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NOTE XXXIII. Syndicalism and Corporativism

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Chapter 33, Syndicalism and Corporativism

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1. The Syndicalist Idea

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The term syndicalism is used to signify two entirely different things.

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Syndicalism as used by the partisans of Georges Sorrel means special revolutionary tactics to be resorted to for the realization of socialism.

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Labor unions, it implies, should not waste their strength in the task of improving the conditions of wage earners within the frame of capitalism.

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They should adopt action direct, unflinching violence to destroy all the institutions of capitalism.

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They should never cease to fight, in the genuine sense of the term, for their ultimate goal, socialism.

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The proletarians must not let themselves be fooled by the catchwords of the bourgeoisie, such as liberty, democracy, representative government.

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They must seek their salvation in the class struggle, in bloody revolutionary upheavals, and in the pitiless annihilation of the bourgeois.

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This doctrine played and still plays an enormous role in modern politics.

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It has provided essential ideas to Russian Bolshevism, Italian Fascism and German Nazism.

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But it is a purely political issue and may be disregarded in a catallactic analysis.

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The second meaning of the term syndicalism refers to a program of society's economic organization.

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While socialism aims at the substitution of government ownership of the means of production

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for Private Ownership.

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Syndicalism wants to give the ownership of the plants to the workers employed in them.

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Such slogans as the railroads to the railroad men, or the mines to the miners, best indicate

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the ultimate goals of syndicalism.

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The ideas of socialism and those of syndicalism in the sense of action direct were developed

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by intellectuals, whom consistent adepts of all Marxian sects cannot help describing as

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bourgeois.

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But the idea of syndicalism as a system of social organization is a genuine product of

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the proletarian mind.

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It is precisely what the naive employee considers a fair and expedient means for improving his

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own material well-being.

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If one were to take these plans seriously, one would not have to deal with them in a

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discussion of the problems of interventionism.

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One would have to realize that syndicalism is neither socialism, nor capitalism, nor interventionism,

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and a system of its own, different from these three schemes.

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However, one cannot take the syndicalist program seriously, and nobody ever has.

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Nobody has been so confused and injudicious as to advocate syndicalism openly as a social

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system.

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Syndicalism has played a role in the discussion of economic issues only as far as certain

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and programs unwittingly contained syndicalist features.

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There are elements of syndicalism in certain objectives of government and labor union interference

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with market phenomena.

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There are, moreover, guild socialism and corporativism, which pretended to avoid the government omnipotence

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inherent in all socialist and interventionist ventures by adulterating them with a syndicalist

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Admixture 2.

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The Fallacies of Syndicalism

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The root of the syndicalist idea is to be seen in the belief that entrepreneurs and

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capitalists are irresponsible autocrats who are free to conduct their affairs arbitrarily.

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Such a dictatorship must not be tolerated.

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The liberal movement, which has substituted representative government for the despotism

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The system of hereditary kings and aristocrats must crown its achievements by substituting industrial democracy for the tyranny of hereditary capitalists and entrepreneurs.

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The economic revolution must bring to a climax the liberation of the people which the political revolution has inaugurated.

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The fundamental error of this argument is obvious.

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Entrepreneurs and capitalists are not irresponsible autocrats.

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They are unconditionally subject to the sovereignty of the consumers.

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The market is a consumer's democracy.

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The syndicalists want to transform it into a producer's democracy.

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This idea is fallacious, for the sole end and purpose of production is consumption.

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What the syndicalist considers the most serious defect of the capitalist system, and disparages

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as the brutality and callousness of autocratic profit-seekers, is precisely the outcome of

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the supremacy of the consumers.

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Under the competitive conditions of the unhampered market economy, the entrepreneurs are forced

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to improve technological methods of production without regard to the vested interests of

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of the Workers.

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The employer is forced never to pay workers more than corresponds to the consumer's appraisal

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of their achievements.

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If an employee asks for a raise because his wife has born him a new baby and the employer

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refuses on the ground that the infant does not contribute to the factory's effort, the

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employer acts as the mandatory of the consumers.

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These consumers are not prepared to pay more for any commodity merely because the worker

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has a large family.

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The naivete of the syndicalists manifests itself in the fact that they would never concede

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to those producing the articles which they themselves are using, the same privileges

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which they claim for themselves.

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The syndicalist principle requires that the shares of every corporation should be taken

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away from absentee ownership and be equally distributed among the employees.

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Payment of interest and principal of debts is to be discontinued.

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Management will then be placed in the hands of a board elected by the workers, who are

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now also the shareholders.

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This mode of confiscation and redistribution will not bring about equality within the nation

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or the world.

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It would give more to the employees of those enterprises in which the quota of capital

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invested per worker is greater, and less to those in which it is smaller.

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It is a characteristic fact that the syndicalists in dealing with these issues always refer

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to Management and never mention entrepreneurial activities.

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As the average subordinate employee sees things, all that is to be done in the conduct of business

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is to accomplish those ancillary tasks which are entrusted to the managerial hierarchy

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within the frame of the entrepreneurial plans.

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In his eyes, the individual plant or workshop as it exists and operates today is a permanent

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Establishment. It will never change. It will always turn out the same products. He ignores

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completely the fact that conditions are in a ceaseless flux, and that the industrial

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structure must be daily adjusted to the solution of new problems. His world view is stationary.

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It does not allow for new branches of business, new products, and new and better methods for

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for Manufacturing the Old Products.

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Thus the syndicalist ignores the essential problems of entrepreneurship, providing the

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capital for new industries and the expansion of already existing industries, restricting

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branches for the products demand for which drops, technological improvement.

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It is not unfair to call syndicalism the economic philosophy of short-sighted people, of those

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Adamant conservatives who look askance upon any innovation and are so blinded by envy

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that they call down curses upon those who provide them with more, better and cheaper

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products.

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They are like patients who grudge the doctor his success in curing them of a malady.

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3.

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Syndicalist elements in popular policies.

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The popularity of syndicalism manifests itself in various postulates of contemporary economic

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policies.

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The essence of these policies is always to grant privileges to a minority group at the

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expense of the immense majority.

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They invariably result in impairing the wealth and income of the majority.

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Many labor unions are intent upon restricting the number of workers employed in their field.

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While the public wants more and cheaper books, periodicals and newspapers and would get them

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under the conditions of an unhampered labor market, the typographical unions prevent many

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newcomers from working in printing offices.

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The effect is, of course, an increase in the wages earned by the union members.

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But the corollary is a drop of wage rates for those not admitted, and an enhancement

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in the price of printed matter.

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The same effect is brought about by union opposition to the utilization of technological

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improvements and by all sorts of feather-bedding practices.

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Radical syndicalism aims at entirely eliminating payment of dividends to shareholders and of

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interest to creditors.

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The interventionists, in their enthusiasm for middle-of-the-road solutions, want to

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appease the syndicalists by giving the employees a part of the profits.

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Profit-sharing is a very popular slogan.

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There is no need to enter anew into an examination of the fallacies implied in the underlying

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philosophy.

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It suffices to show the absurd consequences to which such a system must lead.

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It may sometimes be good policy for a small shop or for an enterprise employing highly

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skilled workers to grant an extra bonus to employees if business is prosperous.

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But it is a non sequitur to assume that what under special conditions may be wise for an

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individual firm could work satisfactorily as a general system.

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There is no reason why one welder should make more money because his employer earns high

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profits and another welder less because his employer earns lower profits or no profits

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at all.

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The workers themselves would rebel against such a method of remuneration.

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It could not be preserved even for a short time.

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A caricature of the profit-sharing scheme is the ability-to-pay principle as recently

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introduced into the program of American labor unionism.

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While the profit-sharing scheme aims at an allocation to the employees of a part of profits

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already earned, the ability-to-pay scheme aims at a distribution of profits which some

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external observers believe the employer may earn in the future.

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The issue has been obfuscated by the fact that the Truman administration, after having

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accepted the new union doctrine, announced that it was appointing a fact-finding board,

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which would have the authority to examine the books of the employers in order to determine

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their ability to pay an increase in wages.

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However, the books can provide information only about past costs and proceeds, and past

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profits and losses.

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Estimates of future volume of production, future sales, future costs, or future profits

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or losses are not facts, but speculative anticipations.

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There are no facts about future profits.

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There cannot be any question of realizing the syndicalist ideal, according to which the

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proceeds of an enterprise should completely go to the employees, and nothing should be

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left for interest on the capital invested and profits.

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If one wants to abolish what is called unearned income, one must adopt socialism.

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4. Guild Socialism and Corporativism

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The ideas of Guild Socialism and Corporativism originated from two different lines of thought.

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The eulogists of medieval institutions long praised the eminence of the guilds. What was

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needed to wash away the alleged evils of the market economy was simply to return to the

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The Well-Tried Methods of the Past However, all these diatribes remained sterile.

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The critics never attempted to particularize their suggestions or to elaborate definite

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plans for an economic reconstruction of the social order.

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The most they did was to point out the alleged superiority of the old quasi-representative

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Assemblies of the type of the French Etat-Generaux and the German Ständische Landtagge as against

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the modern parliamentary bodies.

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But even with regard to this constitutional issue, their ideas were rather vague.

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The second source of guild socialism is to be found in specific political conditions

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of Great Britain.

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When the conflict with Germany became aggravated and finally in 1914 led to war, the younger

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British socialists began to feel uneasy about their program.

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The state idolatry of the Fabians and the glorification of German and Prussian institutions

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was paradoxical indeed at a time when their own country was involved in a pitiless struggle

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against Germany.

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What was the use of fighting the Germans when the most progressive intellectuals of the

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country longed for the adoption of German social policies?

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Was it possible to praise British liberty as against Prussian bondage, and at the same

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time to recommend the methods of Bismarck and his successors?

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British socialists yearned for a specifically British brand of socialism, as different as

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possible from the Teutonic brand.

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The problem was to construct a socialist scheme without totalitarian state supremacy and omnipotence,

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an individualistic variety of collectivism.

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The solution to this problem is no less impossible than that of the construction of a triangular

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square.

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Yet the young men of Oxford confidently tried to solve it.

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They borrowed for their program the name Guild Socialism from the little-known group of the

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by the eulogists of the Middle Ages. They characterized their scheme as industrial self-government,

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an economic corollary of the most renowned principle of English political rule, local

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government. In their plans, they assigned the leading role to the most powerful British

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pressure group, the trade unions. Thus, they did everything to make their device palatable

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to their countrymen.

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However, neither these captivating adornments nor the obtrusive and noisy propaganda could

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mislead intelligent people.

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The plan was contradictory and blatantly impracticable.

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After only a few years it fell into complete oblivion in the country of its origin.

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But then came a resurrection.

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The Italian fascists badly needed an economic program of their own.

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After having seceded from the international parties of Marxian socialism, they could no

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longer pose as socialists.

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Neither were they, the proud scions of the invincible Roman legionaries, prepared to

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make concessions to Western capitalism or to Prussian interventionism, the counterfeit

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are ideologies of the barbarians who had destroyed their glorious empire.

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They were in search of a social philosophy purely and exclusively Italian.

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Whether or not they knew that their gospel was merely a replica of British guild socialism

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is immaterial.

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At any rate, the Stato Corporativo was nothing but a re-baptized edition of guild socialism.

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The differences concerned only on important details.

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Corporativism was flamboyantly advertised by the bombastic propaganda of the fascists,

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and the success of their campaign was overwhelming.

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Many foreign authors exuberantly praised the miraculous achievements of the new system.

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The governments of Austria and Portugal emphasized that they were firmly committed to the noble

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ideas of corporativism.

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The Pope's encyclical, Quadra Gessimo Anno, 1931, contained passages which could, but

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need not, be interpreted as an endorsement of corporatism.

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At any rate, Catholic authors supported this interpretation in books which were published

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with the imprimatur of the Church authorities.

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Yet neither the Italian fascists nor the Austrian and Portuguese governments ever made any

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Any Serious Attempt to Realize the Corporativist Utopia.

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The Italians attached to various institutions the label corporativist and transformed the

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university chairs of political economy into chairs of economia politica e corporativa.

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But never was there any question of the much talked about essential feature of corporativism,

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of Government of the Various Branches of Trade and Industry

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The fascist government clung first to the same principles of economic policies which all not outright socialist governments have adopted in our day, interventionism.

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Then, later, it turned step by step toward the German system of socialism, that is, all-round state control of economic activities.

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The fundamental idea both of guild socialism and of corporativism is that every branch

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of business forms a monopolistic body, the guild or corporazione.

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This entity enjoys full autonomy.

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It is free to settle all its internal affairs without interference of external factors and

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of people who are not themselves members of the guild.

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The mutual relations between the various guilds are settled by direct bargaining from guild

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to guild, or by the decisions of a general assembly of the delegates of all guilds.

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In the regular course of affairs, the government does not interfere at all.

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Only in exceptional cases, when an agreement between the various guilds cannot be attained,

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is the state called in.

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In drafting this scheme, the guild socialists had in mind the conditions of British local

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government and the relation between the various local authorities and the central government

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of the United Kingdom.

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They aimed at self-government of each branch of industry.

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They wanted, as the webs put it, the right of self-determination for each vocation.

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In the same way in which each municipality takes care of its local community affairs

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and the National Government handles only those affairs which concern the interests of the

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whole nation, the Guild alone should have jurisdiction over its internal affairs, and

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the Government should restrict its interference to those things which the Guilds themselves

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cannot settle.

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However, within a system of social cooperation under the division of labor, there are no

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No such things as matters of concern only to those engaged in a special plant, enterprise,

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or branch of industry, and of no concern to outsiders.

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There are no internal affairs of any guild or corporazione, the arrangement of which

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does not affect the whole nation.

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A branch of business does not serve only those who are occupied in it.

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It serves everybody.

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If within any branch of business there is inefficiency, a squandering of scarce factors

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of production, or a reluctance to adopt the most appropriate methods of production, everybody's

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material interests are hurt.

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One cannot leave decisions concerning the choice of technological methods, the quantity

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and quality of products, the hours of work, and a thousand other things to the members

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of the Guild because they concern outsiders no less than members.

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In the market economy, the entrepreneur in making such decisions is unconditionally subject

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to the law of the market.

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He is responsible to the consumers.

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If he were to defy the orders of the consumers, he would suffer losses and would very soon

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forfeit his entrepreneurial position.

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But the monopolistic guild does not need to fear competition.

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It enjoys the inalienable right of exclusively covering its field of production.

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It is, if left alone and autonomous, not the servant of the consumers, but their master.

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It is free to resort to practices which favor its members at the expense of the rest of

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the people.

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It is of no importance whether within the Guild the workers alone rule or whether and

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to what extent the capitalists and the former entrepreneurs cooperate in the management

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of affairs.

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It is likewise without importance whether or not some seats in the Guild's governing

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board are assigned to representatives of the consumers.

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What counts is that the Guild, if autonomous, is not subject to pressure that would force

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It is free to give the interests of its members precedence over the interests of consumers.

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There is in the scheme of guild socialism and corporatism nothing that would take into

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account the fact that the only purpose of production is consumption.

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When the American New Deal embarked upon the National Recovery Administration Scheme, the

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government and its brain trust were fully aware of the fact that what they planned was

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merely the establishment of an administrative apparatus for full government control of business.

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The short-sightedness of the guild socialists and corporativists is to be seen in the fact

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that they believe that the Autonomous Guild, or corporazione, could be considered a device

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for a working system of social cooperation.

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It is very easy indeed for each guild to arrange its allegedly internal affairs in such a way

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as to satisfy its members fully.

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hours of work, high wage rates, no further improvements in technological methods or in

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the quality of the products which could inconvenience the members, very well.

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But what will the result be if all guilds resort to the same policies?

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Under the guild system there is no longer any question of a market.

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There are no longer any prices in the catallactic sense of the term.

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There are neither competitive prices nor monopoly prices.

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Those guilds which monopolize the supply of vital necessities attain a dictatorial position.

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The producers of indispensable foodstuffs and fuel and the suppliers of electric current

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and of transportation can with impunity squeeze the whole people.

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Does anybody expect that the majority will tolerate such a state of affairs?

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There is no doubt that any attempt to realize the corporativist utopia would in a very short

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time lead to violent conflicts if the government did not interfere when the vital industries

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abused their privileged position.

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What the doctrinaires envisage only as an exceptional measure, the interference of the

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government, will become the rule.

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Guild Socialism and Corporativism will turn into full government control of all production activities.

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They will develop into that system of Prussian zwangswirtschaft, which they were designed to avoid.

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There is no need to deal with the other fundamental shortcomings of the Guild scheme.

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It is as deficient as any other syndicalist project.

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It does not take into account the necessity of shifting capital and labor from one branch to another, and of establishing new branches of production.

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It entirely neglects the problem of saving and capital accumulation. In short, it is nonsense.
