that spirit of

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ruthless aggression and revolutionary bellicosity which Marx wanted to impart to them. There

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is today in every non-socialist country a manifest conflict between two irreconcilable factions

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The problems of labor unionism have been obfuscated and utterly confused by pseudo-humanitarian

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and Blather.

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The advocates of minimum wage rates, whether decreed and enforced by the government or

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by violent union action, contend that they are fighting for the improvement of the conditions

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of the working masses.

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They do not permit anyone to question their dogma that minimum wage rates are the only

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appropriate means of raising wage rates permanently and for all those eager to earn wages.

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They pride themselves on being the only true friends of labor, of the common man, of progress,

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and of the eternal principles of social justice.

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However, the problem is precisely whether there is any means for raising the standard

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of living of all those eager to work, other than raising the marginal productivity of

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labor by accelerating the increase of capital as compared with population.

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The union doctrinaires are intent upon obscuring this primary issue.

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They never refer to the only point that matters, namely the relation between the number of

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workers and the quantity of capital goods available.

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But certain policies of the unions involve a tacit acknowledgement of the correctness

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of the catallactic theorems concerning the determination of wage rates.

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Policies are anxious to cut down the supply of labor by anti-immigration laws and by preventing

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outsiders and newcomers from competing in the unionized sectors of the labor market.

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They are opposed to the export of capital.

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These policies would be nonsensical if it were true that the per capita quota of capital

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available is of no importance for determination of wage rates.

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The essence of the Union Doctrine is implied in the slogan Exploitation.

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According to the Union variety of the Exploitation Doctrine, which differs in some points from

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the Marxian creed, labor is the only source of wealth, and expenditure of labor the only

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real costs.

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By rights, all proceeds from the sale of products should belong to the workers.

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The worker has a fair claim to the whole produce of labor.

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The wrong that the capitalistic mode of production does to the worker consists in the fact that

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it permits landowners, capitalists and entrepreneurs to withhold a part of the worker's portion.

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The share which goes to these parasites is unearned income.

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It is manifestly a predatory revenue, a theft.

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The workers are right in their endeavors to raise wage rates, step by step, to such a

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height that finally nothing will be left for the support of a class of idle and socially

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useless exploiters.

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In aiming at this end, they continue the battle which earlier generations fought for the emancipation

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of slaves and serfs, and for the abolition of the imposts, tributes, tithes and unpaid

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Statute Labor with which the peasantry was burdened for the benefit of aristocratic landlords.

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The labor movement is a struggle for freedom and equality and for the vindication of the

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inalienable rights of man.

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Its ultimate victory is beyond doubt, for it is the inevitable trend of historical evolution

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to wipe out all class privileges and to establish firmly the realm of freedom and equality.

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The attempts of reactionary employers to halt progress are doomed.

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Such are the tenets of present-day social doctrine.

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It is true that some people, although in perfect agreement with its philosophical ideas, support

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the practical conclusions derived by the radicals only with certain reservations and qualifications.

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These moderates do not propose to abolish management's share altogether.

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They would be satisfied with cutting it down to a fair amount.

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As the opinions concerning the fairness of the revenues of the entrepreneurs and capitalists

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vary widely, the difference between the point of view of the radicals and that of the moderates

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is of little moment.

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The moderates also endorse the principle that real wage rates should always rise and never

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drop.

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In both world wars, few voices in the United States disputed the claim of the unions that

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the wage earners' take-home pay, even in a national emergency, should go up faster than

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the cost of living.

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All these sentimental disquisitions leave out of consideration the problems that matter,

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namely the economic aspects of the issue.

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They take no notice of institutional unemployment, the inescapable result of raising wage rates

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above the height determined by the unhampered market.

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As the union doctrine sees it, there is no harm in confiscating the specific revenue

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of the capitalists and entrepreneurs, partially or altogether.

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In dealing with this issue, they speak of profits in the sense in which the classical

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economists applied this term.

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They do not distinguish between entrepreneurial profit, interest on the capital employed and

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compensation for the technical services rendered by the entrepreneur.

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We will deal later with the consequences resulting from the confiscation of interest and profits

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and with the syndicalist elements involved in the ability to pay principle and in profit

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sharing schemes.

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We have examined the purchasing power argument as advanced in favor of a policy of raising

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wage rates above the potential market rates. What remains is to scrutinize the purport

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of the alleged Ricardo effect.

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Ricardo is the author of the proposition that a rise in wages will encourage capitalists

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to substitute machinery for labor and vice versa. Hence, conclude the union apologists,

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A policy of raising wage rates, irrespective of what they would have been on the unhampered

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labor market, is always beneficial. It generates technological improvement and raises the productivity

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of labor. Higher wage rates always pay for themselves. Enforcing the reluctant employers

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to raise wage rates, the unions become the pioneers of progress and prosperity.

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Many economists approve of the Ricardian proposition, although few of them are consistent enough

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to endorse the inference the union apologists draw from it.

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The Ricardo effect is, by and large, a stock in trade of popular economics.

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Nonetheless, the theorem involved is one of the worst economic fallacies.

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The confusion starts with the misinterpretation of the statement that machinery is substituted

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for Labor.

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What happens is that labor is rendered more efficient by the aid of machinery.

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The same input of labor leads to a greater quantity or a better quality of products.

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The employment of machinery itself does not directly result in a reduction of the number

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of hands employed in the production of the Article A concerned.

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What brings about this secondary effect is the fact that, other things being equal, an

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increase in the available supply of A lowers the marginal utility of a unit of A as against

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that of the units of other articles and that therefore labor is withdrawn from the production

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of A and employed in the turning out of other articles.

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The technological improvement in the production of A makes it possible to realize certain

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and projects which could not be executed before, because the workers required were employed

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for the production of A, for which consumer's demand was more urgent. The reduction of the

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number of workers in the A industry is caused by the increased demand of these other branches

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to which the opportunity to expand is offered. Incidentally, this insight explodes all talk

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Talk About Technological Unemployment

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Tools and machinery are primarily not labor-saving devices, but means to increase output per

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unit of input. They appear as labor-saving devices if looked upon exclusively from the

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point of view of the individual branch of business concerned. Seen from the point of

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view of the consumers and the whole of society, they appear as instruments that raise the

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The Productivity of Human Effort

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They increase supply and make it possible to consume more material goods and to enjoy

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more leisure.

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Which goods will be consumed in greater quantity and to what extent people will prefer to enjoy

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more leisure depends on people's value judgments.

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The employment of more and better tools is feasible only to the extent that the capital

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All required is available.

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Saving, that is, a surplus of production over consumption, is the indispensable condition

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of every further step toward technological improvement.

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Mere technological knowledge is of no use if the capital needed is lacking.

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Chinese businessmen are familiar with American ways of production.

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What prevents them from adopting the American methods is not the lowness of Chinese wages,

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but lack of capital.

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On the other hand, capitalist saving necessarily causes employment of additional tools and

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machinery.

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The role that plain saving, that is, the piling up of stocks of consumers' goods as a reserve

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for rainy days, plays in the market economy, is negligible.

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For capitalism, saving is as a rule capitalist saving.

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The excess of production over consumption is invested either directly in the saver's

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own business or farm, or indirectly in other people's enterprises through the instrumentality

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of savings deposits, common and preferred stock, bonds, debentures and mortgages.

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As we are dealing here with the conditions of the unhampered market economy, we may

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They disregard the capital-consuming effects of government borrowing.

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To the extent to which people keep their consumption below their net income, additional capital

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is created, and at the same time employed for the expansion of the capital equipment

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of the apparatus of production.

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As has been pointed out, this outcome cannot be affected by any synchronous tendency toward

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and an increase in cash holdings.

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On one hand, what is unconditionally needed for the employment of more and better tools

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is additional accumulation of capital.

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On the other hand, there is no employment available for additional capital other than

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that provided by the application of more and better tools.

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Plato's proposition and the union doctrine derived from it turn things upside down.

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A tendency toward higher wage rates is not the cause, but the effect of technological

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improvement.

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Profit-seeking business is compelled to employ the most efficient methods of production.

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What checks a businessman's endeavors to improve the equipment of his firm is only

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lack of capital.

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If the capital required is not available, no meddling with wage rates can provide it.

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All that minimum wage rates can accomplish with regard to the employment of machinery

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is to shift additional investment from one branch into another.

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Let us assume that in an economically backward country, Ruritania, the Stevedores Union succeeds

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is enforcing the entrepreneurs to pay wage rates which are comparatively much higher

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than those paid in the rest of the country's industries.

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Then it may result that the most profitable employment for additional capital is to utilize

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mechanical devices in the loading and unloading of ships.

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But the capital thus employed is withheld from other branches of ruritania's business,

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in which, in the absence of the Union's policy, it would have been employed in a more profitable

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way.

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The effect of the high wages of the stevedores is not an increase, but a drop in Ruritania's

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total production.

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The example is merely hypothetical.

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Such a powerful Union would probably prohibit the employment of mechanical devices in the

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The Loading and Unloading of Ships in Order to Create More Jobs

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Real wage rates can rise only to the extent that, other things being equal, capital becomes

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more plentiful.

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If the government or the unions succeed in enforcing wage rates which are higher than

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those the unhampered labor market would have determined, the supply of labor exceeds the

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The Demand for Labor, Institutional Unemployment Emerges

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Firmly committed to the principles of interventionism, governments try to check this undesired result

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of their interference by resorting to those measures which are nowadays called full employment

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policy, unemployment doles, arbitration of labor disputes, public works by means of lavish

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Fresh Public Spending, Inflation and Credit Expansion. All these remedies are worse than

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the evil they are designed to remove. Assistance granted to the unemployed does not dispose

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of unemployment. It makes it easier for the unemployed to remain idle. The nearer the

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allowance comes to the height at which the unhampered market would have fixed the wage

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Wage Rate, the less incentive it offers to the beneficiary to look for a new job.

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It is a means of making unemployment last, rather than of making it disappear.

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The disastrous financial implications of unemployment benefits are manifest.

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Arbitration is not an appropriate method for the settlement of disputes concerning the

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height of wage rates.

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If the arbitrator's award fixes wage rates exactly at the potential market rate or below

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that rate, it is supererogatory.

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If it fixes wage rates above the potential market rate, the consequences are the same

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that any other mode of fixing minimum wage rates above the market height brings about,

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namely institutional unemployment.

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It does not matter to what pretext the arbitrator resorts in order to justify his decision.

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What matters is not whether wages are fair or unfair by some arbitrary standard, but

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whether they do or do not bring about an excess of supply of labor over demand for labor.

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It may seem fair to some people to fix wage rates at such a height that a great part of

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The potential labor force is doomed to lasting unemployment, but nobody can assert that it

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is expedient and beneficial to society.

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If government spending is financed by taxing the citizens or borrowing from them, the citizens'

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power to spend and invest is curtailed to the same extent as that of the public treasury

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expands.

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No additional jobs are created.

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But if the government finances its spending program by inflation, by an increase in the

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quantity of money and by credit expansion, it causes a general cash-induced rise in the

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prices of all commodities and services.

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If in the course of such an inflation the rise in wage rates sufficiently lags behind

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the rise in the prices of commodities, institutional unemployment may shrink or disappear altogether.

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But what makes it shrink or disappear is precisely the fact that such an outcome is tantamount to a drop in real wage rates.

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Lord Keynes considered credit expansion an efficient method for the abolition of unemployment.

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He believed that gradual and automatic lowering of real wages as a result of rising prices

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would not be so strongly resisted by labor as any attempt to lower money wage rates.

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However, the success of such a cunning plan would require an unlikely degree of ignorance and stupidity on the part of the wage earners.

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As long as workers believe that minimum wage rates benefit them, they will not let themselves be cheated by such clever tricks.

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In practice, all these devices of an alleged full-employment policy finally lead to the establishment of socialism of the German pattern.

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As the members of an arbitration court whom the employers have appointed, and those whom the unions have appointed, never agree with regard to the fairness of a definite rate,

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The decision virtually devolves upon the members appointed by the government.

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The power to determine the height of wage rates is thus vested in the government.

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The more public works expand and the more the government undertakes

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in order to fill the gap left by private enterprises' inability to provide jobs for all,

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the more the realm of private enterprise shrinks.

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Thus, we are again faced with the alternative of capitalism or socialism.

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There cannot be any question of a lasting policy of minimum wage rates.

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The Catalactic Aspects of Labor Unionism The only catalactic problem with regard to

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labor unions is the question of whether or not it is possible to raise by pressure and

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and Compulsion, the wage rates of all those eager to earn wages above the height the unhampered

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market would have determined.

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In all countries, the labor unions have actually acquired the privilege of violent action.

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The governments have abandoned in their favor the essential attribute of government, the

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exclusive power and right to resort to violent coercion and compulsion.

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Of course, the laws which make it a criminal offense for any citizen to resort, except

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in case of self-defense, to violent action, have not been formally repealed or amended.

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However, actually labor union violence is tolerated within broad limits.

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The labor unions are practically free to prevent by force anybody from defying their orders

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concerning wage rates and other labor conditions.

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They are free to inflict with impunity bodily evils upon strikebreakers and upon entrepreneurs

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and mandatories of entrepreneurs who employ strikebreakers.

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They are free to destroy property of such employers and even to injure customers patronizing

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their shops.

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The authorities, with the approval of public opinion, condone such acts.

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The police do not stop such offenders.

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The state attorneys do not arraign them, and no opportunity is offered to the penal courts

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to pass judgment on their actions.

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In excessive cases, if the deeds of violence go too far, some lame and timid attempts at

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repression and prevention are ventured.

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But as a rule, they fail.

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Their failure is sometimes due to bureaucratic inefficiency or to the insufficiency of the

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and the means at the disposal of the authorities, but more often to the unwillingness of the

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whole governmental apparatus to interfere successfully.

300
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Such has been the state of affairs for a long time in all non-socialist countries.

301
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The economist, in establishing these facts, neither blames nor accuses.

302
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He merely explains what conditions have given to the unions the power to enforce their minimum

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from Wage Rates and What the Real Meaning of the Term Collective Bargaining is.

304
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As union advocates explain the term collective bargaining, it merely means the substitution

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of a union's bargaining for the individual bargaining of the individual workers.

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In the fully developed market economy, bargaining concerning those commodities and services

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of which homogeneous items are frequently bought and sold in great quantities, is not affected

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by the manner in which non-fungible commodities and services are traded.

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The buyer or seller of fungible consumer goods or of fungible services fixes a price tentatively

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and adjusts it later according to the response his offer meets from those interested, until

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While he is in a position to buy or to sell as much as he plans, technically no other

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procedure is feasible.

313
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The department store cannot haggle with its patrons.

314
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It fixes the price of an article and waits.

315
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If the public does not buy sufficient quantities, it lowers the price.

316
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A factory that needs 500 welders fixes a wage rate which, as it expects, will enable it

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to hire 500 men. If only a minor number turns up, it is forced to allow a higher rate.

318
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Every employer must raise the wages he offers up to the point at which no competitor lures

319
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the workers away by overbidding. What makes the enforcement of minimum wage rates futile

320
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is precisely the fact that with wages raised above this point, competitors do not turn

321
00:30:12.940 --> 00:30:18.820
end up with a demand for labor big enough to absorb the whole supply.

322
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If the unions were really bargaining agencies, their collective bargaining could not raise

323
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the height of wage rates above the point of the unhampered market.

324
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As long as there still are unemployed workers available, there is no reason for an employer

325
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to raise his offer.

326
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Individual collective bargaining would not differ catallactically from individual bargaining.

327
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It would, like individual bargaining, give a virtual voice to those job seekers who have

328
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not yet found the jobs they are looking for.

329
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However, what is euphemistically called collective bargaining by union leaders and pro-labor

330
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legislation is of a quite different character.

331
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It is bargaining at the point of a gun.

332
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It is bargaining between an armed party ready to use its weapons and an unarmed party under duress.

333
00:31:12.680 --> 00:31:15.560
It is not a market transaction.

334
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It is a dictate forced upon the employer, and its effects do not differ from those of

335
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a government decree for the enforcement of which the police power and the penal courts

336
00:31:26.520 --> 00:31:27.920
are used.

337
00:31:27.920 --> 00:31:32.040
It produces institutional unemployment.

338
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The treatment of the problems involved by public opinion and the vast number of pseudo-economic

339
00:31:37.840 --> 00:31:40.840
writings is utterly misleading.

340
00:31:40.840 --> 00:31:44.960
The issue is not the right to form associations.

341
00:31:44.960 --> 00:31:50.600
It is whether or not any association of private citizens should be granted the privilege of

342
00:31:50.600 --> 00:31:54.360
resorting with impunity to violent action.

343
00:31:54.360 --> 00:32:00.280
It is the same problem that relates to the activities of the Ku Klux Klan.

344
00:32:00.280 --> 00:32:05.880
Neither is it correct to look upon the matter from the point of view of a right to strike.

345
00:32:05.880 --> 00:32:12.800
The problem is not the right to strike, but the right by intimidation or violence to force

346
00:32:12.800 --> 00:32:18.800
other people to strike, and the further right to prevent anybody from working in a shop

347
00:32:18.800 --> 00:32:22.560
in which a union has called a strike.

348
00:32:22.560 --> 00:32:27.840
When the unions invoke the right to strike in justification of such intimidation and

349
00:32:27.840 --> 00:32:38.840
and the Deeds of Violence, they are on no better ground than a religious group would be in invoking the right of freedom of conscience as a justification of persecuting dissenters.

350
00:32:39.840 --> 00:32:54.840
When in the past the laws of some countries denied to employees the right to form unions, they were guided by the idea that such unions have no objective other than to resort to violent action and intimidation.

351
00:32:54.840 --> 00:33:21.840
When the authorities in the past sometimes directed their armed forces to protect the employers, their mandataries and their property against the onslaught of strikers, they were not guilty of acts hostile to labor. They simply did what every government considers its main duty. They tried to preserve their exclusive right to resort to violent action.

352
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There is no need for economics to enter into an examination of the problems of jurisdictional strikes and of various laws, especially of the American New Deal, which were admittedly loaded against the employers and which assigned a privileged position to the unions.

353
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There is only one point that matters. If a government decree or labor union pressure and compulsion fix wage rates above the height of the potential market rates, institutional unemployment results.
